Political subterfuge, which has often made President Jonathan less vulnerable, is a unique asset that sets him apart from his political foes. He cannot be easily ambushed. This came in very handy as deputy governor to the convicted but now pardoned money launderer, Alamieseigha whom he replaced as governor of Bayelsa. He was an unobtrusive vice president who played deaf to all the madness around him when Yar’Adua’s kitchen cabinet hijacked the presidency during his stay in a Saudi hospital. Others fought the war to make him acting president and finally president. After the battle and victory, just as he was been prodded on by ex-President Obasanjo, his god father, who often wants to play god, to denounce the provisions of the PDP constitution and run for the presidency, a reticent self-effacing Jonathan publicly stated he did not want to be distracted from achieving the goal he had set for himself- completing Yar’Adua’s agenda and conducting a credible election where every vote would count. He equally kept those who had argued vigorously that he would be the man to beat in 2015 if he rejected the bait guessing.

He has again in the last three months maintained a dignified silence even as sycophants led by men of all seasons like Ebenezer Babatope, Iwuanyawu and Jerry Gana, gathered in Abuja to canonize him as ‘the God-ordained’, the ‘best that has ever happened to Nigeria’, the ‘leader that embodies all the virtues of our past heroes,’ a selfless leader without whom there would be no Nigeria, the liberator of Ijaw nation,; etc.

Even as members of Rivers House of Assembly converted the mace to weapon for breaking heads, as visiting northern governors were ambushed and stoned by thugs claiming to work for the president, as oil theft reached the highest height after multi-billion dollar contract to militants who now swear there would be no Nigeria except he runs in 2015, President Jonathan has continued to maintain his peace.

But Jonathan’s weakest link is those who constituted his public face. They have failed to complement his greatest asset. Instead of adding value to his presidency, they have made him more vulnerable. The current face off between the president and Governor Amaechi of Rivers seems to have unmasked the president either as a result of sabotage, the hall mark of PDP or share incompetence as demonstrated by Nyesom Wike, Dr Doyin Okupe, Dr..Ahmed Gulak, and even a supposedly seasoned bureaucrat like the Inspector General of police. It is curious why they all chose to deploy obsolete weapons to fight modern warfare over peoples’ minds.

Leading the league of those who claim to be fighting the president’s yet to be declared 2015 battle is the Nyesom Wike, the minister of state (education). By strange coincidence, the academic staffs of our polytechnics and the universities are on strike with millions of our youths roaming the streets due to the failure of government to honour an agreement it signed back in 2009. What has now emerged is that the minister in charge of the critical sector had in fact been mobilizing, kitting, and training youths, militants, and five members of the Rivers State House of Assembly to replicate a strategy deployed by a few federal government backed enemies of democracy in the western house of assembly in 1962, a misadventure that marked the beginning of the end of that republic. The only innovation is the ambush of visiting northern governors, who were pelted with stones.

Here is a former local council chairman, appointed chief of staff by Amaechi who later nominated him for a ministerial position. Now he is at war with Amaechi allegedly because he wants to be the next governor of Rivers. Even if the war is being surreptitiously fought to retain the presidency within South-south zone, as claimed by Austin Opara and some Rivers State federal legislators loyal to the president, there is surely a more creative way to win the support of the people of Rivers other than turning the state into a theatre of war. Then how does the stoning of four northern governors by hoodlums wearing the minister of education T-shirts promote the cause of the president re-election? If he secures the PDP ticket for a second term, can the votes from Rivers or even the whole of South-south zone secure the presidency for Jonathan? Or has the bungling President Jonathan foot soldiers foreclosed the possibility of his having to campaign in those four northern states whose governors were viciously attacked by hoodlums at the Port Harcourt airport?

The outing of Okupe whose appointment, critics claimed undermined the president battle against corruption, was no less disastrous. Since no man ever wins a woman’s war, we will be expecting too much to prevail on the president to curtail the alleged excesses of his wife. Neither Babangida, Yar Adua, nor a brasher Obasanjo in power was able to manage his wife. But Okupe, paid through the public purse to shield the president by balancing his narrow interest and that of his wife against the nation’s overall interest let down the president in his hours of need. As if bereft of new ideas, Okupe, adopting an obsolete strategy of repeating lies to make them appear as truth, assaulted the public with his claim about the president non involvement in the Rivers’ crisis in the face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary. The president’s wife admission that she indeed has an axe to grind with Amaechi over his treatment of her Okrika people has only confirmed critics who from onset predicted Okupe would be a liability to Jonathan’s presidency.

I have no doubt that Okupe knew a better strategy to shield the president would have been to descend heavily on the five legislators that behaved like thugs, distance the president from their crudity and violence, proclaim loudly that irrespective of the president’s political differences with his brother, the governor of Rivers, he would not subscribe to attempt by misguided thugs to derail our democracy. He could have boomed that the president is too decent to get involved in such an amateurish and lumbering attempt at impeaching a speaker. He could have threatened that the full weight of the law would be brought to bear on all those who caused mayhem in the Rivers House of Assembly. That could have bought Jonathan government of subterfuge time to plan for a renewed assault on Amaechi, their sworn foe and threat to 2015 president’s ambition. That would have been less offensive than grandstanding ‘President Jonathan is bigger than Amaechi’.

In the league of those who have failed to protect the president in the current Rivers crisis is the Inspector General of Police. The only thing that resonates from all the IG has said on the crisis is ‘he had not received official complaints against Joseph Mbu from River State. That was a Freudian slip. This was a man quoted on pages of newspapers and seen on television calling the governor names, boasting he was not inferior to the governor, dropping the name of the NSA. A resourceful crisis manger without prejudice to his own politics would have known the game was up the moment Mbu started to see himself as alternative governor of Rivers; he should have been summoned to Abuja, publicly scolded and reposted to Borno State where services of such commissioners of police are needed. If the objective of the IG was to sacrifice the nations’ democracy in order to protect the interest of the president, he could still have achieved the same less ennobling objective by quietly reposting a more intelligent, less abrasive but equally spiteful Abuja loyalist to keep Amaechi under surveillance in Port Harcourt

President Goodluck Jonathan’s historic working visit to China between July 8 and 12, 2013, has come and gone, but not without the milestone technical agreements that would surely place Nigeria’s economy on the path of irreversible growth. Virtually every sector of the economy was covered by these agreements — oil and gas, transport, agriculture, tourism, aviation and so on.

The effect of that visit on the country’s aviation landscape, which is already benefitting from the Transformation Agenda of President Goodluck Jonathan in the aviation industry is worthy of note. Every regular user of Nigerian airports knows that these airports, especially the major ones, have witnessed undeniable infrastructural transformation in the last one year, courtesy of the Airport Remodelling Project designed to transform all airport terminals in the country into ultra-modern facilities that meet international standards and best practices. Prior to that period, the aviation landscape was dotted with abandoned and decaying infrastructure that dented the country’s public image in no small way.

The ARP is a major component of the Aviation Sector Master Plan, fashioned out by the Minister of Aviation, Stella Oduah, “to transform the aviation industry into an efficient, profitable, self-sustaining, effective and a preferred mode of transport.” Among the objectives of this Master Plan, otherwise known as the Aviation Road Map, are the creation of economic free zones that would encourage the inflow of Foreign Direct Investment, employment generation and maximal utilisation of airport infrastructure. Other major objectives of the plan that have received wide acclaim are the development of perishable cargo infrastructural facilities in designated airports and the development of airport cities, otherwise known as aerotropolis, designed to transform airports into major employment, shopping, leisure and trading destinations.

The actualisation of some of these objectives was what necessitated the inclusion of the aviation team on the President’s delegation to China. Besides, prior to the visit, the Minister of Aviation had embarked on a foreign investment drive, popularly called the Aviation Road Show, to different continents of the world. It was during the road show in China that the Chinese Government and businessmen showed tangible interest in several investment opportunities in the Nigerian aviation sector, including the construction of ultra-modern international airport terminals and related facilities, such as hotels and multi-storey car parks in Lagos, Abuja, Kano and Port Harcourt.

The signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Governments of Nigeria and China during the last trip marked a major milestone in the Nigerian aviation industry because it has opened up the industry in particular and the country as a whole, to the enormous economic opportunities that China provides today. For example, economists have determined that, in the next five years, Chinese overseas investments would reach US$500bn while its imports would exceed US$100tn. It is also envisaged that within this same period, the number of Chinese outbound tourists would exceed 400 million. All these translate to huge business potential that Nigeria and even developed countries cannot afford to ignore.

Today, airports are no longer mere departure and arrival points for aviation. They have become big businesses globally, actively driving the development of air transport, which is a veritable vehicle for rapid industrial and economic growth. Apart from providing critical capacity for current demand and future air transport growth, airports are major engines for socio-economic impetus to the regions and countries they serve. They are also symbols of national pride and prestige, when properly managed.

It is incontrovertible that air transport has assumed a vital role in the global economy because it provides the fastest and safest means of moving goods and services all over the world. For example, in 2011, over 2.8 billion people travelled by air worldwide, using 26 million flights. The industry, which has a global annual turnover of over US$1tn, is also a major employer of labour globally, employing over 8.36 million people in core aviation service and about 56 million people in aviation and tourism related industries.

With a population of over 160 million, Nigeria has an enormous market for aviation, even at the global level. Added to its substantial natural resources, rich tourism potential and strategic geographical location, the country could easily have become a major hub in the African air transport region but this dream had been difficult to actualise due to the underutilisation of our airports and the absence of an enabling environment in the aviation industry.

The ongoing transformation in the industry, as supervised by the ministry, has since changed all that and begun to move the industry on the path of recovery! Since 2011, there have been significant increases in passenger, aircraft and cargo movements. Records show that an average of 122.700 tonnes of cargo have been transported by air per annum since then, while passenger traffic at all our airport grew to 14.9 million in 2012. Total revenue generated from air ticket sales in the country increased from N225bn in 2011 to N232.5bn in 2013 while the total number of people employed in the country’s aviation sector increased from 60, 000 in 2011 to 85,000 in 2012.

Since the commencement of the Airport Remodelling Project, five terminals in Lagos (Domestic Terminal 1), Abuja, (General Aviation Terminal), Benin, Kano (International Terminal) and Enugu have been opened while the remaining terminals in the country are at various stages of completion, including the international terminal at the Murtala Muhammed Airport. On May 18, 2013, the President laid the foundations for the construction of an ultra-modern international terminal at the Akanu Ibiam International Airport, Enugu, on the same day that he inaugurated the remodelled terminal there, as a prelude to the commencement of international flights from the airport. Thirteen airports in different geopolitical zones of the country have already been designated as perishable cargo airports, to facilitate perishable cargo export from different agricultural zones in the country. This policy is expected to reduce unemployment and stem rural-urban migration, among other socio-economic benefits.

Instructive, the intervention of the Federal Government in airport infrastructural development is aimed at reversing the rot in airport infrastructure and subsequently, make Nigerian airports more attractive for meaningful local and foreign investments. South Africa blazed this trail for such government intervention in 1994, to good effect, and was followed shortly by Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia, Ethiopia and Mozambique. Nigeria is among the countries in Africa that joined the bandwagon much later. Others include Kenya, Tanzania, Angola, Zambia, Senegal and Ghana.

•Dati, Coordinating is General Manager, (Corporate Communications), Aviation Parastatals,

Nigerians worship two gods in their political affairs: tribe and religion. Both are more vengeful than Soponna, the Yoruba god of smallpox, but religion is more easily provoked and invoked. So, in 2010 when Sani Yerima — the man who kick-started the Sharia law controversy in Nigeria — married a minor, he reached for a choice armament: religion.

When he was questioned on the illegal –and immoral- act of snagging a child from the cradle, he claimed it was consistent with his religious beliefs. From painful experience, we know when someone like Yerima yells that his religion is threatened, the almajiri army in his constituency would need no further prompting before they commence burning anyone and everything. Yerima was thus left alone with his bride. Until the fury that the failed constitution amendment generated last week, Yerima’s marriage was a latent issue. It is remarkable that the ongoing debate did not even start with the malignant problem of child marriage, yet, it has become that all the same. Yerima is the face of the hoopla because of his original sin.

The Senate has feverishly explained, understandably though, that Nigerians misunderstood them but I am afraid it is too late. They will be hardly heard above the din. Another interesting dimension to the whole affair is how the good people of Ondo State have descended upon their lawmaker, Ayo Akinyelure, who has since been hashtagged as “the only Yoruba man who voted an obnoxious law.” The collective Ondo rage reduced Akinyelure to weeping like a wet puppy. He apologised and claimed he voted in error because he was not technologically savvy –a story that can be told only by politicians. It is almost comical. If only this wrath were directed at issues of corruption or bad governance too!

For the records, I support the removal of the problematic clause. If Section 29 4 (a)(b) of the Constitution says that a married woman of any age is of “full age,” it presupposes that a marriage to a female-minor is valid, and that the minor is married to someone older than 18. Otherwise, if a 16-year-old woman marries a fellow 16-year-old, does that mean she is considered of full age and he is not? How does “full age” account for the possibility of, say, a 19-year-old woman marrying a 17-year-old? There are various grey areas, some of which have been vigorously expounded in the media. It is best the Senate sits down and makes this a more extended conversation. And before it votes again, it should show the Akinyelures where to press their hand. This is a social discourse that should not be drowned under the usual debate-killing notions of “African culture” and various religious precepts.

Since the conversation turned to early marriages, there has been support for the practice, even among very educated people. Most of the proponents of child marriage plank the major parts of their discourse on what they termed women’s “sexual immorality.” To these unscientific theorists, preoccupied as they are with their standards of feminine morality, marriage becomes the ultimate solution; a fallacy passed down through the ages via the scions of patriarchates.  Their model of social redemption is so phallocentric that it does not stop to ask why things are the way they are. Rather, it assumes that young women have sex because of an itch between their legs and, they –mostly men — have just the right instrument to scratch it. Their fallacious paradigm does not seek to tease out why boys too indulge in pre-marital intercourse; they cannot spare time for such extended thinking because they are too fixated on women’s bodies. To them, early marriage is convenient and that is why they shag it to death.

The debate — and surrounding misunderstandings — is actually a very good one. It exposes the underbelly of the Nigerian situation. It shows there is disconnect between the ruler and the ruled in Nigeria. Those who give out their baby girls in marriage do not care about the law; to them the Constitution might as well be written for the members of the elite and a contented middle class. While the Constitution provides a good reference point, I do not see how it stops people who marry their daughters off at puberty because of poverty, culture and religious dogma. The reality of the Nigerian underclass differs from what exists in Abuja.

The controversy also shows the question of patriarchy in Nigerian politics. The 35 Senators who voted for this contentious clause to remain unchanged were men. If there had been more women in the House, perhaps things would have been different? Thanks to this debate, we can also confirm that some of our lawmakers are in Abuja to do nothing but earn outrageous fat salaries (that is why they yawn on live TV!) and they have zero understanding of what they do in the hallowed chambers. Otherwise, why would Akinyelure ask for forgiveness for a sin he did not quite commit?

The ongoing debate, however, reechoes Yerima’s original sin. In 2010, he declared he was within his fundamental religious right to marry a 13-year-old and, instructively, added that as a Muslim, he regarded the Islamic law and precepts above any other laws in the world. The question then and now is, if Yerima believes in the primacy of Islamic law, why is he in the Senate? Is he pretending not to know that the Senate is a tradition founded and evolved on Roman/ Western traditions? So, why did he not stay in Zamfara State and start his madrassa?

The point is not that a religious person should not participate in modern political systems since the laws of even secular countries evolved from religious cultures. The problem is that when people like Yerima straddle secular and religious laws, they do so not to reconcile their contradictions for social development. Rather, they exploit the opportunities and shortcomings inherent in both. When it suits Yerima, he reaches for Islam. When it is too stifling, he becomes a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

This ideological two-timing is Yerima’s original sin and the ongoing rage –largely misplaced as it is — sees him as the face of a sickening hypocrite. His Janus-faced behaviour, by a curious twist of fate and the power of social media, has returned to haunt him.

I think we are gradually losing our humanity in this country. And nothing better confirmed this to me than the three text messages I got yesterday morning. They were from a readers who had learnt of the auto accident that claimed the life of Mrs. Charity Iwarioba (aka Sisi), mother of First Lady Dame Patience Jonathan.

Rather than mourn with the First family, as Britons (who, by the way, have a lot of issues with the Royal family) are celebrating over the birth of a future king, Nigerians who have human blood flowing in their veins called and texted to jeer at Mrs. Jonathan. Many were actually happy that these bad roads that have been claiming the lives of many Nigerians had also touched Jonathan’s family. They did not even bother to find out if it was indeed caused by ‘bad road’.

Somebody even asked me to list all the people old and young who have died in road accident in the last six months to prove how all the deaths were caused by Jonathan’s non-performance.

Of course, virtually everyone of us has lost one friend or family member in road accidents, but we also know that the experience is not what we would wish for a fellow human, rich or poor, in or out of government.

Have things gone so bad that we have lost every sense of human feelings and sympathy? How then are we any different from Boko Haram and their suicide bombers? Why do we suddenly wish everyone in government dead? Why do those who have not wish all those who have dead?

The Monday accident is sure an eye-opener, to have we have slowly lost the capacity to empathize. And it is not a feeling of confined to the lower rungs of the economic ladder. Even in the media, we found a way to still squeeze partisan politics into our report s of the accident. Several reports quietly celebrated the fact that the body of the first lady’s mum was taken to the morgue by Evans Bipi, the lawmaker who was elected Speaker by the group of five lawmakers who tried to impeach the Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly penultimate week.

So, even in her bereavement, the first lady still manages to attract a lot of bashing – which I think is unfair who I consider the most transparent and uncomplicated player out there on our crowded political field. For with her, what you see is what you get.

In fact, watching her from a distance, one thing that regularly comes to my mind all the time is that Dame Patience Jonathan would probably be one of the toughest principals to ever work with – either as an adviser or spokesperson. It is always like that with people who bring a lot of native intelligence to the public sphere (or office).and that is no insult.  It was a problem the media managers of the Obasanjos of this world, the Orji Kalus of this world and the MKO Abiolas of this world always have to put up with. Just when you’d think you’ve reined them in, got them to shut their mouths for a change, and pushed out what you feel is a more politically correct media statement, they suddenly break loose, snatch the microphone and blow the lid on that which you had been trying to keep under cover. And they would say it in the ‘crudest’ of language – without any embellishments or pretensions. Of course, what they say is usually the truth, the naked facts.  And they never really mind whose ox is gored. But what they forget is that it is not all the time that the truth can be said.

Yes, Dame Patience is like that. That was why I was afraid for Prof. Wole Soyinka, when some mischievous fellows were suggesting a television debate between the Nobel Laureate and the First Lady to put an end to the little media war that was going on between the two of them. They reasoned that if such a debate ever took place, Soyinka would take Dame to the cleaners. That our sartorial professor would have started and concluded the debate before the First Lady succeeds in stringing together her first correct sentence. But that was where they got it wrong.  They forget that Soyinka only speaks better Queen’s English than the First Lady, but his Pidgin is not nearly as impeccable as hers. And, whoever said that debates are only conducted in Queen’s English?

And, don’t forget, apart from speech and fluent speaking, recent developments in the Rivers State House of Assembly have even shown that there are several other ways of ‘debating’ without actually speaking. In fact, when your mouth gets tired of talking – or fails to achieve the result a quickly as you want it, you can always bring your fists into the ‘debate’. If the fists don’t do it, you deploy the chairs. And if those are still not enough, you could also articulate your argument better by bringing the mace and camera tripods into the mix – after all, they say war is also a form of negotiation. But that’s just by the way.

As for the first lady, it is only a pity that the poor woman is now bereaved, but of the thousands of politicians bestriding the political landscape and constituting one form of obstacle to true democracy or the other, I still believe Dame Patience is the only one that would see white and tell you that it is actually white.

I wouldn’t know if it has to do with her upbringing, expose or touted limited vocabulary (English vocabulary, that is), but the fact remains that the current first lady is not one to play around with words. So, she just hits the nail on the heady, brushes aside all our insinuations about etiquette and finesse, and just moves on. And by the time we are through filling up newspaper pages, analyzing this latest booboo, she would have said or done another one. With her, it’s non-stop drama.

That is why I tell whoever cares to listen, that if Mrs. Jonathan were to seek elective office, I would be among the first to vote for her. At least, with her, you know that what you see is what you get. If the economy is not working, she will, like the rest of us, see it like any other market woman – no psychedelic theory about single-digit inflation, 7.5% growth in GDP, and all that.  She would just check the price of gari or rice and tell you; ‘gari never come down, so economy never improve’. She’s not going to confuse us with cleverly woven grammatical constructs which say essentially nothing.

And because she does not lie, she would not also allow you to tell a lie on her behalf. Or better still, she could allow you enjoy yourself by telling the public whatever you think the public should know about the situation, but you can be sure that whenever she gets the chance to talk, even if it is at the same event where you just spoke, she would just carry on like you never said anything, and would go ahead to tell the whole truth – including the part you left out for both ‘decency’ purposes and for purposes of political correctness. Of course, after she has finished, you might have need to do some damage control and image-laundering, but she would have said her own.

Take for instance when she had that medical scare that saw her spending several weeks in Germany and all manner of stories were flying from all quarters about what was actually happening. Some said she went on vacation, others said she went to visit her ailing mother. But when we probed further, they said; no, it was not the mother, but the step mum. Some even took to the social media to announce that she was actually on a jewelry-shopping spree. That she had started off in Dubai and then headed to Europe from there. It was only one report that alluded to the remote fact that she may have had food poisoning. In all these, my colleague, Funke Egbemode, and I told whoever cared to listen, to exercise patience, that Dame Patience does not lie; that whenever she returned, she would, in her own words, tell us what actually happened. All we needed to do was to pray for her safe return. The rest, as they say, is now history. The woman returned and dragged the same President Jonathan (whose presidency handlers had actually joined in the media spin to cover up the First Lady’s ailment) to church for thanksgiving. And during ‘testimony time’, Dame Patience came out with the whole truth: how she died for seven days, how the surgeons brought out all her intestines, how even her closest friends thought she had died and were even sharing her property. She thanked those who needed thanking and cursed those who needed cursing. Vintage Dame!

It was against the backdrop, therefore, that I patiently waited,  over this ongoing Rivers crisis, knowing that the First Lady would open up on the matter sooner than later. So, while the president’s men kept telling us that Jonathan was not involved in the crisis in the Nigerian Governors Forum and that there was no link between the NGF crisis and the madness going on in Rivers State, I did not disbelieve them. I just resolved to believe it only if Dame Patience tells us the story. For with her, there is no script, or any coaching before speaking. She always speaks from her heart and ‘naively’ lays the fact as bare as she knows them. Like Lamidi Adedibu of blessed memory, she is not one to go crosscheck what the constitution says about her position before she expresses it. Yes, remember, Adedibu, for instance, just could not understand why the Rashidi Ladoja that he made governor was refusing to give him a share of the governor’s security vote every month. For Dame Patience, like Adedibu, if we can afford to do something secretly, there can be nothing wrong if we also talk about it openly.

She made no secret of the fact that she and her husband are not happy with Amaechi, that Amaechi hurt her ego with his handling of the Okirika demolitions and urban renewal project, as well as his treatment of the then local government chairman – the ‘boy’ that, according to the First Lady, was removed soon after he hosted her.

Of course Dame Patience would not also feel that she owes us any explanation that a crony of hers led four others to impeach a speaker who had the backing of 26 others in an assembly of 32 members. After all, it’s only the case of one ex-aide that she’s pushing. Others impose their wives, sons, daughters, in-laws and all on the same government, and pass them on as having emerged through a transparent and democratic process – simply because the imposition was done with finesse.

So, while her more urbane counterparts do worse things underground, Dame Patience, probably for lack of capacity to cleverly play the intrigues of power politics, puts everything on the table. She does not understand why she should go the mind-tasking process of mobilizing people to come and ask her husband to run for 2015, when she already knows he wants to run and she wants him to run. So, even while the President is waiting for the politically correct time to declare his interest, she can begin to tell people; ‘if una like me and my husband, make una vote for us again o’.

In the Nigeria Economic Report issued by The World Bank in May 2013, the most impoverished state in the country, Jigawa, has a poverty rate of 77.5%. This connotes that out of over 4.3million estimated inhabitants of Jigawa, 3.3million are living below the poverty line of $1.25 per day. In rudimentary terms, 3 out of every 4 people in Jigawa are poverty-stricken. The northern part of the country is the hardest hit by austerity, as the north-east & north-west zones have over 70% poverty rates. Earlier this year, a flurry of news reports purported that the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics (NBS) released figures which held that Sokoto, with a poverty rate of 81.2%, was the poorest state in the country. Dr. Yemi Kale, the Statistician-General of the nation, officially decried the report as a ‘bogus, fictitious, baseless and inciting publication on Sokoto State as the poorest state in Nigeria.’ The actual figures were off-beam, but euphemistic retorts do not negate the fact that there remains a core problem.

Projected estimates of Nigeria’s population by the end of 2013 rest at 170 million; and government parastatals ambivalently claim that between 50% – 60% of the aforementioned figure is spread across northern geo-political zones. Considering that approximately 70% of the resultant figure falls under 35years of age, youths are the bulk of people in those zones living in impecuniosity. Also, considering that poverty and a sense of purposelessness are normally in tandem, these youths unfortunately serve as cannon-fodder for propagandists; and in this case, potential recruits for Boko Haram. In virtually every failed system which faced insurgency, historically speaking, a charismatic leader either put food/material provision in one hand or a gun/weapon in the other, but (most crucial of all) ALWAYS an idea in the mind of followers. The apex goal to be achieved is usually the secession from or demolition of a corrupted old system and establishment of a new system.

Leon Trotsky & Vladimir Lenin, Maximilien Robespierre & the Jacobins, Napoleon Bonaparte, Hugo Chavez, Huey Newton, Adolf Hitler, Fidel Castro & Ernesto “Che” Guevara, Shaka Zulu, Malik “Malcolm X” Shabazz, Muammar Gaddafi; as well as Abubakar Shekau and late Mohammed Yusuf of Boko Haram are part of an exceedingly extensive list of revolutionaries the world will not forget anytime soon. The issue of crucial importance is the moral-compass which guides their ideologies. Without taking into account the extensive list of crimes committed by Boko Haram, the bloodletting of people and even children on some occasions cannot be justified. Sheik Sani Haliru and a number of other former Boko Haram militants who abjured their ties to the organisation have given insight into Boko Haram’s modus operandi for recruitment; while also articulating the controversial religious aspect to be considered, as well as the background layer of politics and clandestine political puppeteers.

Boko Haram recruits youths in the age range of 17 and 30; but cases of children in their early teens, paid by the organisation to commit arson on school properties (as well as other crimes), have been reported. The fresh recruits are said to be trained in Mali for between 4-6 months. A number of these recruits have gone through the hardship of the Almajiri system; which no longer serves its purpose in the educational system of northern Nigeria. In recent times, Senate President, David Mark, proposed the idea of banning the Almajiri system, and Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso of Kano State, among other leaders, was in support. A rationale behind the proposed proscription of the Almajiri system is that it readily provides potential recruits, who are recalcitrant towards various forms of authority and an uncaring society due to poverty exceeding Dickensian levels & severe hardships; for Boko Haram, Ansaru (an offshoot of the former) & other terrorist organisations. In simplistic terms, the Almajiri system raises many ‘rebels with no cause.’

Until recent times, it seemed to the public eye that the Nigerian government, in all its colossal might, was flagrantly defied by a sect; in the paradoxical manner of a heavyweight champion being pummelled senseless by a schoolyard bully. But when Dr. Jonathan declared a state of emergency in Yobe, Adamawa and Borno states, there was standing ovation across most of the nation; and possibly his first since the 2011 elections, taking into account how outraged Nigerians ensured his Facebook page was rarely devoid of curses for most of 2012 – which incidentally set the record for the most insulted president globally – following the sudden hike in fuel price. The Shakespearian adage, “uneasy lies the head that wears a crown,” could not be truer in the President’s case. Many elements make the country ungovernable, and the vox populi which praises and lampoons in one breath scarcely helps matters. Nigeria is a country that requires ironhanded decisions at times; but the aspiration by the decision-makers is that such decisions yield favourable results eventually.

The need for the practical supersedence of democracy, by the suppressing military occupation of Yobe, Adamawa and Borno, is crucial to quell the insurgency on a short-term basis; but two areas of dispute are the funding required and the short-term approach to the long-term dilemma. ?950 billion was allocated for security in the country’s 2013 budget, yet it remains insufficient to bankroll the North-Eastern military operations. Minister of Finance, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, held that no pertinent supplementary budget would be prepared; and Goodluck Jonathan’s solution – approved by the National Assembly – is the detraction from state and local government coffers, which contravenes the system of federalism, yet offers a transient solution to the mire. But the crisis remains a blatant aspect of a much bigger problem that promises recurrence. And instead of adapting the pragmatic approach of force alone, which solves only the acute malady, a more effective two-pronged solution could be implemented. The key component among others, which fuels the insurrection, is poverty. It remains a foundation on which ideologies can be built, as both ideologies & poverty are rooted in the mind before physical manifestations; and jackboots cannot effectively crush an idea. The best way to kill an idea is with a more powerful opposing idea; and true wealth is also rooted in the mind before being made tangible. Focused efforts of Dr. Jonathan should be on inputting such into the minds of the youth in the affected areas for true wealth creation, and the use of force for the insurgency; or there will indefinitely be recurrence and escalation. This is evidenced in the spread of not only Boko Haram, but also Ansaru, Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa (MOJAO) and even the Ombatse cult.

Ayodeji Obademi predominantly writes on current affairs and societal issues. An erudite alumnus of Portobello College, Ireland and Babcock University, Nigeria, he also specialises in the professional fields of marketing & business development. He can be reached on jayeobademi@yahoo.com

Follow on Twitter: @Dejiobad

We  face neither East nor West, we face forward

—Dr. Kwame Nkrumah

The former President of Ghana, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, was a wise man. But no one is sure whether the man popularly referred to as Osagyefo, which means the redeemer, by his devotees really saw the future when he made the above statement. Today, the reality of Chinese “invasion” of Africa is here with us. There are many who will disagree with the point that China has invaded Africa just like the Western countries did during the colonial era. There are those who will see this view as contentious and who see China as the “do gooders” who have come to help Africa out of poverty. Really? Is Africa poor? The debate about China’s return in Africa is raging both among academics, politicians and the civil society. Views are often fragmented amidst a belligerent conversation. Yet, there is a need to have a nuanced view to ascertain what it is all about. When one sees the divergence in terms of infrastructure between Africa and our “traditional” friends, then one seems to succumb to the argument that Africa’s relationship with her former colonisers is largely a master-servant one. References to the inherited and exploitative state apparatus from the colonial era is a valid direction to argue in any candid conversation about patronage politics and underdevelopment in Africa. Yet, it is simply unfair to blame all the woes of Africa on the colonial masters more than five decades after they retreated.

President Goodluck Jonathan recently led a multi-sectoral delegation to the Asian country ostensibly to boost China-Nigeria economic and political bilateral cooperation. It is believed that the President secured low interest loans worth about $1.1bn for infrastructural development. That is very commendable. Nigeria is currently the largest trading partner of China with a trade volume of about $10.57bn and an estimated non-financial investment of $8.7bn. The rapid growth of China’s GDP per capita from $1,135 to $6,100 with the attendant enhancement of Chinese 1.3 billion population – one fifth of mankind, offers a lot of interesting lessons to Nigeria. Chinese appetite for oil means that they may be buying up to 200,000 barrels of oil per day in 2015. However, there are few myths about China in Africa that one ought to discuss and possibly debunk.

First of all, I dismiss as cheap diplomacy the talk that China or any country for that matter is or has been in Africa for the single motive of helping the continent to develop. No. That is superlative falsehood or at best hocus-pocus. Those countries that are in Africa are here because of what they stand to gain. Period! Cheap diplomacy about tradition ties or the demonisation of colonialism does not hold water. The reality is that China is in Africa like the West to satisfy the dire need for energy resources to power their own economic growth. Anyone who is not prepared to stomach this inescapable reality should get ready for a hollow diplomacy. Diplomacy is about self-interest and no country is in the business of helping another without expecting anything in return.

I recommend an afrocentric audit of the activities of China in Africa. It is time to integrate both the criticisms and compliments of China in Africa with a view to distilling a coherent engagement strategy that will advance the interest of the continent. The sad part, however, is that there is still a gap in the articulation of a structured African engagement with China. It is either that a clear African agenda is missing or it is articulated from outside Africa. How can any external entity now claim to love Africa so much that it will usurp the space of how a continent will engage its partners? Why have continental organisations in Africa chosen to take a back seat to be a receiver of diplomatic orthodoxy and all forms of external narratives? The prevalent orthodoxy and assumption about the convergence of interests and values between the Chinese and Africans should be discarded forthwith.

Africa, instead, should respond to China armed with its own interest and demands. This is called the strategy of reciprocal engagement. Many countries still see China as an emerging power it used to be rather than a global power that it has lately become. Acknowledging China as a key global stakeholder and sequencing the perspectives of the historic rise that is transforming the historic rise of a fifth of mankind is imperative for a reality based Africa foreign policy. For instance, Africa must get China to align its economic and political practices across the continent with international best  practices.

It is no news that some of the goods pouring in from China are sub-standard. Can someone tell the Chinese companies that our willingness to trade must not be taken to mean that we want to become a dumping ground? The influx of Chinese workers into Nigeria is discouraging the employment of our own local population. Part of the leverage that should be provided by Chinese companies working in Nigeria is the provision of jobs. Many of our young people are currently unemployed and that could constitute a demographic time-bomb for the future. The trickledown effect of whatever thing the Chinese are doing in Nigeria will be lost if they do not create jobs. Some of the few Nigerians who work in Chinese companies still complain about unfair treatment in terms of compliance with labour laws and environmental standards.

 Another aspect of demand of many Africans on China is in the area of transparency and accountability. A relationship of mutual respect must permit the free flow of information on both sides. This is not currently happening between China and Africa. Some sections of the civil society recommend that China should join the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative to ensure that Chinese companies in the extractive sector publish all they pay to their host countries in Africa. African countries must scrutinise all the deals they get into in line with global best practices.

In all, Nigeria nay Africa must not ignore China. That country currently contributes about 20 per cent of the world’s economy. We must also not turn our back to our traditional partners but should not allow anyone to dictate to us. Africa’s oil remains an important component of the world’s hydrocarbon demand and supply balance and so our continent must be in a hurry to use her natural resource endowment to draw substantial global capital to trigger a futuristic economy that will be less dependent on natural resource.  Afrocentric enlightened self-interest must guide our conversation henceforth. That is the only way Africa can come of age in the eyes of the world. Africans are the ones that will get Africa out of the poverty loop to sustainable development and self-reliance. Not any one else.

In many societies around the world, children, especially the girls, are treated poorly. They are voiceless. Many are confined to a childhood of misery. And many more are sexually exploited. Untold number are abandoned by their parents; abused by paedophilic men; forsaken by an indifferent society; and neglected by an uncaring government. Many of these girls would go on to become child-brides. And as child-brides, they would be denied their human and civil rights. Even in adulthood, a sizeable number would never be whole or be truly happy. Never!

In response to these and other realities, a gathering of world leaders agreed that children needed special protection. This was in 1989. And so through the United Nations, they initiated the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The CRC was the “first legally binding international instrument to incorporate the full range of human rights — civil, cultural, economic, political and social” on those under the age of 18. The Convention “spells out the basic human rights that children everywhere have: the right to survival; to develop to the fullest; to protection from harmful influences, abuse and exploitation; and to participate fully in family, cultural and social life.” Nigeria is a signatory to this convention – a convention that forbids child marriage.

Child marriage is not as rare as many would like to think. Some estimates put the number at between 60 million and 80 million across many religions and cultural landscapes.  In Canada, for instance, a pregnant girl under the age of 18 may get married if the court allows it. In Scotland, children do not need parental consent or court’s approval once they turn 16. In Denmark, a 15-year-old could marry. And in many federating states in the United States, girls under age 18 could marry if they secure parental or court consent. In essence, in spite of the CRC, some countries still make allowance for the marriage of minors. Nonetheless, a 10 or 12-year-old is mentally and physically different from a 16 or 18-year-old.

There is a world of difference – a difference many in different countries do not seem to know or want to differentiate. In Yemen for instance, it is not uncommon for children as young as nine to marry. In spring 2012, Saudi Arabia announced it would allow girls as young as 10 to marry. Not to be outdone, a member of the Iranian Parliament, Mohammad Ali Isfenani, advised that, “We must regard nine as being the appropriate age for a girl to have reached puberty and qualified to get married. To do otherwise would be to contradict and challenge Islamic Sharia law.” The current minimum age in Iran for marriage is 13. Before the Islamic Revolution in 1979, it was 16.

In the rural areas of Nigeria, it is not unusual to see child marriages. But whether in the rural or big cities, carnal activities between teenagers are a given. That these activities are common does not make it right or advisable or legal. Teenage-experiments may be overlooked; but sex or marriage with a minor (by an adult) should be a prosecutable offence. Fortunately, the Nigerian Constitution puts the age of consent – the age of adulthood and marriage at 18. That’s how it should be. But unfortunately, traditional and social media outlets are reporting that there is an ongoing debate in the Nigerian Senate about “being able to marry girls as young as 13.”

For instance, the Nigerian Feminist Forum was reported to have “expressed great concern about a resolution of the Nigeria Senate to alter Section 29(a) of the constitution which stipulates that a woman shall not be qualified for marriage until she attains 18 years of age, and called on the National Assembly to reconsider the resolution.” What insanity! Have these Senators lost their minds? Are they psychologically and intellectually unwell? Forgive my annoyance, but really, you have to be depraved, in need of help and downright perverted to want to or actually marry girls that are that young.

For a while in human history, we allowed child and human sacrifice, cannibalism and the killing of twins. These and many other practices may have been fashionable decades and centuries ago. But not today. And much like fraternal polyandry, sororate and levirate, child marriage may have had its place culturally and religiously. But not in today’s world. This is the age of enlightenment and reason and common sense. Reason and enlightenment and common sense dictate that we respect and accord women and children their rights and privileges. And so I ask: What sane father and or mother would allow grown men to violate their little princesses in the name of culture or religion? What nonsense! What depravity!

We live in a world that affords grownups many chances and possibilities. Women and children are also entitled to these possibilities. Hence, they ought to be able to explore the world of arts and science and technology. They ought to be able to explore frontiers and to be educated and to live life to the fullest. And children should be allowed to be children and be allowed to live free and happy and unencumbered by problems and challenges of the adult world. Children are not made for marriages and for sex and for the rigours and pains of marital life. They are children, nothing more!These are innocent beings. And innocent is what they ought to be until they are mentally and physiologically ready for what life and society will throw at them.

Child marriage has many disadvantages. There are no advantages. None! Besides the abuse, the neglect and the exploitation — many researches (in both western and nonwestern institutions, have shown that these young wives/captives would go on to contract, at a faster rate, sexually transmitted diseases, and the humanpapillomavirus which causes cervical cancer. And because their bodies are not fully formed and functional, sex may become severely painful and dangerous. And every pregnancy, at that early age, would be like playing the Russian Roulette (with risk to the mother and the foetus and, eventually, the baby). And according to the World Health Organisation, many would go on to develop obstetric fistula (a hole in the birth canal).

Considering the inhumanities that are associated with child marriage, therefore, we cannot but help to bring it to an end. No religious, social or cultural argument makes sense. None! As with poverty and diseases and female genital mutilation, we must endeavour to end child marriages. All hands must be on deck – and these include the civil society, individuals and the government.

As you think about this issue, please remember the words of Dr. Babatunde Osotimehin, the Executive Director of the United Nations Population Fund: “Child marriage is an appalling violation of human rights and robs girls of their education, health and long-term prospects. A girl who is married as a child is one whose potential will not be fulfilled. Since many parents and communities also want the very best for their daughters, we must work together and end child marriage.”

An Ijaw friend of mine from Bayelsa state who has been living in Lagos for close to 30 years now shocked me recently when he made a strong albeit stupid case for a second term for his kinsman, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, as Nigeria’s president post 2015 general elections.

He pleaded that President Jonathan should be given another opportunity in 2015 to ‘wobble and fumble’ in the presidency again just like his predecessors did and were not denied a second term.

And in case you think the man was joking, he wasn’t. He was dead serious. He listed former presidents Shehu Shagari and Olusegun Obasanjo who didn’t do well in their first term in office and were still allowed to continue after four wasted years.

He argued that since every  elected president before Jonathan messed up the opportunity given to them to rule this country and were still given another chance to continue, then Jonathan should be allowed to complete his own ‘messing up’, so to speak before we clean up their mess. As he puts it ‘let the messing up go round’.

Don’t cry for him or Nigeria. That is the level to which our politics has fallen since we elected to promote ethnicity rather than competence in our choice of leaders in this country.

If not to appease the Yoruba for denying their son, Chief MKO Abiola the presidency of Nigeria in 1993 through the criminal annulment of his election, why on earth would any right thinking leadership hand over the rein of government to an Olusegun Obasanjo after he bungled the first chance he had as military Head of State between 1976 and 1979?  But that was what the so called cabal then did in 1999, when Obasanjo was ‘elected’ president, even against the wise counsel of his Yoruba kinsmen.

And to complete the appeasement he was given another four years even when his first tenure was a monumental failure

Was it not because the north must be allowed to complete its eight years at the saddle that President Shagari was given a second term in 1983 in spite of his glaring inadequacies?  President Umaru Yar’Adua would have asked for and given another four years if death had not intervened to cut short his presidency, even when the signs were there that things weren’t getting better. You could argue that Yar’Adua could have done better were it not for death, but on the evidence of his performance as a two-term governor of Katsina state, even ten more years wouldn’t possibly have changed anything.

So if you look around you, it’s been one mess up after another for our presidents (including the soldiers), and this was probably why my Ijaw friend was arguing that his Ijaw brother, our president, Dr Goodluck Jonathan be allowed to complete the South-south turn.

If we are to go by his argument, then the entire 500 plus ethnic nationalities in Nigeria should be allowed their chance to mess Nigeria up for eight years each. Did I hear you scream madness? Yes madness! Because that is what it is, but don’t laugh at him, rather pity him and some of his fellow Ijaw and South-southerners who are rabidly rallying behind a Jonathan-for-second-term project without a thought for the wellbeing of Nigeria.

By the way, my friend used to be a critic of the lack lustre Jonathan administration, until his recent 360 degrees turn. Why I wouldn’t know. But I know for certain that he didn’t change because he had been paid, but I suspect blind ethnic solidarity which had never been part of him before but which has now crept in and is distorting his sense of reasoning and perception, a malady that is gradually blowing across the Ijaw nation and to some extent, the South-south geo-political zone.

This malady is playing itself out in Rivers State where the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party is in a state of civil war which has the tendency to derail not only this democracy but also the fabric of Nigeria’s existence as a united nation. The war has pitched Governor Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi and his supporters on one side against forces loyal to President Goodluck Jonathan, led by the Minister of State for Education Nyesom Wike.

The story of the unfolding war so far you know, but the whole story might not be known unless the key actors decide to open up. Governor Amaechi has promised to reveal all at a later date, sometime next year and he says Rivers people would be shocked. Wike in response says if the governor opens his mouth and says something, he too has a lot to reveal. But this is beside the point here.

What is of greater concern here is the dangerous dimension the whole crisis has taken which portends danger for the country.

Last week, four state governors from the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), decided to pay a solidarity visit to their colleague and Chairman, Nigeria Governors’ Forum, Rt. Hon Rotimi Amaechi, who they believe is facing persecution from the federal government for standing up against a tyrannical presidency.

The governors of Kano, Jigawa, Adamawa and Niger states who flew into Port Harcourt International Airport together with Amaechi were reportedly attacked by supporters of Wike (by extension supporters of Jonathan) and held hostage for hours at the airport by stone throwing thugs from the Wike backed Grassroots Democratic Initiatives (GDI), a group of political hoodlums that emerged from nowhere just as the Rivers crisis began.  Though unruffled, Amaechi and his guests had one of the vehicles in their convoy damaged by the thugs as they eventually made their way out of the airport for the Government House, Port Harcourt.

But after spending some quality time with their host, the governors eventually left for home but not before having some harsh words for the Nigeria Police whose officers and men reportedly looked the other way as the hoodlums held sway at the airport. They reportedly expressed concern at the glaring partisanship of the police against the state government in the crisis and threatened that state governments could reconsider their funding of the police if the trend in Rivers continues. They also deplored the political crisis in the state urging their colleague to stand firm.

The attack on the governors by Wike’s boys showed the level to which Jonathan and his band of supporters are prepared to go to achieve their 2015 objective. Thank God, at no time were the lives of these visiting governors put under serious threat. If all or one or two of them had been injured in the attack, only God knows what could have happened back home in their respective states. This is the kind of thing you get when thugs are allowed to walk the corridors of power.

I recall in the run up to the governorship election in old Oyo state in 1979, the then Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), the party that later emerged victorious in the gubernatorial polls in what was then known as LOOBO states, comprising today’s south west, Edo and Delta states, had its primary and it was deadlocked. Chief Bola Ige locked horns with his former teacher at Ibadan Grammar School, Archdeacon Emmanuel Alayande (believed to be Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s preferred candidate for the position) and the deadlock was broken by a certain thuggish looking politician by name Chief Busari Adelakun. Governor Bola Ige was to later reward Adelakun with a seat in his cabinet as Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, against the advice of Chief Awolowo who we were told, warned that Adelakun was a mere thug, not fit for any serious political appointment. Bola Ige did not listen.

Those who know the story of the political crisis that engulfed Bola Ige’s Oyo state, or witnessed the mayhem that accompanied the National Party of Nigeria (NPN’s) determination to take over the state from the UPN would readily acknowledge, if they are still alive, the role the thug called Adelakun played in the blood bath. It might be necessary to add here that the crisis in Oyo state then was one of those crises that brought down the second republic.

Another thug is walking the corridors of power now and at the national level. The trajectory of his rise and rise to prominence is probably the fault of his benefactors, including Governor Amaechi and now President Jonathan, who instead of rewarding Wike (for whatever good  he must done to them) with a position commensurate to his thuggish disposition promoted him beyond the level of his competence. And now he is causing all this trouble.

Nigeria could have been on fire now if anything bad had happened to those governors. And nobody or only a few would remember that Wike’s ambition had a hand or even was the hand that ignited the fire, everything would be on Jonathan’s neck. The earlier the president knows this the better. He should call Wike and his band of thugs to order.

‘A lie may travel for donkey years but truth overtakes it in a flash – Yoruba proverb’  

Were Chinua Achebe still alive, he probably would have brewed another classic, brimming with sardonic humour and laconic wit, from the July 18 launch in Lagos of The Tragedy of Victory, Brig-Gen. Godwin Alabi-Isama’s Civil War (1967-1970) memoirs.

The new war account recounts the exploits of the Third Marine Commando (3MCODO), mostly under the formidable Brig-Gen. (then Col.) Benjamin Adekunle aka Black Scorpion, who attained both heroic and mythical status on the Nigerian side during that war.

Brig-Gen. Alabi-Isama (then Lt. Col) was Adekunle’s chief of staff. The author, ace strategist and military tactician, saw almost every inch of battle on the Atlantic Front, which proved pivotal and decisive in swinging the pendulum of victory and defeat.

Still, any literary wit with Biafra sympathies, having read There was a Country, Prof Achebe’s bitter swansong, could easily, “serves-them-right” manner, have turned the July 18 event into Nigeria’s own Tower of Babel, where Nigeria’s own victorious generals, under the tragically ironic banner of Tragedy of Victory, fall upon themselves in ferocious verbal combat.

Even more grippingly ironic is Gen. (then Col.) Olusegun Obasanjo, as personal metaphor of “tragedy of victory”. Obasanjo (as his name Olusegun, Yoruba for “The Lord has conquered”, suggests) took the Biafra instrument of surrender as final 3MCODO commander, after the more formidable Black Scorpion. On that, he was an immaculate victor.

But the tragic victor birthed when it was revealed that the all-conquering general, self-hyped to high heavens in My Command (1980), Obasanjo’s Civil War account, is the same that also reportedly fled for dear life from enemy fire, allegedly receiving bullet wounds in his rump!

Whether that allegation was true or not (Col. Oyinlade Iluyomade, aka Hitler, commander of the troops involved in that particular battle insisted it was), the war hero, military era head of state and first elected president of the 4th Republic, became the butt of hilarious jokes at the venue! That would count as a personal tragedy of victory.

But there is also a corporate side to that victorious tragedy.

The near-unanimity of opinions, among the gathered generals, was that Obasanjo, by craftily rigging the Biafra armistice to be a one-man show, gypped other war commanders of earned glory, thus somewhat echoing the perfidious tortoise that renamed himself “All of you”, in Achebe’s Things Fall Apart.

Factor in Alabi-Isama’s allegation that Obasanjo, as military head of state, conspired with Lt. Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, his chief of army staff, to boot him out of the army after only 17 years, and the perfidious tortoise’s parallel comes to the fore. Alabi-Isama, from his war account, was one of the 3MCODO brain boxes that did the dirty work before Obasanjo came to claim the glory.

Obasanjo rather viciously rubbed it in, in My Command, in which he emerged the sole super-hero, leaving the other commanders gasping behind as super-villains or just simple nincompoops – a claim the pair of Alabi-Isama and Lt-Gen. Alani Akinrinade, and indeed the armada of generals and other old soldiers at the launch, dismissed as voodoo tales!

Danjuma, chair and chief presenter at the launch, denied there was any anti-Alabi-Isama conspiracy, insisting that though he couldn’t recall the details, he had documents to show that whatever happened “followed due process”.

The tragedy of victory was also apparent from the after-war career trajectory of the triumvirate of Adekunle, Alabi-Isama and Akinrinade, the hardy trio that faced the hottest parts of the war and prevailed with uncommon brilliance.

Adekunle who, according to Wikipedia, renamed 3 Infantry Division 3MCDO, without even formal approval from army headquarters, suffered premature retirement in 1974 after only 16 years. He joined the army in 1958.

As at the time Tragedy of Victory was launched, Gen. Adekunle was down with illness, prompting his first son, Abiodun, to solicit for support. Adekunle’s odyssey is not much different from the bulk of old soldiers at the occasion who complained of neglect, even after shedding blood to keep Nigeria one.

Alabi-Isama himself was retired after only 17 years, following the conspiracy he alleged but which Danjuma denied.

Only Akinrinade, of the trio, attained the apex of his career, not only becoming a three-star general as Lt-General, but also Second Republic’s first chief of army staff; and later chief of defence staff.

Could the anti-Obasanjo armada then result from peer envy? That is possible, except that the adverse testimony of Gen. Akinrinade, measured, frank, candid and nuanced, both at the book launch and in his widely acclaimed interview with The Nation from the eve of the July 18 launch, did little to enhance Obasanjo’s cause.

Akinrinade was Obasanjo’s chief operations officer that first met surrendering Biafra General Philip Effiong (who Danjuma jokingly dismissed as colonel in Nigeria, general in Biafra, to wide laughter and guffaw), at his Amichi last war headquarters.

Still, Gen. Yakubu Gowon, Nigeria’s war-time commander-in-chief, did not share the near-unanimous belief that Obasanjo stole anyone’s glory by claiming the instrument of surrender, even while he was far away in his Port Harcourt headquarters, when Akinrinade mid-wifed the surrender.

“As the Commanding Officer assigned to command the Division that received the instrument of surrender from Biafra,” Gen. Gowon declared in a supplement Foreword to go with the second edition of the new book, “Gen. Obasanjo rightfully was positioned to claim victory on behalf of the Commander-in-Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces.”

That coming from Gowon, though logical, was rare grace, compared with the nasty stuff Obasanjo wrote in his Not My Will, about his former commander-in-chief, following the unfortunate event of 13 February 1976: the abortive coup that claimed the life of Gen. Murtala Muhammad and propelled Obasanjo to his first coming as military head of state.

In Not My Will, Obasanjo, with exquisite bad grace, talked down on his old commander-in-chief, pillorying him as “Mr. Gowon”, tagging him with “duplicity and complicity” and celebrating his hurried “dismissal” (later reversed by 2nd Republic President Shehu Shagari) from the military – all these over mere suspicion of his alleged involvement in the Bukar Sukar Dimka coup!

Now, who is this Nigeria, the heartless errant-lady whose troubadours-general kill themselves to protect; and yet who rewards almost each and everyone with disgrace and hurt?

This is the crisis of Nigeria’s nationhood which, as Gen. Akinrinade correctly said, even the Civil War did not resolve.

But at the launch, Gen. Danjuma, a tad insensitive but with martial elegance, proclaimed: “Though they said there was no victor or no vanquished, all I know is that we won the war”!

We? Won?

Forty-three years after the war, every Nigerian would appear a loser – not the least the generals – and would continue to be until Nigeria’s fundamental contradictions are resolved by restructuring the country along equitable and development lines.

If Tragedy of Victory rams in this notorious fact, it would do a future patriotic duty just as it has done a past one by putting the records straight on the Nigerian Civil War.

The news that 195 senior police officers, among them four Assistant Inspectors General (AIGs), are currently appearing before the Force Disciplinary Committee facing various charges of misconduct could not have come as a surprise to discerning Nigerians. According to Deputy Inspector General of Police (DIG) in charge of administration at the Force Headquarters, Suleiman Fakai, 17 Commissioners of Police, two Deputy Commissioners of Police and six Assistant Commissioners of Police would also appear before the committee. While revealing that one each of CP, ACP, and two SPs, as well as eight CSPs have been dismissed for serious cases of misconduct in the last one year, Fakai added that two CSPs, one SP and 13 ASPs were recently compulsorily retired, also for misconduct. A DCP, three CSPs, seven SPs, a DSP and 10 ASPs were also demoted during the period.

To the extent that this will be the first time in recent memory that the public is made aware of any serious disciplinary action against serving officers of the police, we consider the on-going exercise commendable and good for the image of the Force, which can indeed do with some discipline. As DIG Fakai explained, the Force is presently going through a self-cleansing crusade and it is only instructive that the public and by extension the serving colleagues of those being tried be made aware. But it would take more than an exercise in public relations for Nigerians to see the police as their friends given years of indiscriminate killings through “accidental discharges” aside extra-judicial executions which seem to be a pastime for many trigger-happy cops.

There are also other critical issues that the Fakai committee must deal with. Up till now policemen are still being used as rent collection agents; a lot of them still provide illegal security cover for people who engage in shady business; they get themselves involved in settling land disputes among several other duties which are plainly outside their duty schedule while sundry illegal acts are committed daily at Police stations, including extortion of suspects and charging fees for bail which normally should be free.

The Force Disciplinary Committee comprises all the Deputy Inspectors General of Police and the Force Secretary who also serves as its secretary. It reviews disciplinary matters involving officers from the rank of ASP and above who may have erred in the course of their duties and thereafter makes appropriate recommendations to the Police Service Commission on all cases it handles. Before being summoned by the committee, the affected officers were expected to have been investigated and found culpable at lower levels in the Police administration; a query must have been issued to them by their supervising authority and their responses obtained, and if they could not absolve themselves, they would be made to face the committee to finally determine their fate.

It must be put on record that the Nigeria Police Force has not been able to attain optimum efficiency in performance over the years. This failure has been attributed to several factors. For instance, a former Chairman of the Police Service Commission, retired Deputy Inspector General, Mr. Parry Osayande, once attributed the poor performance of the Force to humiliation the Police suffered during years of military rule. But it is now 14 years since the end of military rule, yet the image of the police has only become worse. Therefore throwing away a few rotten apples from the bunch may not provide the needed cleansing that would restore public confidence in the Force. What the police urgently need is the retraining and reorientation of its personnel, including the senior officers. The recent show of shame involving some serving police officers on the floor of the Rivers State House of Assembly spoke volumes of the degree of indiscipline within a Force that cannot draw a line between professionalism and partisanship.

Source: ThisDay Editorial

Conventional Wisdom sees 2015 as the year of the opposition in Nigerian presidential politics, partly because of the perception that President Goodluck Jonathan has not performed well enough to deserve a second term; partly because his party, the Peoples Democratic Party, appears to be in turmoil; and partly because he and his party have been engaging in various shenanigans that pose serious threats to our democracy and national image.

However, there are two problems with Conventional Wisdom in Nigerian politics. First, it is often espoused by elite voters, who account for only a small fraction of the national voting population. The vast majority of voters have little or no idea what our political squabbles are all about. However, because of poverty, unemployment, and greed, they are all over the place at election time, serving as thugs and supporters.

Second, there is often a disjuncture in Nigerian electoral politics between actual voting and voting results. True, the PDP may appear to be in disarray, it always survived its internal crises in time to come up with “big” votes during the presidential election. This has been the basis of Maj.-Gen. Muhamadu Buhari (retd.)’s presidential election petitions.

Nevertheless, it is still widely believed that a coalition of opposition parties under the All Progressives Congress stands a good chance of dislodging the misruling PDP in 2015. But victory will not be delivered to it on a platter of gold. Rather, three conditions, among others, must be satisfied in order to secure the confidence of voters.

First, the party leadership must get its house in order. The long battle for the party’s registration was a teething problem that could have been avoided. Besides, early reports of internal division over the allocation of positions smelled of the usual self-interest politics. They must not allow self-interest and political ambition to override the main goal of defeating the PDP. At the same time, they should view the defeat of the PDP as a means to an end. That end should be the people — their schools, their hospitals, their roads. Various PDP governments have promised adequate power supply. One government even declared an emergency on the sector. Yet, there has been no appreciable improvement.

As a result, many Nigerians are ready to vote for change, which leads to the second condition. The APC leaders must make every effort to field a quality presidential candidate, who is neither inexperienced nor too controversial. Third, they must plan well on protecting the ballot boxes on Election Day, by preventing the PDP from turning out dubious votes. They, too, must not plan on winning by rigging their way through. Past experiences have taught Nigerian voters to expect their votes to count as cast.

Perhaps, the most critical issue that will confront the APC is the election of a candidate in an open primary. The party leaders must avoid candidate imposition. Such an action will turn off some voters. One name that keeps recurring in people’s conversations is that of Buhari. The Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Tambuwal, has been mentioned but he is in the PDP, at least for now. But I will not dwell on Tambuwal’s possible candidacy here.

Clearly, Buhari is a well-qualified candidate, and he has more name recognition both locally and abroad than any other candidate, who may seek the presidency in 2015, except the incumbent President, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan. My fellow columnist, Sabella Abidde, once painted a word picture of Buhari and what he could do as President: “He is a man with a steady voice, steady hands and legs and with an intellect to match … he will fight corruption and nepotism and political stupidity” (The PUNCH, February 13, 2013).

The problem with Buhari is not so much about who he is and what he accomplished or could accomplish as president as about who he is perceived to be. Ask anyone in the South and even some parts of the North about Buhari. They will tell you that he is a polarising political, regional, and religious figure in contemporary Nigerian politics. He is one man who is as passionately liked by his supporters as he is passionately disliked by his opponents.

Those who support him often cite the discipline and sense of probity he brought to the administration of the country, when he was a military Head of State. But his opponents often view his tenure as discriminatory. Supporters view him as a national hero, whose desire to rule is borne out of his love of country. Opponents see in him a regional apologist, who would be nothing but a Northern President. Finally, supporters view him as no more than a righteous man of Islamic faith, who respects Christian and other religious views. But opponents see a totally different person in him, who is an Islamic fundamentalist, who could easily Islamise the country in various ways. That’s why, today, a number of Nigerians would list him as a sponsor, or at least a supporter, of Boko Haram, even without evidence. Some of these perceptions may turn out to be untrue, but the soap with which Buhari could wash himself clean of them has yet to be manufactured.

Of particular concern to opponents were his incendiary campaign utterances during the 2011 elections and his behaviour during and after the post-elections crisis, which ravaged many Northern states, targeting mainly his opponent’s supporters. True, the last three presidential elections he participated in were neither free nor fair enough, but he always came off as a sore loser. But in fairness to him, it is possible that he was so convinced of victory, or of being cheated of it, that he found it difficult to give up. The fact that he inched towards victory at successive elections may have convinced him that 2015 may be his year of victory.

Yet, if a proper opinion poll were conducted today in the South, strong anti-Buhari voters would be encountered, especially in the South-West. These voters would insist that they could never vote for Buhari, despite their sympathy for the APC or antipathy against the PDP. This category of voters may abstain from voting, if Buhari were the candidate. Then, there are those who would be pushed to take a second look at Jonathan, who is the likely PDP candidate, if the APC fielded Buhari. Either way, Buhari’s candidacy may favour Jonathan in the South.

However, much of the talk about voting or not voting for Buhari circulates among the elite. It must also be remembered that the Action Congress of Nigeria has five governors in the South-West, who could penetrate the grassroots. This will significantly increase Buhari’s chances.

As the 2015 elections draw near, it is likely that many more candidates will show interest in the presidential ticket. That’s why the APC should hold an open primary and line up all aspirants for a debate so that voters could feel their pulse before the general elections. As much as possible, voters in a democracy should insist on transparency in the election of a candidate in an open primary.

Ango Abdullahi, secretary to the Northern Elders Forum (NEF) reopened the debate on power shift when he declared last week, that the north was determined to reclaim power come 2015. Exuding incredible confidence on the prospects of the northern project, Abdullahi anchored his optimism on two key planks. The first is the logic of rotation while the other draws impetus from the touted demographic advantage of the region.

He said the north will rely heavily on the fact that it is its turn to have a shot at that office as was agreed by stakeholders before and during Obasanjo’s regime and in keeping with the constitution of the ruling party. Where this fails to sail through, they will call to action the sheer weight of their numbers to win the ensuing election given the principles of one man one vote.

Hear him, “the north is determined and insisting that the leadership of the country will rotate to it in 2015 and I am making that very clear to you. If it is on the basis of one man one vote, the demography shows that the north can keep power as long as it wants because it will always win elections”.

He went on to show how the rotation of power as a way of giving a sense of belonging to the distinct groups in the country was arrived at the 1987 National Political Reforms Conference. Obasanjo became its first beneficiary because of events of the annulled June 12, 1993 elections. According to him, it was supposed to last for four years but later extended due to pleas from Obasanjo to serve for another term since the constitution allows that.

“With Obasanjo’s eight years and six years of Jonathan come 2015, it would amount to taking the north for granted if Jonathan who was part of this agreement (having signed as number 37 in his capacity as deputy governor of Bayelsa State) puts himself forward for another election”, he would further contend.

It is difficult not to admit the weighty argument by the north in respect of rotation of power in this country. Obasanjo must have paid heed to it when he manipulated his way to have late Umaru Yar’Adua run as the presidential candidate of the ruling party. He won. But his death after two years in the saddle, unleashed a chain of events that are at the centre of the current crisis of confidence among key political gladiators in this country. The management of his sickness left much to be desired even as contrived obstacles were placed on Jonathan’s way to assuming his constitutional role as acting president until the Senate intervened. All these may have ruffled nerves. We were told by late National Security Adviser, Andrew Azazi that violence in this country peaked following the primaries of the PDP that threw up Jonathan. It would appear security challenges since Jonathan came to power, complicated the disposition of the geo-political zones to the power equation in the country. They also gave rise to palpable fear and apprehension regarding what use the north intends to make of political power. No thanks to the killings of innocent people and destruction of their properties by the Boko Haram sect obsessed with enthroning an Islamic state after the south has been sacked out of the north.

One mute point here is that, the north intends to realize its power shift project by rotation through the ruling Peoples Democratic Party PDP or where this fails, they will prosecute the same goal through any other party. On the latter, the sheer weight of their population promises to be the game changer. They are saying very unambiguously that power must shift to the north in the next election whether Jonathan runs or not. If the logic of rotation fails and they corner power through their demographic advantage, then it is good by to power shift as they can decide to retain power as long as it pleases them. That is the clear message Abdullahi has sent across which should not be ignored.

But then the political arithmetic canvassed by Abdullahi is not as simple as it has been put forward. By the 2006 census figures, the north accounts for 52.56 per cent of the population while that of the south is 46.35. Even then, these figures represent the absolute population and not the number of eligible or even registered voters. There is also the misplaced and untenable assumption that all northerners will vote for the northern candidate while all southerners will queue behind a southerner. This is not borne out of our electoral history and strikes as an act of desperation. Moreover, the concept of a monolithic north is by all accounts stale even as Abdullahi would want us to reason to the contrary. Whatever led northern elders to the conclusion that the 2015 election can be fought solely along the north and south divide must be a huge disappointment to the unity of this country. Is it not an uncanny twist of fate that, youths under the umbrella of Northern Youths Network have dissociated themselves from statements credited to NEF and ACF on return of power to the region come 2015? Its president Mallam Alli Kano said those canvassing power shift to the north in 2015 are doing so for selfish reasons as ethnicity, religion and primordial sentiments which the elders had employed to sway choices during elections must be discarded as we prepare for 2015. The elders can as well dismiss this. But such dissenting views were unthinkable in the past.

There is even a more grave danger in an election that is fought along the lines of the north and south divide. Its outcome given extant realities is loaded with frightening prospects of facilitating the failure of the Nigerian state. Then, earlier predictions from the US would have become a self-fulfilling prophesy. These are the potent dangers in the NEF argument. If the 2015 election is fought and won along these divisions, it will be nigh impossible for the winner to take off as he will not be able to muster the required majority in the National Assembly. The ensuing disputations will quickly catalyze the same disastrous end.

So Abdullahi and his likes are not doing this nation any good by inventing warped and self-serving arguments all in the desperation to corner power by all means. It would have been of more national appeal if they had argued that where rotation fails, the north will work with fair- minded people from the south to prosecute the same goal. But to give the impression that the north can do away with the south and retain power for ever is the height of deceit and stupidity.

Even as the logic of rotation is very valid, the posturing of the NEF on the issue of demography brings into focus some of the systemic dysfunctions that are at the root of the festering mistrust and suspicion among our people. Some weeks back, the chairman of the National Population Commission, Festus Odimegwu shocked the nation when he revealed that some of the enumeration centres we have do not exist in reality as some people bought them same way politicians bought voters’ cards to gain advantage. The figures the NEF is bandying may not scale the test of this revelation.

More fundamentally, the dispute over power shift points to the fact that there some irreducible issues of our federal order we need to reach common agreement on for us to make any progress.

We need to address more seriously, the inequities and structural imbalances of our national existence contrived to gain advantage over some other sections. Curiously each time the idea of a national conference is canvassed the same north will be the lead opposition.

Nigeria’s hope of early economic rejuvenation and growth may have been sadly foreclosed by the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Lamido Sanusi, in a recent presentation to the House Committee on Banking and Finance in Abuja, when, despite the clarion demand by industrialists and Chambers of Commerce, noted that, “Although the CBN has put in place several monitoring measures to ensure stability in the economy, it was not possible to guarantee the delivery of low interest rate, due to the harsh business environment in the country.”

Consequently, while the benchmark interest rates in successful countries with inclusive growth and supportive social welfare are generally below three per cent, our CBN policy rate may indeed rise above the current outrageous level of over 12 per cent, and therefore sustain cost of funds to a beleaguered real sector at well over 20 per cent, while savings deposits attract less than five per cent!

Incidentally, no economy can grow optimally without those loans, which are, universally, primarily provided by commercial banks for investment; nonetheless, poor access and high cost of funds to the real sector remain major obstacles to successfully harnessing our rich resource endowments.

A banking licence from a Central Bank permits domestic banks to lend up to 10 times the value of cash deposits collected from customers; the banks would in turn cover the inevitable cash short-falls from such lending, whenever necessary, by borrowing directly from the CBN at marginally lower rates.

Consequently, the level of inflation in any country is primarily a product of consumer demand and cost of funds, as prices of goods and services would ultimately rise or fall in relation to the prevailing demand for goods and services and the cost of borrowing, which, itself, is predicated on CBN’s benchmark lending rate to the banks.

Notwithstanding, Sanusi maintains that, “The likelihood of the interest rate coming down in the current environment is very low; in fact, there is a higher likelihood of interest rate going up than coming down”, because, according to the CBN Governor, low interest rates will “reverse all the gains we have had on stability”.  (See The PUNCH, Thursday, July 18, 2013, Pg 29).

Discerning observers may however, consider this assertion to be a deliberate misrepresentation of the quality of the apex bank’s performance under the existing 2007 CBN Act, which defines the CBN’s core mandate, in Sanusi’s words, as the “delivery of price stability, protection of the external value of the nation’s currency, management of the country’s reserve and ensuring financial stability”.

Although Nigeria’s year-on-year rate of inflation may indeed have remained stable at an average of about 10 per cent over the years, however, such a high rate of inflation actually obliterates income values every 10 years, and  inadvertently poisonously underpins our beleaguered economy with the consequences of rapidly dwindling purchasing power and consumer demand and reduced savings and employment opportunities.

Paradoxically, Sanusi blames this debilitating state of affairs on the fiscal policies of the Federal Government, and insists that, “We can only see a moderation in the lending rate, when government borrows less, and (if) the rates paid by government for such borrowings come down…If government is borrowing at 13 – 14 per cent, and funds huge fiscal deficits, (i.e. government expenditure exceeds revenue), the private sector will have to pay even higher interest rates”.  Haba, Mr. Governor!  Who is the government?

Nonetheless,  there is little hope that huge fiscal deficits would be reduced any time soon, especially when the Coordinating Minister of the Economy and Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, recently expressed concern over revenue shortfalls caused by massive crude oil theft and dwindling export demand.

In reality, Sanusi is actually being economical with the truth on the impact of the cost of government long-term borrowing as the cause of high interest rates.  The CBN has in fact, successfully deployed disinformation to hoodwink Nigerians (the National Assembly and the media inclusive) from recognising the negative impact on interest rate, whenever the apex bank itself regularly borrows in order to control perceived “excess” money supply in the system, by selling treasury bills bearing over 10 per cent rate of interest, when, in fact, similar loans in better managed economies do not exceed two per cent!

It is clearly hypocritical for Sanusi to decry the cost of government’s long term loans (3 – 10 years) at 13 – 14 per cent, while remaining silent on the CBN’s reckless constant crowding out of the real sector in the credit market, when the apex bank borrows (for short-term – 360 days), hundreds of billions of naira it intends to simply keep idle at rates above 12 per cent, every month. This voodoo economic measure only happens in Nigeria.

The stupendous profits posted by Nigerian banks despite contracting industrial activities and the current high rate of unemployment are ample testimonies of who are the actual beneficiaries of the CBN’s anti-social strategy for maintaining spurious economic and price stability.

This obtuse monetary strategy curiously encourages foreign investors to borrow at less than three per cent from abroad and obtain returns of up to 12 per cent, when such foreign loans are deployed into the purchase of “risk-free” treasury bills issued by the CBN.

Alarmingly, however,  Sanusi similarly insists that, “The low rate of industrial activities is not so much the result of high interest rate but the result of our infrastructural deprivations, such as power, security, or indeed, storage facilities and cold rooms”…. It is not about moving interest rate down or up; most of the SMEs do not have access to credit because the environment does not allow businesses to thrive”.

Indeed, if the lending rate to SMEs, for example, was as low as three per cent as in successful economies, rather than the current level of over 20 per cent, surely, there will be greater motivation for entrepreneurs to borrow and still “conveniently” accommodate the forced additional cost of power, security, storage, etc, from the savings from a benign interest rate regime.  The cost of procurements for both machinery and materials in all sectors, including agriculture, which is dependent on credit for operational growth, would fall and ultimately translate into a more competitive economic and business environment with unbound employment opportunities, industrial regeneration and upliftment in mass social welfare!

Ultimately, the truth, of course, is that the cost of funds will never be industrially friendly, not because of government’s fiscal strategy or infrastructural deficit, as claimed by Sanusi, but because the CBN continues to create the spectre of excess cash every time it substitutes naira allocation for dollar derived revenue.  Curiously, while the CBN’s self-styled “own dollar” reserves continue to bloom, ravaging poverty concurrently deepens nationwide.

“Something tells me, that woman will be the downfall of not only her man but our land, if care is not taken.”

“Patience, young man, patience. You need patience. Your agitation is rash, presumptuous and unnecessary.”

“You are blowing grammar, my friend. If you have not forgotten your history then you will know how right from the time of Adam and Eve, to that of Samson and Delilah, to that of Caesar and Calpurnia, to innumerable others the woman has been the cause of downfall of the man and the nation!”

 “Again, I say, patience, learn patience.”

“You exasperate me with your nonsense ‘patience’. I don’t think we need ‘patience’ any less than we need poison. It is time to let her know where to get off. This land belongs to us all and we cannot allow the unchecked ambition of a woman to ruin it for us.”

“What, in all fairness, has she done that anyone in her shoes would not have done?”

“What shoes? Her husband never had shoes in the beginning, and neither did she.”

 “You are not in a position to know that.”

“Yes, I am. I knew her as one little native girl of Okrika, running about without shoes and not much else.”

“But that’s the story of all of us. We were once kids.”

“True, but we grow up, have shoes and wear good clothes, and they don’t make us forget where or how we started; we don’t go running our mouth as if we own the world.”

“I still don’t know what your grouse is. She is beautiful and she loves her husband. And like all beautiful and loving wives, she stands tall to defend her husband at all times.”

“What husband? Our husband! She can do all that without polluting the air for the rest of us. After all, she is not the first one to be wife of a president. Make we hear word.”

“Would you have her stand by while an ordinary governor disrespect her on her own land like her husband has not been a governor before? That, I hear, was the beginning.”

“Rubbish. On that occasion four years ago and in public, she grabbed the microphone and told the governor to shut up for saying the demolition being carried out in Anyagubiri in Okrika is for public good. Told him to shut up in public just because she is from there and she’s ‘President’s wife’.Who, as a governor, would forget that? Is that a way to endear people to yourself or your husband?”

“That’s not all; not the whole matter.”

“What else? She claims the governor further went ahead to sack the Okrika Local Government chairman who was her man, as if the governor needs to get her permission to take decisions in governing the state.”

“But the governor knows she’s from Okrika and it’s only decent to take her into account on actions that may affect her or her people – if you are not deliberately spiting her or courting trouble.”

“Not after she has publicly disgraced him. In any case why must these personal matters be overblown to create so much havoc and unrest for everyone in the state and even the rest of the country? Turning it intoroforofo fight, getting the police and security forces involved is bound to bring the house down on all. And now the husband is going to pay for not being able to put his wife in check.”

“How is that?”

“She’s making more enemies for him than he needs and that’s putting the prospect of a second term for him in further jeopardy. In fact he may at this point kiss it goodbye.”

“Is that why the governor is said to be gunning for her husband’s seat come 2015? That’s not fair in my view. He should’ve tried to let the husband know his displeasure with what the wife was doing in first place.”

“What husband, whose wife? She’s the boss o!”

“You don’t know that.”

“That’s public enough. She showed it coming out of the aeroplane the other day on an international visit, and she’s showed it in the way she throws herself every time.”

“Still, the governor gunning for her husband’s office isn’t a friendly act.”

“This is silly. The guy hasn’t said he was running, and even if he was, so?”

“That’s the point. What’s his hurry, can’t he wait for another time instead of running against a fellow Niger Delta man? Patience, he needs patience.”

“Ha, ha. ‘Patience’! Jonathan can keep ‘that’.

Was I surprised? No, I wasn’t. I always suspected that Major Hamza al-Mustapha would one day walk free over the assassination of Alhaja Kudirat Abiola. Lawyers would talk about proving a case beyond reasonable doubt; activists would say it is better to free a thousand guilty men than hang an innocent man; and al-Mustapha’s friends would talk about how unfair and inhuman it was to have put the former henchman of General Sani Abacha on trial for 14 years. I have even heard people claim that al-Mustapha, assuming if he did order the killing of Kudirat, was only acting as a state agent and should never be made to bear individual responsibility for it.

The High Court sitting in Lagos had, based on its evaluation of the evidence before it, condemned al-Mustapha to death. The Court of Appeal, based on its own evaluation of the same evidence, set him free. The acquittal of al-Mustapha and Alhaji Lateef Shofolahan now brings to an end the trials of those suspected to have carried out or attempted to carry out politically motivated murders under Abacha: his son, Mohammed, Ishaya Bamaiyi, James Danbaba and Rabo Lawal. One by one, they were all set free by the courts. We wasted enormous resources and time prosecuting these cases. Yet it was always clear that none would face justice at the end of the day.

Al-Mustapha was given a hero’s welcome in Kano State. They said he was only being persecuted by the Nigerian state. The crowd that received him was unbelievable. A lavish party was held in 2002 when Mohammed Abacha was released by the courts. He too stood trial for the death of Kudirat and the attempted assassination of Mr. Alex Ibru, the Publisher of the Guardian who died two years ago. Mohammed would probably have been elected governor of Kano State if the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) had fielded him in the 2011 governorship election.

The Lagos State government, which prosecuted the al-Mustapha case, has threatened to head for the Supreme Court, but I can bet my laptop on it that the apex court will return a not-guilty verdict. Why was I not surprised at the turn of events? Let me answer that question with another question: who has ever been convicted for assassination in Nigeria? Al-Mustapha was not going to be the first, let’s be honest. I don’t know if al-Mustapha was guilty or not, but I am saying categorically that even if he was guilty, he would never face the music. In Nigeria, only the small fries face justice.

We need to look inwards and begin to ask ourselves the hard questions. Why do the big guys get away with crimes? Just recently, some condemned men were executed in Edo State for armed robbery and murder. We eagerly bring down the hammer on the lowly criminals. If you hear that someone has been convicted for murder or robbery or embezzlement, it must be a commoner. That is the way our system is configured. The big people who commit crimes that are ten times worse are always pampered. Google the news on the trial of high-profile suspects in Nigeria and most of the stories are on how a court has ordered EFCC to release the passport of an accused so he can travel abroad for medical treatment. The lowly suspects who are sick can die and rot away in detention.

Have you noticed that not one former governor is in jail for corruption in Nigeria? Not one. Not one former president or head of state. Not one former council chairman. Not one former minister. Not one former commissioner. No one former permanent secretary. Not one former Senator or House member. You think this is a co-incidence? You think it is a co-incidence that a phone thief is jailed while someone who has stolen billions of naira is given national honours? You think it is a co-incidence that high-profile persons always avoid conviction? Those who have the strong connections always find a way round the system. The message is clear: thou shall not steal or kill, except thou art well-connected.

Talking about crime and punishment, I have since come to the conclusion that those of us who have been canvassing that the president, vice-president, governors and deputy governors should be stripped of their constitutional immunity are just wasting our time. We don’t know what we are saying. When the anti-graft war was gathering momentum under President Olusegun Obasanjo, I wrote week in, week out that the immunity clause should be removed from the constitution so that no governor would hide under it to loot his people dry or commit murder. For whatever reason, I failed to throw the Nigerian factor into the equation.

The immunity issue has come up again as we seek another review of the constitution, and I want to implore the campaigners to go look for another job. Certainly, the immunity clause is not the stumbling block to our progress. In the first place, members of the National Assembly have no immunity and I am not aware that any of them has been jailed for corruption or murder, despite all the cases in court. A dozen former governors, without any strand of immunity, were put on trial in 2007. None of them has been jailed since then. Some are even making laws for Nigeria as distinguished Senators today. And we keep asking why Nigeria is like this!

Even if the immunity clause were removed, no governor or president would still go to jail for corruption or murder. I can bet my Blackberry on that. Those who don’t have immunity are not facing justice, much less those who have. But why? Is it the prosecution that is not diligent? Is it the defence lawyers that are exceptionally brilliant? Is it the judiciary that is star-struck, incompetent or compromised? Or is it just an unwritten, unsigned understanding that only the lowly should face justice in Nigeria? There is an elite conspiracy, isn’t it? They shoot and loot and walk away triumphantly.

We seem to have two sets of laws and two justice systems. One for the poor, the other for the powerful. A common man will be sentenced to death for murder; the big man will walk away free, to the embrace of an exuberant, ululating crowd. By the way, I am not saying for sure that al-Mustapha ordered the killing of Kudirat. I don’t know. I can only suspect. But I am saying: so what if he was the one? Who has ever paid for political killings in Nigeria?

Fellow Nigerians, there is no place where democracy is desperately seeking and pleading for attention than our dear country. I will explain and demonstrate what I mean in a jiffy. Nigerians love the good things of life but oftentimes hate the process needed to attain them. We are a nation of miracle-seekers; the reason religion is very attractive here without commensurate piety and Godliness. A man who has just stolen his latest billions is not ashamed to run to his church and Pastor to offer a tithe on his loot. You recognise the important folks in your church as they scramble to take direct positions in front of the pew. Nowhere is ever too sacred for these guys. Their security goons with fully loaded guns often block the front, back and side views of the hapless congregation. This show of pump and power has become a veritable part of the Nigerian man’s appurtenances of office.

That supposedly meek Alhaji who has just slaughtered the treasury of the State is a regular visitor to the Holy Land. He never misses his spiritual obligations of praying five times a day with full ablutions to boot. The same man sits at ungodly hours with members of the Mafioso planning and plotting how to throw his country into a senseless orgy of violence and total mayhem. At that convenient moment, he forgets that Islam is supposed to be a religion of love and peace. A true Muslim is expected to be simple, humble and humane. Like his Christian counterpart, he’s not supposed to lay treasures on earth. His manner of death and unpretentious burial presupposes that he brought nothing to the world and he shall take nothing when he departs. Why then do we make all this fuss about power when we always act like we own God more than the Pope? The reason is simple. An average Nigerian loves God but his thoughts and deeds are far from His words.

If you’re a Christian, you must be familiar with the Biblical injunctions. The toughest and commonest of them all are: Love your neighbour as yourself; thou shall not steal; thou shall not kill; thou must forgive your enemy seventy times seven times; thou shall not lie, and so on and so forth. How many of us ever make any effort, much more strenuous attempts, to obey these commandments. Yet we all wish to enter the kingdom of God. We live like ostriches and still wish to walk tall like peacocks. In fact, one of the admonitions I find most confusing is the one that says: “Judge not lest you be judged…” Matthew 7:1. How’s that possible in our modern world, where everyman is a judge in his own cause? That’s why I chose to advise the people in authority rather than dismiss them totally. Let it be on record that I did my best to offer legitimate even if unsolicited counsel.

Unfortunately, we’ve chosen to turn many dictionary words and their meanings upside down. I think many years of military rule have finally taken their toll on us. Love has fled our land to other climes and most of us are doing nothing to woo her back. Brothers are turning against brothers. Sisters are bitching against each other. We sulk like babies over everything. Our nerves have become so raw and tender that we snarl over primordial issues. We have allowed money, ethnicity and religion, in that order, to tear us asunder. The immediate cause of my lamentation is the recent release from death row of former General Sani Abacha’s Man Friday, Major Hamza Al-Mustapha.

Some young friends had complained within 24 hours of Al Mustapha’s release that I had not commented on the judgment which most of them considered a miscarriage of justice. But it was not exactly true that I had not commented. I did but not in the elaborate manner they expected. My comment on Twitter was simply that God was the ultimate Judge. My reasons for this simple observation are even simpler.  One, whatever may be hidden from man is very clear to God.

Two, I had not availed myself of a copy of the judgment and it would be foolhardy of anyone to arrive at conclusions based on hearsay. Three, no sensible leader of thought and moulder of public opinion would ever disparage a judgment of a Court law and those who occupy esteemed positions in the Judiciary even if he feels they have erred in the duty and responsibilities. The courts remain the bastion and the last hope of the people. We should not demolish a house because of the presence of a few irritants.

If we do, all the good people inside would perish. I cannot even say that these particular Justices can be referred to  as irritants, simply because they have delivered a judgment that we may find unpalatable. Four, I personally feel the case had dragged on for too long and had become politicised and ethnicised like everything Nigerian. Five, if the judges feel the prosecution did not make enough effort to present a cast-iron case; I’m humble enough to acknowledge my limitations in matters and principles of law, and must therefore defer to their inexorable reasoning. Six, I will never support a kangaroo court treatment for anyone even if that person killed my mother and father. Seven, and lastly, we should know that legal matters are often tricky and if we doubt the decision we have the choice of challenging cases to their final destination but then we must accept the verdict at that final stage.

The tenets of democracy are tough and sometimes painful. There are too many dos and don’ts. Your freedom stops where mine begins. We’ve never really enjoyed the dividends of democracy in Nigeria. The same old warriors are still in charge manipulating all of us like the roulette wheel. It is the oldest casino game and we are their veritable instruments. Until the day something major happens, by whatever miracle or stroke of all, we shall continue this circus show of musical chairs. There is nothing to suggest that we’ve learnt anything tangible from our past. It is the same old song and chorus. It is as if there is a special liquid they inject into Nigerians that makes us lose our sanity the moment we lose power. I’m totally paranoid about that injection. I ask if one day I will become a stark raving lunatic animal like those before if ever I find my way to government and power. There are not too many good examples to suggest otherwise.

Even those on the periphery of power seem worse. No one talks about developing the nation. All we see are people tearing at each other’s throats. If we dismiss some as suffering from illiteracy, we cannot say the same of full-fledged Professors who threaten our corporate existence in the name of power shift. Let me be very direct. I was very disappointed when I read comments credited to Professor Ango Abdullahi that power must return to the North in 2015 at all costs and by any means necessary. He even boasted that the North has the numerical strength to win elections permanently.  I do not know where he got his figures from but that is a matter for another day.

What quickly came to mind were the following.  One, was how’s this man any different from those soldiers of fortune threatening that Nigeria must die if President Goodluck Jonathan does not win in 2015? Two, has Professor Abdullahi not given fillip to the argument of the militants and also enough notice for them to assemble their weapons of mass destruction? Three, which North is he referring to, North West, North East, North Central? What gives him the confidence that all of them would now vote as one, if they ever did before? Four, even if the North deserves to have another shot at the presidency, must it be put it so crudely and arrogantly as to provoke the South? Five, I don’t care where our next President comes from. Whosoever wishes to govern must be prepared to go through the electoral process. There is nothing in our Constitution that says power must rotate from North to South and vice versa. Every Nigerian has the legitimate right to aspire to the highest office in the land. The zoning agreement he claimed they had with former President Olusegun Obasanjo is not binding on the country. That was a private concoction between the convoluted Generals and their civilian allies in the People’s Democratic Party.  That Party is not, and can never, equate to Nigeria.

Democracy can never thrive in Nigeria with bullies screaming their heads off all over the place. The first thing we must kill before it kills our country totally is this tribal nonsense.  Even those in national positions are not able to think beyond the village they’ve done nothing to turn into a Dubai or Hong Kong. They speak with forked tongues, beating the drums of war yet talking about false peace.  Tribalism is their only qualification for appointments and election. The irredentists know for sure that having power in their zone will never translate to much gain for their community in general. They only live on the perpetual hope that they will have some access to the national cake with their kinsmen in power. That is the tragic reality. The religious malaise is just as bad.  Both tribal, parochial sentiments and religious opinions must be exorcised from our national consciousness.

As Nigerians, we must make up our minds that we are ready to put an end to the anomalies that have kept us backward and downtrodden. We must decide if this present shade of democracy is what we want or something else. Our intolerance of each other has reached atrocious levels. If Obama was a Nigerian, he would never have been able to contest Local Government elections let alone the Presidency. Yet were we not the ones that partied the loudest on his election as the first African American President. What have we learnt from that miracle to lead us to a desire to perform ours?

We are all celebrating the great Madiba, Nelson Mandela, today but is any of our leaders ready to pay such a personal sacrifice even at just the lower level of reducing the profligacy that has consumed us all? Are we ready to forgive our political enemies and march forward in a new season of true and total reconciliation? We obviously love the good things we see elsewhere but are never able to replicate same at home.  It is high time that we made the necessary personal choices and sacrifices.  Our nation will remain comatose and eventually die if we continue on this lethargic, apathetic path.  The prediction of the doomsday merchants will have come to pass, not because it was meant to be but because we let it be.

Our journey is definitely longer than we know.

The Nigerian Senate includes some of the brightest minds in our country many of whom are friends of mine and most of whom have been in active politics for many years. They have my respect. However what transpired in the Senate chamber a few days ago was a great cause for concern for not just me but millions of Nigerians from all over the world. How an innocent and seemingly uninteresting, uninspiring and unimportant debate about when and at what age a Nigerian citizen could legitimately and lawfully renounce his or her citizenship turned into a referendum on paedophilia and child marriage I don’t know. Yet sadly that is precisely what happened and ever since then the nation has been on fire.

Senator (ex-Governor) Ahmed Sani, the Yerima Bakura and the Apostle of political sharia in Nigeria finally got his way and the futile attempt by a small number of good, noble and honourable Senators to amend the existing law on marriage and properly define the age of a female that is eligible to marry was thwarted by the pro-paedophilia, pro-child rape and pro-child marriage group within the Senate. Sadly our distinguished Senators eventually bowed to the will of Yerima and his friends and agreed to remain silent about the age that young girls can get married in Nigeria. What this means is that girls that are as young as 9 years old can continue to be lawfully bedded and married in our country providing they are deemed as being ”physically developed enough” to do so by their suitors, their prospective husbands and their parents. That is the law and that is the sordid level that we as a people and as a nation have degenerated to over the years.

I weep for Nigeria and, perhaps more appropriately, I weep for the Nigerian girl child. I weep because it is obvious to me that the Yerimas of this world wish to turn our country into a giant Bangkok to which millions of sexual deviants flock from all over the world to ”enjoy” our ”tourist attractions” and ”have a taste” of our young and beloved children. Worst still they wish to use religion to defend and justify it.  Yet we have no choice but to live with this new reality and to accept it as it is. After all, our representatives in the sacred halls of the Senate were not sensitive enough or ”man enough” to shoot down the whole thing, to stand firmly against the unholy agenda and to say boldly and firmly that ”come what may” our children must be protected from sexual deviants and reprobates.

And since the Senate, in its infinite wisdom, has now bought into and openly endorsed the “Paedophile Charter” which essentially makes it lawful and constitutional for very young girls to get married and to have sex at a very young age it is my firm view that we have now become a nation of perverts and paedophiles. The Senate had a chance to clear the air and amend the law but, out of nothing but sentiment and an inexplicable eagerness to compromise with that which is clearly evil, they threw that chance away and sacrificed our most sacred values to Yerima and his gang. Worst still they did it with a smile on their faces. Every Nigerian should bow his or her head in shame because instead of crushing the head of the lustful beast that seeks to fornicate with our children, to steal their virtues and to destroy their future, what the Senate did the other day was to compromise with and cater for the filthy appetites and godless fantasies of a bunch of child molesters and sexual predators. It is sordid. It is ungodly. It is evil. And it is unforgiveable.

Surely we ought to be seeking to protect our children and not seeking to bed them. Yet it appears that not everyone shares our outrage and collective sense of shame. One Uche Ezechukwu made the following contribution which went viral on the social media networks and which I think speaks volumes. He wrote-

“Those who are railing against ‘paedophile’ senators, like Yerima Bakura, must be told that a Muslim can’t go wrong while imitating the examples of the Apostle of Allah himself and the founder of his religion, in the same way a Christian cannot be criticized for following the examples of Jesus Christ. The Holy Prophet Muhammad (SAW) married Aisha at the age of six and consummated the marriage when she was nine. So, why are we judging Muslims by our own standards?”

I am appalled by these words. The truth is that I have never heard such a self-serving and specious argument in defense of the philosophies and beliefs of the Ayatollah of Bakura, Senator Ahmed Sani, the practising paedophile who married and bedded a 12-year-old Egyptian girl, as this one. Ahmed Sani himself could not have argued it better. Yet I think that it is an utter shame. And this is more so because the individual that is putting the argument is supposedly a Christian. The Old Testament of the Holy Bible prescribes ”stoning” for adultery but that does not mean that Christian countries, or indeed secular states like Nigeria, should stone adulterers.

Neither does it mean that we should preserve the institution of slavery or crucify petty thieves simply because the Holy Bible endorsed both practices in the Old Testament. We must accept the fact that the interpretation of biblical and koranic provisions are evolutionary and are ever changing. Jesus Himself said ”laws are made for man and not man for laws”. The suggestion that paedophilia has any place in any modern and decent society simply because it was once practised in the distant past is not only a despicable argument but it also does not make any sense. After all cannibalism and child and human sacrifice were once widely practised and were held as being perfectly acceptable throughout the world as well but that does not mean that we should practice any of those terrible vices today.

The young man, Uche Ezechukwu, who appears to be defending child rape in the name of Islam, should either let someone lay with and ”marry” his own 6 or 9 year old daughter or he should seal his lips forever and stop trying to defend the indefensible. His assertions, and I daresay those of Senator Ahmed Sani and anyone that shares their primitive views, are not only utterly immoral and reprehensible but they are also intellectually dishonest. I say this because the truth is that there is NO Muslim country in the world that has adopted the “paedophile charter” where 6 or 9 year olds can marry and be bedded except for Saudi Arabia, Iran and Yemen.

Every other Muslim country in the world, including Turkey, Indonesia, Pakistan, Malaysia, Egypt, Jordan, Senegal, the Sudan, Tunisia, Afghanistan, Lebanon, Palestine, United Arab Emirates, Bangladesh, Qatar, Bahrain, Dagestan, Albania, Bosnia, Somalia, Algeria, Libya, Mali, Azerbejhan, Niger, Turkestan, Chechnya and Syria have specifically banned child marriage, paedophilia and child rape in their various constitutions and laws and some have declared it ”repugnant”, ”unacceptable” and ”un-Islamic”. Are these people not Muslims too? As a matter of fact, that’s if they not better Muslims than those that insist on sleeping with or marrying underage girls in the name of Islam?

Like Christianity and Judaism, Islam is a noble, pure, honourable and ancient faith that seeks to protect the weakest and most vulnerable in society, including children. No one should use the misinterpretation of its provisions to try to justify or rationalise what is essentially depraved, shameful, disgusting and barbaric behaviour and the most sordid and filthy expression of sexual deviance and perversion. Even animals do not marry or bed their own infants. The bitter truth is that paedophiles have no place in any civilised society.

I am constrained to say that in the light of their “yes” vote to child marriage and their green light to paedophilia, every single member of the Nigerian Senate that voted with Yerima on that day and that supported his filthy agenda should bow their heads in utter shame and they should be compelled to offer their own infant and under age daughters to strangers for marriage. I repeat, they have turned us into a nation of perverts and paedophiles and I say a pox on all their houses. I reserve my commendations and respect only for those Senators that opposed and voted against Yerima’s protestations and agenda and that stood for that which was right even though they could not muster enough votes to have their way. My word to this brave and righteous few is simple and clear- keep the struggle alive and continue to resist the evil that resides amongst us all. You are the only thing that stands between our children and the practising paedophiles in our midst, who seek to ravage and bed them even before they have entered their teens.

This should be the question on the lips of every man and woman of conscience, considering the acquittal last week of Maj. Hamza al-Mustapha, Chief Security Officer of ex-military dictator, Gen. Sani Abacha. Al-Mustapha, until his acquittal, had been in detention since 1999 for the murder of Kudirat Abiola, wife of M.KO. Abiola, winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election who himself died in detention in July 1998.

The state reception and effusive welcome party for al-Mustapha must be gut-wrenching for any Nigerian who lived through the horrors of the Abacha dictatorship. As Abacha’s Chief Security Officer, al-Mustapha was the point man of the murderous triumvirate that comprised Ismaila Gwarzo, National Security Adviser and Frank Omenka of the notorious Directorate of Military Intelligence. They had as their henchmen Barnabas Jabila (a.k.a Sgt. Rogers), Muhammed Abdul (a.k.a Katako), Alhaji Danbaba, and Rabo Lawal amongst others.

The High Court of Lagos State under Hon. Justice Mojisola Dada had on January 30, 2012, found both  al-Mustapha and Alhaji Lateef Shofolahan, one of Kudirat’s aides, guilty of the offences of conspiracy to murder and murder of Kudirat, contrary to Sections 324 and 319 of the Criminal Code of Lagos State and accordingly had sentenced them to death by hanging. Justice Dada had based her judgment, amongst other things, on the strength of the testimony of two prosecution witnesses, Jabila and Abdul.

Both witnesses had testified that they were “directed to murder Alhaja Kudirat Abiola by Maj. Hamza al-Mustapha; that they were given information on her movements by Alhaji Lateef Sofolahan; and that they, respectively, shot and killed Alhaji Kudirat Abiola and drove the Peugeot 504 car, which they used in trailing her car and bolted away, after killing her at the Cargo Vision Area of the Lagos end of the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway”.

Justice Dada’s guilty verdict was reversed last week by the Court of Appeal. While lashing out at the lower court, Hon. Justice Amina A. Augie (presiding justice of the Court of Appeal’s Panel), Hon. Justice Rita N. Pemu, and Hon. Justice Fatima O. Akinbami, based their ruling, amongst other things, on the “contradiction in the testimony of the prosecution witnesses” who had during cross examination and re-examination recanted, alleging that they were forced to implicate the accused persons.

It would be interesting to know why the learned justices of the Court of Appeal found it appealing (no pun intended) to believe the latter story of the prosecution witnesses. With the acquittal of al-Mustapha, it seems the Court of Appeal wants to erase our memory and close a chapter in the sordid history of the Abacha dictatorship. That also means that not a single person will be held responsible for the political assassinations that took place under that regime. So much for justice!

Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso of Kano State has described al-Mustapha as a “hero”. In a country where true heroes are in short supply, the governor may well be right. I would add that al-Mustapha is also a “hero” for justice because in Nigeria justice is for the highest bidder. Alhaji Maitama Sule has asked al-Mustapha to “forgive his detractors” who obviously were responsible for his “unjust” incarceration. The Nigerian Army should go ahead and promote al-Mustapha to a General, pay him his salaries and allowances for the past 14 years – if they were ever stopped – and assign him a command to put into good use his experiences in the service of the fatherland.

Today, al-Mustapha is a free man, free to run for governor of Kano State, senator or even the president of the Federal Republic. I hope he appreciates the value of life and liberty, things that he and his former boss denied Nigerians for five years.

If al-Mustapha didn’t kill Kudirat Abiola or order her assassination, it would be nice to know what al-Mustapha and the regime he served so faithfully did to find the killers of Kudirat, Pa Alfred Rewane and others murdered during the Abacha regime.

It is the same question that Gen. Ibrahim Babangida must answer concerning the death of Dele Giwa.

Democracy and its malcontents

Nigeria is a deeply flawed polity. And unless we brace ourselves to this reality and do something about it, we would continue to witness the show of shame that is going on in the name of democracy in Rivers State and indeed across the country.

In July 2003, a pseudo-democrat and putative dictator posing as the democratic president of the Federal Republic in cahoots with political jobbers and miscreants sacked an elected governor of a state. Exactly 10 years later, history is repeating itself.

It was Karl Marx who in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, while complementing Hegel’s assertion that every major event, phenomenon or personage in history usually appeared twice, stated that the first appearance was usually a tragedy and the second a farce. If Obasanjo/Ngige in 2003 was a tragedy; Jonathan/Amaechi 10 years later is certainly a farce. Or, how else can you describe a situation where five members of the Rivers State House of Assembly – an assembly with 32 members – impeached the speaker and replaced him with one of their own?

The video clips of that attempted coup have become a media sensation. However, beyond the mindless violence that we witness and the comic relief that they provide, the horror show is an indictment of our democracy. But it is much more than that. It is a window into a much deeper national problem. Therefore, if we focus on the Jonathans (Goodluck and Patience), Amaechi as well as their sidekicks and disciples, we miss the point.

For me, the crisis in Rivers State is a reflection of our crisis of nationhood; the outcome of the distorted structure of Nigeria and its power relations. Many of those who are shouting themselves hoarse today will do the same thing if given the opportunity. Clearly, any attempt to understand the current crisis without focusing on this fundamental problem would amount to chasing shadows.

Prof. Chinweizu captured this reality when he noted during the January 2012 fuel subsidy crisis that, “Many of the deadly problems plaguing Nigeria are maintained by the provisions of the constitution as well as the structures it has set up. Therefore, tackling many of Nigeria’s problems would require a comprehensive critique and gutting of the constitution in which they are rooted”.

Last year, a former vice-president, Atiku Abubakar, complained about “the scandalously limitless powers wielded by anyone who occupies the presidential seat in Nigeria”. It is the same limitless powers that governors enjoy in their states. Of course, the political class will complain and do everything except interrogate the very system that makes this scandal of a democracy possible: Whether we are talking about governors sacking local government chairmen with impunity, the president using the apparatuses of the state to solve his personal and intra-party problems or the National Assembly assuming powers it does not have – in this case, the illegal and unconstitutional “take-over” of the Rivers State Assembly

Rather than being fixated on the Jonathan/Amaechi farce, perhaps, this offers us an opportunity to begin discussing the bigger question of restructuring the country. Unless we take that bold step, the affront to democracy we witnessed in Anambra State in 2003 and Rivers State in 2013 will happen again, perhaps on a grander and much more farcical form.

A few days ago, during a solidarity visit to Amaechi, the governors of Kano, Jigawa, Adamawa and Niger states called for State Police. We must not stop at that. We should go a step further to discuss resource control/revenue allocation, citizenship rights and the many problems that make our democracy a huge joke, and our country a grand illusion.

In the absence of a qualitative research tradition that can provide a firm anchor for evidence-based policymaking, the investigative daring of our media stands boldly in the gap.  Recall that it was the adventurous hunt for big news and the definitive scoop by the private Channels Television that turned national and global searchlight on the amazing rot and dereliction of the Nigeria Police College, Ikeja in January this year.

In fairness to the Jonathan administration, it rose to the occasion, after a tardy start and came up with a new look Police College, following a presidential ultimatum directing the training institution to be renovated within a few months.

As The PUNCH revealed in a special feature on the police published on Thursday last week, however, the struggle for a decent police  force is still far from over.  The report conveys the horrifying picture of several police stations reduced to a hand-to-mouth existence and running vital services, police officers say, through bribes and charity.

Informed the paper: “They (police officers) declared that many of them run the affairs of police stations from the proceeds of bribes collected by men who go on regular patrols as well as philanthropic gestures of members of the public.”  If this is the case, is it any wonder that the ubiquitous patrols and the sometimes mushrooming roadblocks develop lives of their own, given that the proceeds from them had been factored into maintaining the police stations?  Is this not another case, like the running saga in Port Harcourt of life in Nigeria throwing up more chilling narratives than fictional representations? Consider the arithmetic of police degradation.  The Ogun State Police Command comprising 46 police stations and five area commands receives on the average N500,000 (half a million naira) every quarter, that is at intervals of three months.  Now, complete the sorry arithmetic by sharing that amount over all the stations and area commands and see what happens.  What this means is that more money is available for the lunch expenses of two politicians for 10 days than is allocated to maintain security in the relatively challenging environment of Ogun State.

Do we need to extrapolate and ask how much money was made available for the engineered uproar at the Rivers State House of Assembly that is bringing our democracy to international ridicule?  This is a strange political class that invests so much energy, money and time scheming for office and bringing down opponents but failing to appreciate that power is given just so that it may be used to uplift the dignity of persons and institutions.

To be sure, policing in austere times comes with shrinking budgets and reduced leeway. For example, a 20 per cent cut in police funds grant in England and Wales over the four year-period ending in 2015 has meant a more cost-effective use of existing resources through pooled capabilities and a renewed emphasis on proactively preventing crime rather than preventing it from snowballing. But the English example is quite a different ball game from pushing a police force to the margins of bare existence in a world in which crime is both transnational and increasingly employs sophisticated technology.

It would have been consoling if after the publication of The PUNCH story regarding the depths of deprivation to which the police had sunk, a statement promising remedial action had emanated from government. But no such luck as at the time this write-up was being finalised.  Perhaps, with as many as 13 ministers and four governors on the presidential delegation to China only to be received by an Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs in China, there was little space left to address serious issues of governance in Nigeria.

The opulent and ostentatious character of the China trip as well as the implied Chinese rebuke of governmental flamboyance are matters for another day, but may we observe in passing that if money saved up from a less elaborate China trip, for example, had been put into running the police, we would not have come to such a slippery pass as sending the nation’s major security force out with begging bowls?

It is commendable that a government reeling from domestic and international criticisms over the parlous state of the Police College, Ikeja undertook the re-kitting and upgrade of the college.  The truth of the matter, however, is that if government read its own commissioned reports, it would not have needed the media exposure on the police college and the recent The PUNCH spotlight on the terrible state of our police stations to be informed on the matter. Even before the Presidential Committee on Police Reform set up by President Jonathan and chaired by Mr. Parry Osayande, a retired Deputy Inspector General of Police, there had been three previous presidential committees assigned to the same task in the last decade. These reports, funded by government had unanimously fingered the miserably low budgetary allocation of funds on the police as well as the delayed and incomplete release of funds earmarked to the security institution.

If we are not to believe the caustic, racially-tinged joke about hiding things from the black man by putting them in a book or in an extended report, then there is no reason why sustainable remedial and proactive policy should not have emanated from the highest quarters of government with respect to police decay.

Obviously, the capacity of the police, their combat readiness, skills level and weaponry are crucial issues in the face of mounting crime and gangsterism.  Leaving the police with little or no funds to run essential services is very much like starving or maltreating your security guard and still expecting him to protect you.  Under the military rule, there was an unspoken but tacit policy of deliberately abasing the police force which was conceived as a rival security agency for which there was little use.

Unfortunately, so many years into the civilian dispensation, the police have yet to be accorded its fundamental place in our security architecture, leading to raw deals from criminals among a besieged citizenry.

The PUNCH story on the egregious conditions  under which our policemen and women work should be the signal  for us to re-imagine the police force as a credible, humane and effective bulwark against crime, and one that can stand up in the context of an exploding population.

Perhaps, it is time to revisit the unresolved issue of state police as an alternative to the current over-centralised and ineffective police which reproduce the dysfunctions of the central government. This would be more in sync with our federal structure and would make it possible for the police to touch base with local communities and be enriched by intelligence and crime-profiling from these communities.  It is time to think outside the official box which perennially invokes the abuse of local police during the First Republic as an excuse for not breaking the institution into more manageable parts in line with federalist ethos.

 “Every African-American in the United States needs to move their money, family, knowledge (sic) back to Africa w(h)ere you will be treated like the royalty you are. You don’t deserve this treatment. This is not your country.” Akon, Senegalese-American singer on perceived racism over the acquittal of George Zimmerman for killing a black teenager, Trayvon Martin. 

If we stare longer into the global map of racism, we may realise that Africa is responsible for the humiliation of its dark-skinned people and descendants worldwide. If we stare longer into the sociology of Black people, we may realise that racism is perhaps a deserved punishment for our inability to build a single country years after the ideologies of Marcus Garvey, the intellections of W. E. B. Du Bois, the disobedience of Rosa Parks, the protests of Martin Luther King and the agitations of all the provoked black ancestors in post-abolition Americas. We do not need to stare longer to understand that racism is justified by the ostentatious inferiorities we Africans wear in disobedience to Bob Marley’s call—“Emancipate yourself from mental slavery!” Oops, Marley actually inherited those words from Garvey, Garvey who asked his people to move back to the Homeland – Africa!

Of course I’ll understand if you don’t know Garvey—in present society, history books are reserved for the misfits! But those who remember a dreamer like Garvey are simply seeking sympathies and attention to a collective failure; spell it out, any Blackman who remembers Garvey is destined to end up on the laps of misery. Garvey was a good guy, in whose memory I always shake my head as I reflect on the confusions and amnesias that occupy the worlds and homes of the Blackman today. He understood the need to reconnect with one’s ancestry, to be in a world in which the colour of justice is in the shade of the colour of your own skin. Garvey was a social prophet who died wishing Black Africa had dotted the White Man’s ‘t’ and crossed his ‘i’.

Perhaps it’s a good thing that the Black people in Americas refused to heed Garvey’s wish in that phase of our history. So we may praise that setback for forestalling those Back-to-Africa campaigns, because there wouldn’t have been many exceptions today in our attempts to convince the world that not every African leader corners taxpayers’ money to Switzerland while dependent citizens pine away, as we witness in our politics from Abuja to Kinshasha. We must celebrate our convictions, that racist geneticists could not scientifically prove that absence of intelligence among many African leaders is genetic. The Mandelas have managed to frustrate that stereotype even though South Africa is still not a land of privileged Blackman. There are exceptions, and there are also enough statistics of evil white men who wrecked humanity. But no evil would ever be bigger than conspiring to loot the resources of a nation in need; this is where the black leaders, especially of this era, lose it. And this is where they become easy pawns of contempt and racism. If you want to fix racism, fix yourself, fix your people and fix your country. There is no shortcut to stopping these humiliations of the dark-skinned race in Americas, Europe, Asia and Arabia. Racism is a psychologically acquired prejudice, it’s a feeling that comes with realisations that your own people, having built what the others couldn’t or haven’t, must indeed be superior. Common sense!

This acquired prejudice is applied in our institutions, and our very interactions, where an excelling Blackman is seen as either lucky or deviant. It’s this same feeling that inspires even African men to shamelessly refer to the most beautiful of their women as “African Beauties” or “Black Beauties” – this depreciatory epithet, we don’t seem to know, gives away that, though African or Black ladies are largely ugly, some are indeed beautiful. Why aren’t there European Beauties, Caucasian Beauties, or even White Beauties in the lexicostatistics of the White race?

These are the reasons I was not particularly surprised by the verdict of the George Zimmerman –Trayvon Martin trial. Young Martin was killed in a world where the colour of justice is still white, and there is little we can do about it. I don’t know why “resident” Africans suddenly developed sensitivity to inhumanity when we have celebrated worse evils in our polities. The Zimmerman trial is not any strange to our people. The acquittal of Major Hamza Al-Mustapha after almost 15 years in prison is a bigger joke than Zimmerman’s, for in the case of the latter we know the politics of race there in which the Blackman is always guilty until proven otherwise. This is as a result of the unfavourable statistics of Bad Guys among the black communities. Institutions don’t work with truths, they work with statistics, and as long as statistics remain the major tools of interpreting a people, the black people are forever criminals.

To demand to know what subjects the Black race to this level of moral collapse despite the churches and mosques seeking to reconstruct the spiritual morals of a people with no traceable ancestry is a futile mission; our poverty and economic frustrations fuel our desperate and criminal quest for survival. The gangster culture, which actually exists among other races, becomes an escape for the hopeless black youth in America, and the statistics of this incriminated and killed Trayvon. Yet the exemplary African-American models that condemned the criminal culture of black inner city communities are seen as “player-hating” morons. Classic response was one by rapper Nas to Civil Rights activist Reverend Jesse Jackson. “You ain’t helping nobody in the ‘hood and that’s the bottom line.” Simple!

Now who helps the unfortunate blacks in America’s ghetto-hoods? Black Africa? Hell, no! Akon’s outrage may be absurd, but it revives the memory of Garvey and how, about a century later, there is no single Black African country capable of granting the marginalised blacks a home. In fact, native Africans are dying to replace Trayvon Martin. It’s really depressing to think about Garvey in this trying time. May God save us from us!

 Gimba Kakanda

@gimbakakanda (On Twitter)

 My recent piece on the Fiscal Responsibility Commission elicited a wide range of responses on some of the key issues raised. Space will not permit me to publish every one of them, but the response below from a staff of the commission who prefers to remain anonymous raises even more salient questions.  

Thank you, sir, for the above titled piece. Very precise and factual. I am a staff of the Commission and know from an insider’s experience that all you wrote about the FRC – of its inability to function according to the provision of the FRA that established it – is the true reflection of what is happening in the Commission.

But, Sir, when you ascribed the Commission’s inactive stance to the weakness of its management, I say you were understating the reality, the true situation in the Commission. The truth is that the Commission is saddled with an incompetent and corrupt management, a group of greedy people who are only out to satisfy their individual interest and nothing more.

The main problem here is that the aim and wisdom behind the establishment of Fiscal Responsibility Commission had been missed from the onset; the government appointed the wrong people to run the Commission. Of the whole six full time Commissioners plus the Chairman, only the Chairman and one of the Commissioners can be said to have full grasp of the meaning of FRA and the powers and functions of the Commission. The bulk of others are just there as appointees representing their respective geopolitical zone. You would be surprised to know that most of them lack even the basic knowledge on the FRA. And because they regard their appointment as an opportunity to further their interest including helping themselves with the Commission’s budgetary allocation, they are always at loggerheads fighting among themselves based on personal and selfish interests.

The Chairman, perhaps, due to his old age and recurrent health problem, is too weak to perform his duties. Somebody who cannot sit upright for good thirty minutes or walk few meters is definitely not the type to head this type of organization. He is always absent due to health problem; at times he runs the office from his home at Karu with staff shuttling between the Commission’s Headquarters and his house to convey files. He is always in and out of hospital among which is his frequent medical trip to India at the expense of the Commission. The Chairman is just too incapacitated to handle the job. That’s the reason most of the times he doesn’t know what is happening in the Commission as the rest of the Commissioners isolated the man, leaving him only as a figure head while they run the Commission on whims and caprices.

In fact the six full time Commissioners plus the four part time ones run the affairs of the Commission as if it is their personal property; there are no standing rules and procedures, everybody acts according to what suits his interest. They usurped everything and power concerning the activities of the Commission to themselves. The staff are reduced to mere spectators and at times treated like personal servants to the Commissioners. From their inception up to the time I am writing this, there’s nothing in place in terms of institutional framework for the working of the Commission; there are no working tools, no written condition of service, and no salary system. Since inception, the Commission conducted physical monitoring and evaluation of projects by the MDAs only once (in the 2^nd quarter of this year). There is a whole directorate for monitoring and evaluation of which the staffs have been sitting idly without job to do.

The Commission is populated with bright young professionals with experience from various sectors, but the Commissioners would not allow them to work. There is general disenchantment now in the Commission; the staffs are frustrated to the highest level. There is no single staff that has been confirmed so far despite the fact that many have spent over three years in the commission. Those who can find jobs somewhere among the staff have left leaving the rest behind angry and frustrated.

How can you expect the Commission to sanction MDAs who trample the provisions of the FRA while the MDAs know that the Commission is a joke; nothing threatening will come out of it! The Commissioners, because of their glut, have turned the Commission into a corrupt, beggar-agency in front of the MDAs it is supposed to supervise. The NIMASA (among the scores of agencies that defied the Commission) you were talking about knew what they were doing when they ignored the Commission’s orders. At the end even when they were summoned to the Commission what happened? Where they sanctioned? After closed-door meeting with the Commission’s management, they all came out smiling and exchanging banters with the Commissioners! And up to today they have not submit the documents they were asked to submit, neither have they remit the monies in question.

Currently, there’s palpable situation in the Commission now resulting into mixed reactions, thanks to you write up. Just as the staffs are happy and jubilating for what you wrote, the management members are tensed and frightened. They just cancelled a scheduled meeting between the staff and the management which was supposed to hold today, Tuesday, due to fear that the staff will confront them.

Thank you, once again sir, for exposing the rot in the FRC. – Mr. Katako Maikusa, Concerned FRC Staff.

My name is Henry Jacob, guess you can’t tell where I am from in Nigeria from my name. That’s a blessing in disguise in view of our proficiency for tribal and religious profiling.

I was born in Kaduna state and for the first 13 years of life, I didn’t know the difference between tribes in the sense of being different or superior to others, we were all friends. We ate and played together. During Christmas and Sallah, we adorn new clothes and celebrate everything. I always look forward to the food during those celebrations except that of Mama Taiye which was too peppery and did spoil one of my Christmas (I ate her food first one Christmas and the hotness and pepper spoilt my taste buds).

I read Agriculture in University; never in my wildest imagination did I think there was a course of this nature. My first jamb score was 232 with medicine as my first choice in University of Benin. A cousin had 236 and was on the first batch for medicine in same school so I relaxed, that I can’t miss the second or third or supplementary list. I didn’t get admission that year. I went to my cousin to ask how he did his own. To my chagrin, he explained that he filled a middle belt state as his state of origin. That state is a less educationally Developed state so their cut off is lower than those from Delta state. My world was torn apart at this revelation. The next Jamb, I tittered with the thought of changing my state of origin, I could not being a Christian, I once again filled Delta state. I scored 214 this time around, cut off for medicine was about 245 in UNIBEN, ABU was my second choice so I rushed there. To my chagrin, I was informed that though the cut off for medicine in ABU was 180, my cut off being from Delta state was 220. Oh how I hated this country called Nigeria, if the borders were opened, I would have trekked through it and gone to any other country where I will be judged by merit and not my state of origin or tribe. What a shame!

Another cousin of mine scoured 260 and 272 yet couldn’t get admission into Medicine in UNILAG because he is from Delta state. He wrote SAT and got five admissions and scholarships abroad. He has never returned to Nigeria, in fact, MIT Massachusetts had to ask that he be transferred from Lincoln University, Pennsylvania. This is the same student that wasn’t good enough to enter into University in Nigeria.

The greatest challenge we have as a nation in my opinion is the Federal Character principle, while it sought to unite the country and create a sense of fairness after the civil war, we must understand that what works 30 to 40 years ago is no longer relevant today rather it has become the foundation of mediocrity and backwardness today. Let’s take the recent statistics for admission into the Unity schools as a case study.

Ejike is Igbo and from Imo state, he is 10 years old, he scores 170 in the admission exam into the Unity Schools while Nnamdi from the same state with 120 marks does not get admission. He has to attend any secondary school within his environment and woe betides him if his parents do not have time for him neither do they have the funds for a private school. Sambo scores 3 for the same exam and is from Yobe state so he gets admission into the same unity school with Ejike.

In their first term at school, the teacher assumes they all have equal intelligence for being able to pass and gain admission into school so he teaches them accordingly. Unbeknown to him, Sambo isn’t finding the class funny and in his mind, what the h**k is this man talking about? (This is not to denigrate any one from Yobe state, I have met a lot of intelligent people and current have some as friends and we compete on the same level). The mid tem exams reveals the lacuna of some of the teachers students especially Sambo who finds it difficult to write a sentence. As usual, the teacher blames it on his primary school and doesn’t have the patience to teach and give Sambo more attention. Sambo and Ejike continue through school while Ejike comes out tops, Sambo is somewhere wedge at the bottom three of his class. Waec and Jamb comes calling after 6 years with Sambo on full scholarship and his exams paid for (nothing wrong with this) and Ejike’s parents barely working to keep him in school.

Ejike scores 262  in Jamb with seven A’s and 2 C’s while Sambo scores 130 in jamb with 3 C’s, 2 D’s and 4 E’s. Both of them get admission into the same school surprisingly with Sambo being admitted to read Engineering in Federal University of Maiduguri while Ejike also gets admission into the same school to read same course. Sambo is on scholarship while Ejike works after lectures to pay his way through school. On graduation, Ejike graduates with an upper class (2.1) while Sambo graduates with a third class honours.

Immediately after NYSC, Sambo is sponsored without exams by PTDF to Oxford University for Masters in Civil Engineering while Ejike teaches in a primary school for one year and starts searching for job. Despite his brilliance, he has a challenge because there are many more brilliant and well-connected guys from his state of origin and tribe hence he has to take on odd jobs. He eventually gets a job in the Civil service. On the return of Sambo as a PHD holder in Well Engineering, he gets employed in NNPC based on the recommendation of his people (he is one of the best from his tribe and state, who wouldn’t want this for himself or children).

After ten years, Sambo is a Deputy Director of NPDC although they cannot produce any oil, just giving out contracts. He is wealthy, travels for summer in Hawaii, Tahiti, Bahamas and the Cayman islands, he has a house in London and Dubai while Ejike lives from hand to mouth. He is brilliant, full of ideas and solutions to the numerous Engineering challenges in the country but cannot concentrate on those issues as his bills are mounting at home, he has to work long hours to be able to afford the education of his children while Sambo’s children are schooling in the best schools with scholarships.

Sambo becomes Governor of his state while Ejike approaches him for contracts being his former classmate. Sambo gives him audience and makes promises but does nothing referring to Ejike as a ‘’know know’’. Essentially, Ejike and his generation are condemned to work hard, be brilliant but broke and poor. He is angry, he thinks if cheating to become like his former classmates so that his children do not ask him “daddy, where were you when uncle Sambo was making money’’. He reasons that life is not fair, no Nigeria is not fair, why would a man succeed based on where he comes from and not on merit? Should he teach his children to stick to merit and be the best or should he guide them towards being opportunistic. Should he change their state of origin so that they too can get from the national cake since those clamoring for it in his state of origin and tribe are many? “What should a free man do” Ejike’s wife Nneka asked him, how do we break from this rat race? Too many questions, no answers readily available. Just bewilderment day in day out at a nation laid to waste because of religion, tribe and state of origin.

No wonder we have mediocrity in all levels of leadership in the country today. I dare posit that those leading us today got there because of their tribe, state of origin and religion and not merit hence the backwardness of our nation. This is the reason why we have nepotism and corruption everywhere. The best of us are being led by the worst of us.

The Federal Character Commission has outlived its usefulness, it should be scrapped immediately! I still wonder what work or production is being done in that commission. Merit should be entrenched everywhere. If the federal Character policy had been implemented in sports, the current crop of super eagles we have would not be in existence because they are mostly Igbos. I do not care where they come from, all I want is the best of us playing at the highest level for the rest of us. Let the best be president, let the best be Governor, let the best be ministers, let the best be senators and legislators (I fear the legislating chambers with this same federal character working here). Let the best be in the best schools and not just those who can afford it.

The human brain in the head of Sambo is not different from the brain in the head of Ejike. Both of them can be engaged and developed to the highest level of functioning. All it takes is applying yourself to study and reason. When you have policies making excuses for one brain or the other, you will surely doom yourself and your generation to excuses and failure. How do you excuse the brain of Sambo and Ejike if they both live in Lagos and went to the same school? How come Sambo cannot understand how to write a sentence at the age of 10 and Ejike can? How come we ever thought that Sambo is affected because he is from Yobe state? What kind of thinking are we putting forth in this country? All men are born equal and can aspire to become anything in Nigeria. That should be our new constitution, that should be our new motto, that should be said to everyone in Nigeria on a daily basis. You can aspire and become anything you want to be. No more tribe, religion and state of origin assistance, no more we say.

I end with a quote from Seneca “it is not because things are difficult that we do not dare; it is because we do not dare that things are difficult” .This is a classic case of ‘’dumb Nigerians making the next generation dumber!’’ Professor Awosika.

Mus’ab has been living in Maiduguri for over 20 years. He was raised there, grew up there, and finished his Higher National Diploma there. He never voiced any discontent with the city until recently, when the frequent bangs, booms, and bombs of Boko Haram, and the attacks by the Joint Special Taskforce (JTF) in their attempts to fish out the insurgents, traumatized him. “A war-torn area is no place to stay,” he said.

Mr. President, is this the “fresh air” you promised us on the campaign trail?

Of course, your camp will quickly say a big NO, especially your apologists – the likes of Doyin Okupe and Reuben Abati – who will go to any length to defend you. As you spend your first three years in office, you have commanded your cronies to take to the Nigerian airwaves and grade your mid-term performance (or lack of it).

We hear them say: “This administration has revamped the education sector…”, “The President has fulfilled his promises. He reduced poverty to 46% from 48% and that was a remarkable achievement…”, “The administration has improved the Nigerian economy…” and “clearly, [Nigeria is] gradually but steadily coming out of the cycle of most corrupt countries.”

It’s not that Nigerians don’t love good news; it’s just that this news is not true. Imagine – if these statements were true – what a difference it would make for a male graduate who runs a hairdressing salon in the suburban part of Lagos, to have 24 hours of uninterrupted electricity supply.

Imagine how excited a young girl from Makurdi would be upon hearing that the federal government has reduced her school fees. Picture the world of joy in which a rural inhabitant on the Eastern side of Sokoto would find himself living if he woke up in the morning and saw clean water flowing from the tap in his back yard.

It has always been our simple dream to travel peacefully without fear of been attacked by armed robbers or kidnapped by militants. To hear these presidential dogs say that the country is on the right track is like listening to a jester performing in a public square.

Last year, Transparency International (TI) ranked Nigeria as the fifth most corrupt country in the world. This year, the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), a sister company of The Economist, reported that Nigeria is one of the worst countries in which to be born because “it can’t provide the best opportunities for a healthy, safe, and prosperous life in the years ahead.”

Mr. President, you’re not performing. You haven’t achieved anything worth celebrating. If you look at the major sectors – beginning with power, for example – there is nothing positive to show to the Nigerian populace. To achieve an uninterrupted power supply, Nigeria needs about 50,000 megawatts, which is enough to operate our houses, allow us to watch our favorite shows, and power our small businesses. We know that you inherited 4,000 MW; how many have you added?

According to a study by the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), Nigerian households spend almost N800 billion annually on powering petrol generators. Yet, the President is busy playing politics with tax payers’ money. What is certain is that the electricity supply is damaged and this lack of reliable power destroys companies, causes businesses to go bankrupt, and scares investors away from our shores.

In spite of the fact that the country is endowed with both the natural and human resources to grow crops and provide jobs to the people, poverty has been a major problem in Nigeria.

Last year, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) reported that more than 60% of Nigerians were living in “absolute poverty” in 2010. That means more than half the Nigerian population could not spend $1 (USD) a day.

And while poverty has settled comfortably in the Republic, the rate of unemployment is escalating. More than 67 million Nigerians are unemployed. Joblessness has grown from about 1 in every 5 Nigerians in 2010 to around 1 in 3 in 2013.

The best way to get a job is by offering a pile of money, the amount depending on how lucrative the job is. I have seen someone pay N1,000,000 in cash for an appointment to the Nigeria Customs Service. For those who already have a job and want to retain their post, they can do so with a bribe. A governor or even a president who wants to secure a second term can buy the electorate, rig the elections, or shed some blood to achieve his goals.

Massive corruption has spoiled the land. At the helm, politicians in Abuja who have access to the public treasury can get anything they want. The headlines of our newspapers are filled with stories of ministers, senators, and governors stealing billions. In a land where corruption is part of the system, anything can be sold to the highest bidder.

You know all that, Mr. President, but because you’re the leader of the corrupt gang of the umbrella, you decided to turn a blind eye.

The recent Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF) election has revealed your true colors, and your behavior poses two major affronts to the country’s polity: the abuse of power by your administration and the potential of election rigging in 2015.

By recognizing Jang – the loser – as the winner and continuing to intimidate the victorious Amaechi and other governors that voted for him – such as Sokoto State governor Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko and Governor Babangida Aliyu of Niger State – you have, once more, shown your despotic style of leadership.

Know that we’re fully informed of all the con games you’re playing. Technology has made us aware. With a few thousand naira, a hard-working Nigerian can sacrifice a lot of their basic needs to buy a Smartphone and stay in touch.

Mr. President, in 2015, we’ll not only cast our ballot and turn our backs; we’ll defend our votes against any election fraud and irregularities!

Despite all the frustrations in the Republic, Mus’ab is now serving in a public school in Kebbi State. He cherishes the beauty of peace; he no longer wakes to the sound of bombs every morning.

The shade of a Dogon Yaro (or Neem tree) outside his lodge is his favorite place to hang out. He relaxes beneath the tree and writes lesson notes for his students on his Nokia phone. He can’t do this in his room, because there is no light to keep him comfortable. “The difference between Borno and Birnin-Kebbi is war,” Mus’ab says. “But hardship is everywhere in this country.”

 Mohammed Suhaib blogs at www.mansuhaib.com

“It is a world where life is cheap. Death can be bought for a few hundred pounds and there is no shortage of those willing to provide the service.”— The Scortsman.

Death is inescapable, and untold numbers of people die every day. We mourn the deaths of our loved ones. But how can hundreds and thousands get killed without anyone blinking? At what point does death become nothing more than a statistical number?

Nigeria has become such a place where people die without anyone to question or to fight for their justice no matter the reason for their deaths. It is more like a place where violence and death is being glorified. Where killing is like any other service that can be contracted by those who wants to eliminate, terminate, whack, or rub out the life of others, mainly their enemies.

Shockingly, the murder of children is soaring in recent times; an example of this would be parents killing their children for ritual purposes. However, children have also become the manslayers of their own parents. Students engage in violent and cultic activities that rub out their own lives, or that of their fellow students. Women are battered and killed by their own husbands or lovers in a sadistic manner, just as some men die in the hands of their women in unimaginable crude ways. More so, the blood of many Nigerians is being poured to the earth every day through road accidents that could be prevented.

It is noteworthy to state that corruption and poverty are the precursors of most deaths and killings in Nigeria. Therefore, to put the blame on the doorstep of the government will not be misjudgment. The government and leadership failures are the cause of the deaths of millions of Nigerians, and their blood is calling out for justice from those treacherous murderers.

People are willing to do anything to survive in a country like Nigeria, where most of the population is being starved of the basic necessity of life. Nigeria’s wealth has no impact on the lives of ordinary citizens; instead only a few elites connived to amass wealth for themselves and their families, denying millions of Nigerians the opportunity to get basic necessities of life. For this reason, the spirit to have-it-all-and-have-it-now holds sway in the society, as many struggle to make their way into the small group enjoying the country’s wealth. It does not matter how you get there, as long as you made it.

Such spirit has resulted into rampant killings and deaths – kidnapping, rituals, and terrorism. The daily news awash with the violence and mayhem unleashed on Nigerians are synonymous to the Nollywood movie titles; people are as accustomed to gruesome killings as watching violent movie scenes. They are wrapped in a culture centered on death.

Also the media cannot be exempted from this death culture. Their reports are losing respect and moral values for life.  The manners in which journalists – armed with their cameras – tell the stories of the violence and deaths unleashed daily on Nigerians reveals their little regard for human life; the obscene exposure of corpses to the public – including children – is particularly disturbing. A day cannot pass without disturbing images of Nigeria’s deaths littering the social media.

Nigeria’s death culture is continuing unabated. Political reasons claim thousands of lives every year. Power-loving politicians kill without any qualms by instigating violence any time they lose to their political opponents. Even before elections, their thugs are armed to the teeth in the battle of election rigging and ballot box snatching. When elections are over, these death-hungry thugs would be willing to diversify their violent skills, thereby providing ready-death services. The same goes for money-hungry people whose killing rampage is also keeping the country on social and economic hostage.

Today’s Nigerians are euphemizing killing and death. RIP (Rest In Peace) has become just another expression as commonly and insensitively used as f**k you or b***h, often just to pass by another death – a routine.

Perhaps the most worrisome of the Nigerian death culture are the attitudes of the government towards such incidents. The obvious apathy of the president disguised in routines of insincere speeches by him and his spokes persons betrays their lack of pity for the victims and their families. The death of Nigerians proffers opportunities to give themselves political credits and to score points against their opponents. They are mostly concerned about their political gains and image, rather than the life of the people they were to serve and protect.

Compared to the life of someone living in ‘modern’ societies, the life of a Nigerian is worth less than a dog’s life. In some western societies animal life and rights are well protected. To trample on animal rights attracts punishment by the law. Some countries such as the Netherlands have political parties fighting and protecting animal rights. Many homes have pets that receive special attention and monthly stipends from the government and organizations. It is difficult for anyone to violate the rights of these animals without being punished by the law. Now think about the worth of human life in such societies! Yet, Nigerian leaders yearn similar respect given to such leaders of these countries who at least care and respect the lives of their citizens.

Further, the worthlessness of a Nigerian life can be seen outside the shores of the country, in distance lands where Nigerians are scattered. They are being mistreated, abused, and murdered without someone to come to their rescue. Many countries cash into the neglects of Nigerian government towards its citizens thereby enviously and cruelly murdering Nigerians in their host countries. How can they be protected when their government cannot protect those at home? Their life is indeed cheap.

In a death culture society like Nigeria, perpetrators are rarely punished when caught. Instead, when the dusts settle, they are quietly released back into the society to continue their killing rampage, while the blood of the innocents keep crying out loud on the street. Who is listening?

There is wisdom in the words of the scriptures recorded at Proverbs 29:4, which states: “By justice a king make a land keep standing, but a man out for bribes tears it down.” When justice is not demanded from those perpetuating what is wicked, they will grow fat in it and fill the land with what is evil. Sadly, in Nigeria’s death culture society, the people value power, money, supremacy, and pleasure more than human life.

But, the longer justice and accountability is delayed within the Nigeria society, the more this culture will evolve into a monster that will haunt everyone… This high obscenity and recklessness of Nigerian leaders is what may eventually consume them in the day of the wrath of Nigerians.

Find me on twitter @reesful

The legislative chamber is a hallowed place. It is a temple of sorts with its members as ministers. There are rules guiding its operation and members are expected to play by the rules. Those who don’t are sanctioned to deter others. In this present dispensation, the National Assembly comprising the Senate and the House of Representatives as well as the Houses of Assembly in the 36 states constitute the legislature.

In our land, it is a big deal being a member of these legislative houses because it confers prestige and honour on such a person. Even a mere councillor in the legislative house of a local government is referred to these days as ‘honourable’. Now, do you see why being a lawmaker is the next thing to being god! Our senators go by the appellation ‘distinguished’ and members of the House of Representatives (MHR), ‘honourable’

With such fancy names, they are expected to lead by example. They should be role models for the up and coming, who need to be impressed. But are they? In most cases, our lawmakers’ conduct leaves much to be desired. If they are not quarrelling over allowances and cars, they may be bickering over what is generally regarded as juicy committee positions. They either want to head the finance and appropriation committee or the petroleum committee.

At other times, they may be split along party or ideological lines which involves matter of principles. If this is the case most times, Nigerians will not begrudge them. We will rather hail them because it is good for a man to fight on grounds of principle. Thus, if our lawmakers fight ideological fights as much as they wage battles over allowances or other mundane issues, we their constituents may not be bothered that much. We only get agitated when they fight for selfish reasons.

It is always fun watching our lawmakers fight. They roll up their trousers, pull off their shirts to exchange blows. At times, they use the mace as weapon of war as it happened at the Rivers State House of Assembly last Tuesday. The Rivers show of shame was a skirmish waiting to happen. The clash had been brewing for long, but it didn’t start in the Assembly. It started with Governor Rotimi Amaechi’s problem with the Presidency over 2015.

President Goodluck Jonathan’s loyalists believe that Amaechi has presidential ambition and so must be stopped from realising his dream in order not to spoil their man’s chances for the exalted office in 2015. The president has not said anything about 2015, but his body language has said more than enough. Jonathan will contest the 2015 poll, I make bold to say before he tells us so next year formally. I am no soothsayer, but all the signs indicate that the president is interested in running.

It is this interest that is at the root of the crisis in the Rivers Assembly where lawmakers loyal to his minister, Nyesom Wike and by extension himself, and those for Amaechi slugged it out last week. Five of the 32-member Assembly are for Wike. It was this minority that attempted to impeach Speaker Otelemara Amachree and impose Evans Bipi as the new speaker. It failed in its mission because the 27 other members, who are in the majority, resisted the move with all their might. What happened next is now history.

Some of the lawmakers are still nursing the wounds they sustained in that fight. That serves them right, you will say. But the issue is deeper than that going by what we have been seeing since then. Could the July 9 Rivers Assembly have been averted? The answer is yes, if only the police had been proactive enough. By their own admission, they were invited to provide security at the sitting but never took it seriously until the army intervened.

According to Police Commissioner Mbu Joseph Mbu, ‘’I was nonchalant about the Assembly’s request for police security because it is unusual for them to request for police when sitting. Moreover, there is a police station with men attached to the Assembly’’. The lawmakers, who wrote to him, know that there is a police station attached to the Assembly before coming to him. Something must have informed their action and that was what the police chief did not take into account.

He did not ask himself this question: Why are these people writing to me when there is ‘’a police station with men at the House of Assembly’’? If he had asked himself that question, he would have thought twice before ignoring the request. The fact of the matter is that if the Army Brigade Commander in Port Harcourt had not written to Mbu, he would have remained ‘’nonchalant’’ about the Assembly’s request. That is not how to police a state which he oversees. He should take part of the blame for that day’s crisis.

If his men had been on ground

that day, chances are that the

mayhem may have been averted. Nobody leaves fire on his roof and goes to sleep; and this unbelievably was what Mbu did in this case. This is, however, not to say that the lawmakers’ action is not condemnable. It is sad that they desecrated the hallowed chambers of the Assembly because of the desperation of a few people to impeach the speaker. It is only in our country that the minority is always scheming to override the majority. They tried it in Plateau and Oyo states and failed in court after the kangaroo impeachment of Governors Joshua Dariye and Rashidi Ladoja, yet they didn’t learn a lesson.

Why do they think they will succeed in Rivers then? This kind of legislative rascality which seems to always enjoy executive backing must stop if we truly wish to grow our democracy. Our democracy will grow if we allow the age-long dictum of the majority having its way and the minority having its say to prevail in everything that we do. But will our politicians allow that?

“The Don often quoted the saying, ‘Rather a hundred guilty men go free than one innocent man be punished,’ then added, ‘What a beautiful country.’”

The foregoing is taken from Mario Puzo’s novel, “The Last Don”, the gripping sequel to his classic, “The Godfather”. In that short narrative, Don Domenico Clericuzio was mocking the American justice system he took maximum advantage of to amass enormous wealth and power, while living above the law. Yet it is within the context of his sarcasm that one can easily situate the controversy currently trailing the acquittal last week of Major Hamza Al Mustapha and Alhaji Lateef Shofolahan, in the murder trial of Mrs Kudirat Olayinka Abiola.

Having followed the case very closely from the beginning, including all the contrived drama that for several years rendered prosecution almost impossible, I sympathise with members of the Abiola family who now have to relive the painful memories of Kudirat’s gruesome assassination. In a statement last weekend, titled “Is This The Face of Justice in Nigeria?”, the Kudirat Initiative for Democracy (KIND), founded by Mrs Hafsat Abiola-Costello, argued that the upturned verdict of the Lagos High Court which convicted Major Hamza Al Mustpaha and Alhaji Lateef Shofolahan, was credible, regardless of the fact that during cross examination and re-examination, the two principal witnesses retracted their earlier testimony.

Said KIND: “…The court found that it was cogently, compellingly and irresistibly proven beyond reasonable doubt by the prosecution that Major Al Mustapha was the person who procured Barnabas Jabila (aka Sergeant Rogers) to eliminate Alhaja Abiola by direct instruction, handing over of the murder weapon, the UZI SMG with 9mm rounds with which she was assassinated in broad daylight on the streets of Lagos and who provided ‘the logistics’ for their movement from Abuja to Lagos by flight, their accommodation at his Lagos official residence at Dodan Barracks and linked them up with their contact person and facilitator, Alhaji Lateef Shofolahan.”

Not a few people share the sentiment expressed by KIND that the Lagos High Court actually convicted the people responsible for Kudirat’s assassination. However, nobody can also deny the fact that this has been one unusual prosecution that could only have ended the way it did. The point being made here is that the course of justice is already perverted when an accused has to stand trial for almost one and a half decades (even if in this instance, he was responsible for that); and it worsens matters if in the process of that protracted trial, the prosecution witnesses began to change their narratives. What that does is to create doubts, which in criminal prosecution could only be resolved in favour of the accused, as the appeal court did in this unfortunate trial.

If there is anything that reinforces the difficulty of bringing high-profile killers to book under a system of law, it is the United States trial of George Zimmerman over the murder of an unarmed black teenager, Trayvon Martin, which last Saturday ended in acquittal even when there was no dispute as to who pulled the fatal trigger. The doubt the Florida jury resolved in favour of the shooter of a harmless teenager was that he acted in “self-defense”.

Quite naturally the verdict sparked outrage but on Monday, President Barack Obama waded in and I commend part of what he said to those who feel hurt about al-Mustapha’s acquittal. Said Obama: “I know this case has elicited strong passions. And in the wake of the verdict, I know those passions may be running even higher. But we are a nation of laws, and a jury has spoken…we should ask ourselves if we’re doing all we can to widen the circle of compassion and understanding in our own communities. We should ask ourselves, as individuals and as a society, how we can prevent future tragedies like this…”

For me, there are two take-aways from Obama’s intervention, especially in the light of what has transpired in the last one week in our country. One, with al-Mustapha now being treated like a Nollywood star in Kano, there seems to be no compassion for the Abiola family and a lack of appreciation of the fact that a woman was brutally hacked down in her prime and in broad daylight. Whatever the motivation for the gloating that is going on in some quarters, it cannot be right. Two, if we accept al-Mustapha’s position that he was not responsible for Kudirat’s death, it is also a notorious fact that the terror machine he presided over at the time created the atmosphere for her murder. What therefore flows from that is a timely warning for us all, especially at a time like this when our democracy is going through some convulsion, that never must we allow our nation to experience such brutal dictatorship again.

On Monday ‘The Economist’ magazine published a piece on the Florida trial titled, “Getting Away With It”, where the lead writer stated: “I seriously doubt Mr Zimmerman needed to shoot Mr Martin, even if Mr Martin did attack him. And I seriously doubt Mr Martin would have been shot if he hadn’t been a black kid. In my heart of hearts, I too think Mr Zimmerman did something terribly wrong”. Yet the conclusion from that damning summation is that considering the unpleasant reality “that the least privileged, the most oppressed, the most discriminated against, are far and away most likely to stand accused” for murder (there is ample evidence of that in our country) “a legal system making it harder for the likes of Mr Zimmerman to get away with it would be a system of even more outrageous racial inequity.”

Such a conclusion may sound hypocritical, if not out-rightly silly, to some people but it is not. The message there is that since one can never really be 100 percent certain in murder trials, especially in cases like Al-Mustapha’s where the core evidence is the testimony of some unstable witnesses who should now face trial for perjury; and given the unpleasant reality that murder charges are mostly preferred against the poor and the weak, the society is better served if the doubt is resolved on the side of the accused, no matter what we may think of such characters.

However, it is a serious indictment on our criminal justice administration that the Court of Appeal would dismiss Kudirat’s homicide investigation as shoddy. Against the background that the brutal assassinations of Dele Giwa, Bola Ige, Alfred Rewane, Bagauda Kaltho, Funso Williams, Sulia Adedeji, Bisoye Tejuosho, Harry Marshal et. al. ended in similar cul de sac, some without any prosecution, we should all be worried. If there is any enduring lesson that history teaches, it is that a society which gives free reign to this kind of morbid impunity is greatly imperiled.

Kunle Afolayan’s Musical Classic

Okay, I am almost certain the first question that would come given the above headline would be: “Is Kunle Afolayan also a musician?” And the answer to that is No. The young man is still a movie producer/director, one of the most creative film-makers we have around; and a chip off the old block. What I am referring to is his latest work, the musical video of Dr. Victor Olaiya’s evergreen track, “Baby Jowo” or “Mofe mu yan” as some naughty men have rechristened it (please don’t ask me for the interpretation). In the clip, the trumpet grandmaster did a remix duet with 2Face Idibia, in a rare musical collaboration that could simply be described as the ancient and modern.

Interestingly, ever since Mrs Ayo Obe posted the youtube link (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=enf68hEsvys&feature=player_embedded) on a listserv put together by Mallam Mouftah Baba-Ahmed, where you have the movers and shakers of our society, I have enjoyed a most rigorous intellectual discourse about the  richness of Nigeria’s entertainment heritage. With respected people like Dr. Abubakar Siddique Mohammed, Hon Nkoyo Toyo and Governor Kayode Fayemi and several others wading in, and my egbon, Ishaq Modibbo Kawu, going into historical excursions to weave together one compelling tapestry after another, it is easy to understand how our diverse cultures intersect and why Nigeria, if we get our acts together, is actually more than the sum of its parts.

In lending his voice to the discussion of the music video, my friend and METROPOLE’s publisher, Waziri Adio, had written: “I think we should see this as a well-realised contemporary twist on a classic. Beyond bringing in the new generation, 2Face adds enormous value with his rendition in Idoma and English, and a hint of that soulful edge that made ‘African Queen’ such a memorable song. It is the rebirth of a classic! And kudos should go to Baba Olaiya for being part of this inter-generational conversation; to 2Face for raising a flag for his generation; and to Kunle Afolayan for being the son of his father.”

Now, the man who brought all of us together in that incredible (even if sometimes dysfunctional) virtual family, would describe the five-minute video clip as a beautiful conversation in which “the restrained, bashful ‘innocence’ of the past meets the excess and licence of today” with a powerful message for mentorship. According to Baba-Ahmed, “When experience and originality meet energy, imagination and unrestrained ideation, the frontiers of achievement are pushed forward. This collaboration attests to that. The universality of music is reflected in this mix, too. Across ethnic and time divides. 2Face’s obeisance, at the end of the clip, seems genuinely spontaneous and unscripted. Which means that the old, as long as they are well-meaning and confident, willing to respect and work with the young, have nothing to fear from the coming generations. Similarly, the young, as long as they are willing to acknowledge the experience, love and goodwill of the old, they (young) and the society will be the better for it.”

What more can I add except to say I give kudos to Dr. Olaiya who will be 83 in December yet still shuffles his feet so elegantly; just as I commend 2Face and Kunle for this brilliant work of art which marries the past and the present, with the promise of a glorious tomorrow.

The pull-my-lips-I-spit tussle between the First Lady, Patience Jonathan, and Nobel Laureate, Prof. Wole Soyinka, took a somewhat amusing turn when some Nigerians called for a debate between both parties. The call is a far-fetched joke, most likely intended to ridicule “the Dame”. However, before we turn the whole affair to an Awada Kerikeri performance, it is instructive that we go away with a few lessons from this experience.

In the past couple of weeks, there have been all kinds of commentaries calling out Mrs. Jonathan on her seemingly “unruly and unbecoming behaviour”. The editorials — and the responses they generated — range from the insightful, to the amusing, to the appalling. Some were sexist and paternalistic, the subtext urging the President to put on his trousers and be the man in his own household. Put in a different way, if a man cannot control his wife, then how can he claim to be in charge of the nation?

A number of these commentaries have been insightful –and repetitive — but I will enjoin all commentators, editorialists, op-ed writers, etc. to leave the Dame alone. There is just too much energy expended on her and she is not even the biggest problem facing Nigeria. One thing we should all note is this: If the Dame is going to change for the better, she would have done so, many years ago.

She and her husband have been in the corridors of power since the present democratic dispensation started in 1999 and, if by now, she has not learnt, as people accuse her, to exercise the restraint her place as the President’s wife demands of her, chances are that she will never do. And there is very little anybody can do about that. She is the only one who can help herself in that respect. Most people, by now, have seen the image of the First Lady rushing out of the presidential jet ahead of her husband in one of the President’s numerous foreign travels, breaching protocol in the process. The image is iconic in many ways; it portrays her as the Madam-at-the-top, someone whose comportment even the President and his handlers are quite helpless about.

I will compare her with the United States First Lady, Michelle Obama, just to show how the office one occupies can radically transform one’s manners. When her husband was first elected, Mrs. Obama endured bludgeoning in the hands of the US media. They dragged out her ancestors’ slave history; some made snide remarks about her Chicago ghetto upbringing; they relentlessly attacked her over perceived anti-patriotic comments. She was not spared the stereotypic portrayal of the Black American woman as masochistic and full of pathological anger. However, in a year, a lot about her perception changed. She would eventually become a “lady” and a fashion icon. Obama owes part of his re-electability to her image.

When a First Lady invests a lot of effort into her self-improvement, it says a lot. It means she respects her husband enough to reincarnate herself because she knows that whatever she does, or however she carries herself, will come back to affect him. It also means she respects the citizens who see her as the person who sleeps closest to the president. It says she cares about the people who see her as an extension of her husband. She knows she is a reflection of his personal choices and in one way or the other, he will be judged based on her character.

No, the First Lady is not a “mere domestic appendage” of her constitutionally-sanctioned office holding husband. She is her husband, and her husband is her. From Maryam Babangida to Mrs. Jonathan, our First Ladies have been an image of their husbands’ administrations. Many of them match their husbands, corruption for corruption, tyranny for tyranny. Even at state levels, the story is not different. We have seen a Muslim First Lady who attended a church service and when given the microphone, began to rain curses on her husband’s political enemies. How more can you say about that?

One of the hobbyhorses of commentators is to point out that the “office” of the First Lady does not exist, constitutionally. Big deal! The state picks its bill, the occupiers fly in presidential jets, go on campaign trails, are quite visible and in the case of Mrs. Jonathan, Nigeria paid the expensive surgical bills she racked up in Europe. So, what is left for us to acknowledge an office exists? Or, if the use of the term “office” constitutes a legal impediment, then, let’s refer to its place as status or position. The bottom line is that the “office” exists, and the occupier does more than stay at home to knit the president’s socks.

The First Lady’s controversy is however, instructive. In future, when we go to the polls, we should elect people along with their spouses. I do not buy the argument that First Ladies are meant to be separate from their husbands’ offices. When we privilege such distinctions, we end up with needless controversies such as the one the Dame has generated. In saner countries, Jonathan would never have been elected president with the kind of alleged sleaze baggage slung around his wife’s neck. Nobody would have touched him with a telephone pole.

But, if we let the First Lady’s case be a lesson, it could be the beginning of greater things to come. Candidates aspiring for elective offices will carry their wives along; the wives too will work on themselves more. Some will attend finishing schools; some will hire a PR team to build their image; some will learn the art of public speaking and some will lose weight to look healthy.

In the meantime, let us let Mrs. Jonathan be. Nigeria currently has bigger problems than her, frankly. Boko Haram massacred 46 children in gruesome circumstances and has vowed to slaughter more. All the government said, and has always done, is to “condemn in strongest terms”, nothing more! Most of our statesmen who vowed to rescue Nigeria from the pit of corruption have not demonstrated that those killings are worth their attention. The President himself is so helpless that the best he could do is to banish Boko Haram to hell! The unemployment rate in Nigeria rises daily and millions of children are out of school. Those are urgent issues we should expend energies on. The Dame will come and go like others before her. But Nigeria’s many existential challenges stare us in the face, all year, month and year long!

Let’s free her jo.

This is a Press Statement by Professor Wole Soyinka on the issues between himself, Patience Jonathan and other matters

In Public Interest, in order to eliminate all further distraction and enable the nation to concentrate on issues that affect the democratic pursuit, it is necessary to make the following information available:

Before the press conference held by Femi Falana and myself – that is, even before the Rivers Assembly fracas – I had been canvassed by opposing sides of the face-off, both via telephone and physically. One such visit, perhaps the most significant, was made by a Special Adviser in the presidency who outlined what can be regarded as the official rationale for the Governors’ Forum election debacle. In the process of this exchange, he did make certain complaints against Governor Rotimi Amaechi, including charges of a conflict of interests over certain resources. This was implied as the root of division between the Governors’ Forum and the Presidency.

I wrote down the details, informed the emissary that I would pass on these accusations to Governor Amaechi – which I did. That Amaechi hotly denied them and offered contradicting facts, which he urged me to verify, remained, and remains utterly irrelevant to the democratic core of the conflict – and this has been made clear to all interventionists: Keyed into this core are:

(i) the arithmetics of democracy involved in figures 16 and 19 at the time, and now, with increased confidence in impunity, the figures 27 and 5.
(ii) whether or not it is democratic , even cultured proceeding that a state governor is barred from public access anywhere within his own zone of constitutional authority, with the massive security apparatus of the centre, on behalf of an unelected individual.

Even after the Rivers crisis has been resolved, this notorious proceeding will not be permitted to fester unchallenged.

For the rest, since beneath the surface of most Nigerian conflicts will be found inordinate greed for public resources, it is perhaps pertinent to remind ourselves that Oil is not the only marvel to emerge from the Delta swamps. There are also exotic creatures – mermaids, manatees, even mammy watas and hippopotami. However, unlike crude oil, which can be refined, you can extract a hippopotamus from the swamps, but you cannot take the swamp out of the hippopotamus.
– Wole SOYINKA

But for the fact that both Boko Haram and the government have warned the media to mind what we write about this their terrorism business, I would probably have written about the furore over the alleged ceasefire between the Islamist sect and the Alhaji Tanimu Turaki-led presidential committee on dialogue with Boko Haram.

I am just shocked that many supposedly reasonable Nigerians – based on the alleged denial by Shekau, actually want Turaki to produce some sort of MOU signed with the terrorists, even when the committee made it clear that it was preliminary agreement, based on exploratory talks. The committee even provided the name of the commander it was in talks with, yet we are doubting their claim, preferring to believe this alleged Shekau.

Some people are even comparing the Boko Haram talks with the negotiation with Niger Delta militants, preparatory to proclamation of amnesty. They quickly forget the different visits made by all manners of people to all manner of militants’ camps – from Anenih, to James  Ibori,  Timi Alaibe to Kingsley Kuku, Godwin Abbe, etc. They forget that it was not a one-off agreement that was signed. That prior to the grand signing in Abuja with Yar’Adua, some people had entered into all manners of agreements with the different warlords, be it Boyloaf, Africa, Tompolo, Ateke Tom or whomever. It was literally done from camp to camp. Some would agree with you at one meeting only for them to get back to their people and repudiate everything agreed upon and return to the trenches.

And just as we thought the comments could not get more ridiculous, some people are now calling for the committee to be disbanded. And I ask, if we disband them, what then do we do? How does peace return? Or do we propose that Borno, Yobe and Adamawa perpetually remain under emergency rule? If, even with the emergency regime in place, Boko Haram is still able to launch the type of attacks they have been launching of recent, what is the guarantee that they would not continue? What is the guarantee that they would not spread out to more states? And when they do, would we also impose state of emergency on all those other states? That means we should return to full war with the terrorists, even when we don’t have one IED or suicide bomber of our own. Why do we think that the exploratory talks with the sect and the military action cannot go hand in hand?

But, like I said, I’d rather stick with my original headline above because,  I am beingcareful of what to say on this matter, lest I find myself on the wrong side of the Terrorism Act – either as enacted by the National Assembly, or as decreed by the Boko Haram High Command. After all, law is law.

And talking about law, it would seem a lot of people have been taking a ride on the law in the last few days. Of course, it is to be expected, since they say the law is an ass. The only problem I have always had with this assertion, however, is that I don’t know which of the two (ass or a*se) to ascribe to the law. But my experience over the years has shown that the law is a little bit of both. Or how else do we explain the situation, playing out both here, in Nigeria and in far away the United States of America, where the citizenry have been thrown into some sort of confusion over two different, but not unrelated court verdicts?

People can’t seem to understand why the judiciary would free two men whom the not-too-dispassionate public had already convicted in the court of public opinion.

In America, a section of the public (mainly African Americans) had pronounced the ‘guilty’ verdict on George Zimmerman, a neighbourhood watch volunteer (much like our local vigilantes here), who was facing charges of second degree murder for the death of Trayvon Martin, a 17-year-old African American.

Even before the legal fireworks began in court, many African Americans were convinced that Zimmerman (who had every opportunity to walk away and avoid getting into any confrontation with Trayvon) fell back on his believed biases against Blacks to ‘profile’ the teenager as a criminal and went ahead to confront and eventually shoot him dead. The feeling, at least, among ordinary African Americans, is that Trayvon would not be dead today if he were to be a White boy. It was a throw-back to the beating-to-death incident of Rodney (another African American) by White US police officers, which sparked off riots on the streets of the US some years ago.

So, it is understandable that the citizenry are incensed that the jury would invoke Florida State’s controversial stand-your-ground law, approximate it to mean self-defence, declare Zimmerman not guilty and free him. African Americans have since been protesting the verdict and the protest has become so serious the US Justice Department is now considering bringing civil rights charges against Zimmerman. The poor guy should have been born in Nigeria instead of Florida. For here, without any such thing as stand-your-ground law and gun-liberalisation law, our local neighbourhood watch – Vigilante, OPC, Bakassi Boysand others like them, kill at will without anybody, asking questions. We are all too used to extra-judicial killings by the police and even the security agencies. Or did anybody hear that the Abeokuta vigilante men, who murdered three friends, visiting the town from Lagos have been arraigned?

But, before we stray, while the Americans have taken to the streets, protesting Zimmerman’s acquittal, Nigerians, especially in the Southern part, are blowing hot on the pages of the newspaper and on radio and TV (with several others, muttering and swearing under their breaths) over a similar acquittal of Major Hamza al-Mustapha, former Chief Security Officer (CSO) to former head of state, the late Gen. Sani Abacha, over the murder of Alhaja Kudirat Abiola, wife of the late Bashorun MKO Abiola, winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election.

After a highly politicised trial that dragged for all of 14 years (with al-Mustapha in jail all that while), the once feared goon of Abacha was eventually acquitted on the charges last week – effectively upturning the death-by-hanging verdict handed to him by a Lagos High Court. Al-Mustapha has since returned to a hero’s welcome in his adopted home state of Kano, where he visited both the government house and the Emir’s palace. In fact, the hero’s reception began for al-Mustapha right from Lagos, where friends, family, allies and even the OPC turned the court and prison grounds into carnival grounds.

Meanwhile, all the human rights lawyers are kicking and thrashing about, quoting all the 1830 cases they studied in the England of 1950 to explain a situation in the Nigeria of 2013. Many of them forget that human rights is not a one-way-traffic thing. That just as the Abiolas and their families and friends and allies were crying for justice, so also were the Abachas and the Mustaphas of both Kano and Yobe states, crying for the same justice.

So, while the Abiola camp may feel that justice has been denied them, the Mustaphas would insist that justice has been done. So, even though justice on the same matter does not necessarily have to vary, it is obvious that the ‘justice’ that the Abiolas (and, by extension, the June 12 campaigners) wanted was not the same ‘justice’ that the Mustaphas (and by extension, the Abachas) wanted on the same matter.  I can’t precisely say what each camp wanted but for me, justice would be served when the killers of Kudirat Abiola are brought to book. If al-Mustapha or his hirelings did it, then the last week judgment of the Lagos High Court obviously did not do justice. But if they did not do it, then justice has still not been done because the killers are still out there, moving about free. Meanwhile, we just held an innocent man for all of 14 years – without as much as state apology. Where is the justice?

In all this, however, what comes to the fore again and again is the ass (or a*se), which the law is – and, therefore, allows just anybody to take a ride. Even if we are intuitively convinced that the suspect is as guilty as charged, there is still the need to prove it before a court of law.

In all the national newspapers I have had the privilege of editing in the last 12 or so consecutive years, every time a case (libel or whatever) came up, the lawyers always asked for one thing first: Documentary evidence, either a signed statement, video or tape recording, whatever. They won’t just go to court and start blowing grammar on nothing – even if you and your reporters and lawyer and judge knew your story to be the truth. There must be acceptable evidence, credible witnesses and all of that. If you say the murder weapon was a red bullet, and, therefore, ascribing it to a special type of gun, be sure to bring that bullet to court. If your witness says one thing, he must not change and begin to say something else. It is not always because the judge does not like your face that you lose a case. Sometimes, your legal team may have failed to build a water-tight case. Or there just might not be enough evidence to nail the criminal. That is why many criminals, especially those pretending to be politicians, are roving the street free, when they should actually be in jail or be keeping their date with the hangman. The legal analysts on CNN said so about the prosecution in the Zimmerman case, the lead judge (Justice Rita Pemu) also said that much in the al-Mustapha case.

So, no matter what our emotions, convictions (or, in fact, the reality) are, we still have to scale the hurdle of legal technicalities. That is why they say for every criminal convicted, no fewer than nine other criminals have been allowed to get away. If we add the politicians to the group, the ratio could even go up to one conviction for every 1,000 identified criminals.

And just in case we forget, there are also other Americans who have been defending Zimmerman and the jury in the social media. For these Americans, pronouncing him guilty would have been the worst injustice ever. That is why the law is an ass (and an a*se).

A  few weeks ago, the issue of arming the vigilante group in Zamfara State became a subject of high-wired politics at the hollow chambers of the National Assembly. It almost deteriorated into fisticuffs when two senators engaged each other over the debate. Since then, the issue has become a subject of intense debates all over the country, more especially in security parlance.

Now the arms have arrived in the country. This has opened a new page in the roiling controversy. Pronto: the federal government has seized a total number of 1,500 double-barrelled guns imported by the Zamfara State government for distribution to its vigilance group. Reports say Muhammed Dahiru Abubakar, the Inspector-General of Police, personally ordered the seizure of the arms said to have been imported from Ukraine based on the alleged contravention of firearms laws of the land.

This is certainly not a good time for Abdulaziz Yari, the Zamfara State governor. Yari is claiming that the state needs the lethal weapon so badly in order to curb the incessant armed robbery attacks in the state. The attack, he claims, has become too worrisome due to the terror, pains and death which the men of the underworld usually unleash on innocent citizens of the state whenever they struck. The governor was said to have felt betrayed by the police hierarchy, which was said to have earlier granted a silent approval to the state to import the arms.

The issue of arms importation came about when the state was facing serious challenge of armed robbery in 2012. Yari was said to have reached an agreement with the state police commissioner on the need to set up a vigilance group.  The meeting agreed that the vigilance group should be armed. The governor then decided to import double-barrelled guns which he hoped would be licenced by the police through a dealer in Kano.

It was learnt that the importation tactically bypassed the Presidency because of the belief that individuals could buy double-barrelled guns and apply for licence thereafter.  The state government must also have thought that the Inspector-General of Police would give approval for the arms because he is an indigene of the state and he is also aware of the security challenges facing the state.

Sha’aba Lafiagi, a senator and vice-chairman of the Senate Committee on National Security and Intelligence, had, on the floor of the Senate, alleged that the Zamfara State governor had purchased guns and ammunition to arm vigilance groups in his state. Lafiagi alleged that the governor had approached the IG for a permit after he bought the guns.

When the news broke out, the Nigeria Police Force denied issuing gun permit to the Zamfara State government to be used by vigilance group in the state. In a statement, the police had insisted that it was an offence for a person to have in his possession or under his control any prohibited firearms without a licence granted by the President of the country or the IG. “While vigilance groups and other sincere community efforts towards safety and security are encouraged to work in partnership with local police authorities, the conduct and practice of such groups must be in total conformity with the law of the land.”

Making justification for the purchase of the arms, Ibrahim Birnin Magaji, Zamfara State Information Commissioner who spoke on the issue in a recent interview aired on the Hausa Service of BBC, said the number of policemen in the state were not enough to protect the lives and property of the citizens. The arms, according to him, would be distributed to members of the vigilante group living in the areas and who know every nook and cranny of the state. The idea, he said, “is to enhance the security in the state and help the security personnel in carrying out their duties by taking them round the state.”

Just as Zamfara arms were being confiscated, Peter Obi, the governor of Anambra State was distributing about 300 fully fitted security vehicles to 177 communities in the state. He also handed over N230.1 million to the communities to be shared among them at the rate of N1.3 million per community. This money is for the payment of salary of 10 members of each community’s vigilante group. Before this latest gesture, the state had, sometimes ago, put together a form of vigilante outfit which was then known as Bakassi boys, to bring sanity to the appalling security situation in the state.

Now, Zamfara is being made a scapegoat for deciding to take the bull by its horns, as far as security is concerned in the state. That sounds unfair. Perhaps, Yari, the governor of the troubled state needs to talk to his brother governors in the Niger Delta to find out the means by which they have been fighting oil pipeline vandals and other miscreants without raising eyebrows from any quarters. Any of the militant leaders can also give him a pep talk on how to import firearms without really stepping on toes.

Whichever way this issue is viewed, I personally think that Yari is just unlucky as many states have established and are still establishing vigilante groups to fight off hoodlums from their states. If we take the issue of the entire North, it may be apt to believe that the insurgency in the North-east, which necessitated the emergency rule slammed on Adamawa, Yobe and Borno states, may have a spiral or collateral effect on a contiguous state as Zamfara. Those who are terrorizing the indigenes of Zamfara could as well be some remnants or renegades of Boko Haram who are out to fill their pockets and stomachs. And we all know that this new generation of crooks have always beaten our lethargic security system to the game.

As for the Police and other security agencies operating in the state, it is true that they may lack enough manpower or even firepower to withstand the volcanic onslaught of the bandits. But adequate operational strategy could be employed to beat the hoodlums to their games. In the past, a number of security agents have been found either wanting or of complicity with criminals, the very criminals they are employed to track down. This, they do, for pecuniary gains in a rat-eat-rat society such as ours.

Recently, the military claimed that they were part of internal security arrangements in 28 out of the 36 states of the country, including the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. This is alarming. What this means is that we have almost lost the whole country to hoodlums who have overrun everywhere. Had it not been for the presence of the military in strategic locations in some volatile areas of the country, probably the story could have been different by now.

But beyond throwing tight security cordons everywhere, we must urgently find a way to put able-bodied men and women back to work as well as put food on people’s tables. This way, I believe that once we find solution to poverty and hunger in the society, the likes of Yari will not need to import large quantity of arms and ammunition to protect the citizens. On the other hand, the security agencies, especially the Police, should rise up to the occasion in view of the tongue-lashing they get every day on the sickening security situation in the country. They need to demonstrate that they are equal to the task.

Security is one of the most important statutory requirements that a governor needs to accomplish in order to be able to govern the people. Be this as it may, one can clearly understand the predicament of the Zamfara governor at the moment. That is why we should not condemn Yari for the importation of the lethal weapons. Rather, we should blame a system that is not working, a system that has pauperized everybody, a system that cannot provide jobs for school leavers and food for the teeming hungry mouths all over the place. It is a pity. A great pity indeed!

Last Friday, July 12, brought an end to one of the most celebrated and longest running murder cases in the country. On that day, Justice Rita Pemu, reading the unanimous decision of the three-woman panel of the Appeal Court sitting in Lagos, discharged and acquitted Major Hamza al-Mustapha of the charge that he conspired to murder Alhaja Kudirat Abiola in Lagos on June 4, 1996. Kudirat was the wife of Chief M. K. O. Abiola, the putative winner of the annulled 1993 presidential election.

Predictably, the verdict has divided Nigerians right down the middle along regional, if not sectarian, lines; whereas most Northerners seemed to see the verdict as the vindication of a long persecuted hero, most South-Westerners seemed to see it as the untenable exoneration of a certified villain.

This division was clearly reflected, on the one hand, by the hero’s welcome the major received in Kano, his adopted state – he is originally from Yobe – and, on the other hand, by the rejection of the verdict by Afenifere, the Yoruba umbrella cultural organisation and by the Gani Adams faction of the Odua Peoples Congress, the leading Yoruba militia. (It must be noted here that Dr. Fredrick Fasehun who leads the other faction, and who indeed claims to be its original founder, has not only consistently said he believed in the innocence of al-Mustapha. He has vigorously campaigned for his release from prison.)

al-Mustapha’s plight started on October 21, 1998, when he and several other officers were arrested on suspicion that they were in illegal possession of arms, among other allegations. This was barely four months after the sudden and mysterious death in June of Head of State, General Sani Abacha, whose chief security officer he was. He was to remain in jail for nearly 15 years charged, along with others, with various crimes, including complicity in the murder of Kudirat and Chief Alfred Rewane, a chieftain of the anti-Abacha crusaders who was killed in October 1995, and of Major-General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua who died in prison in 1997, accused of attempting to overthrow Abacha.

The major was also charged, again along with others, with the attempted murder of Mr Alex Ibru, the late publisher of The Guardian and Abacha’s internal affairs minister, and the attempted murder of Senator Abraham Adesanya, the leader of Afenifere. In time he was also charged in 2004 with an attempt to overthrow the elected government of President Olusegun Obasanjo even while still in detention.

If all this looked like too much to charge one man with it was mainly because the man ingeniously painted himself in the image of an officer whose only crime was to have carried out his duties to his principal to the best of his ability and in the process to have secured the integrity and security of the country.

For one year after he was first picked up, al-Mustapha remained in detention without trial. In October 1999, five months after Obasanjo was sworn in as civilian president, he sued the government for the violation of his human rights. The courts agreed and said he should be released. The government ignored the order. Instead al-Mustapha was charged with several murders and attempted murders including, ironically, that of Senator Adesanya who, along with several Afenifere chieftains, including Chiefs Ganiyu Dawodu and Ayo Adebanjo had been charged by the Abacha regime for the murder of Kudirat!

The clever intelligence officer that he was, al-Mustapha chose to blame his predicament not on the government that chose to prosecute him. Instead he chose to blame the government of General Abubakar Abdulsalami that first detained him. The former head of state, he said, wanted him out of circulation because the general knew he knew both Abacha and Abiola did not die naturally but were murdered and he also knew how allegedly complicit the general was in the deaths of the two, the first in June and the second the following month.

If his choice of who to blame for his predicament and of the platform to make the allegation – the Oputa panel set up by Obasanjo in 1999 but which began its hearing in 2000 on abuses of human rights in the country since 1979 – was to create a diversion from the charges he was facing, he succeeded beyond his wildest imagination. Suddenly public attention shifted from his many alleged abuses of power, as probably the most powerful chief security officer of a head of state Nigeria has ever seen, to the alleged crimes of General Abubakar.

One newspaper that seemed to have captured the shift in public mood was the defunct The Comet. In an editorial on December 4, 2000 aptly entitled “al-Mustapha: Let the ‘canary’ sing publicly,” following al-Mustapha testimony before Oputa, the newspaper said “Nigerians deserve to hear everything from al-Mustapha since he has himself, under oath promised to tell the truth and nothing but the truth. He should be allowed to tell his version of the events and if he incriminates anybody or groups of persons, they too should have their days at the Oputa Commission.”

It then concluded that al-Mustapha must be given maximum protection to tell his story in public. It took the major about 12 years to retell his story in public. This was in August 2011 when himself and his co-defendant, Lateef Sofolahan, said to be an aide to Kudirat, testified before a Lagos State High Court sitting in Igbosere to their innocence in her murder. On this occasion not only did he repeat his allegation of being persecuted for what he knew, he also added a new claim that the chieftains of Afenifere had been heavily bribed into silence by General Abubakar over the death of Abiola.

Predictably the same media that had hailed him over his accusation against General Abubakar turned completely round to condemn him as an inveterate liar.

In between Oputa in 2000 and the Igboshere High Court, himself and his co-defendants in other murder cases, namely General Ishaya Bamaiyi, a former army chief, James Danbaba, a former commissioner of police, Colonel Jibril Bala Yakubu, a former Zamfara State military administrator and Rabo Lawal, head of the Aso Rock Villa anti-riot squad, were cleared of all the other charges. He and Sofolahan were, however, left to face the charge of murdering Kudirat. Their case was re-opened in July 2011.

Following their August testimonies, the trial judge, Justice Mojisola Dada, adjourned the case to November for counsels to both sides to submit their written addresses after she had rejected their position that they had no case to answer. At the November hearing she fixed January 30 for judgment. On that day she found them both guilty and sentenced them to death by hanging. To rub it in even more she had very unkind words to say to each of them. al-Mustapha, she said in effect, was a ruthless enforcer for his principal who “felt obliged to silence any voice against the government of his boss” and felt he was “untouchable.” As for Sofolahan he was, she said, “a gold digger, a Judas Iscariot, who sold his master.”

Predictably there was much rejoicing in the Southwest and much gloom in the North.

Equally predictably al-Mustapha appealed. Last Friday, the Appeal Court overturned Justice Dada’s verdict. “There is no evidence,” Justice Pemu reading the court’s judgement said, “that the appellants conspired to murder Kudirat…There is even nothing to show that the appellants had the intention to murder the deceased.”

The court’s grounds for overturning the Lagos State High Court’s verdicts seemed unassailable. First, the prosecution said it would bring a dozen witnesses against the accused. It brought only four. Second, the testimonies of the two key witnesses were not only contradictory, the two were to later recant their statements because they said they had been bribed and threatened at the same time to testify against the accused. Third, the bullet the prosecution claimed had been extracted from Kudirat’s head was never tendered as exhibit as the prosecution had promised.

Predictably last Friday’s judgement saw a reversal of roles between al-Mustapha’s sympathisers and those who disliked him. It also left many questions unanswered not least of which is, so who killed Kudirat?

We may never know the answer. However, what we do know for certain is that vindication or not, al-Mustapha will remain a hero for some and a villain for others. In between there are probably many more who don’t give a damn either way right now.

It is the opinion of these that al-Mustapha should worry about as he begins a new life after so many years in prison. If, as he said in a BBC Hausa interview last Saturday, he has truly learnt his lesson about “how some people use the judiciary and power against the poor” – a charge he knows all too well he cannot escape as the most powerful chief security officer of a head of state this country has seen – and if, as he also said, he had come to understand his religion well, he is likely to get the sympathy of such people.

One can only hope that he will not, like many a born-again Muslim or Christian, revert true to type as soon as he gets another opportunity to be in power- something which is not unlikely, especially in a country like ours where public memory is ever so short.

I thought I could avoid talking about the political rift between Governor Chibuike Amaechi and President Goodluck Jonathan for a while. However, as I continue to struggle to look to another direction, the whole thing continues to get murkier and more disgraceful.  The sad incident last week at the Rivers State House of Assembly seems to be the crescendo. Some have called it a civilian coup. Some prefer to describe it as a travesty of democracy. Others call it a desperate effort at democratic authoritarianism. Some others choose to codify it with the cliché of “Jonathanian abaracadabra”. Regardless of whichever side you are, the incident of last week in Port Harcourt is an insult of a superlative nature on all true democrats the world over.

 I know a little about the history and character of the Nigerian political class. There are a few words that could easily come to one’s mind whenever one invokes them. Never, and I mean never, did I imagine this level of insanity. And to envisage that we still have a President who hails from same region as the state that is wallowing in an unfortunate orgy of denial convinces me that there is real danger ahead.  So, where will you start?  When we saw it happen after the Nigeria Governors’ Forum chairmanship election, some us thought that these political deviants would learn some lessons, understand the pulse of the Nigerian people and begin to thread softly. But it appears that they are adamant. The puerile political war between Jonathan and Amaechi has now become such an open show of shame. At some point, both of them were in denial. They hugged and smiled and some of us began to feel that they had made up. Some people had attempted to exonerate the President and indict the wife. I do not agree that the President does not endorse the actions and utterances of his spouse. That is at best paediatric logic.

 I am a defender of the democratic right of dissent as far as such rights are advanced with decorum.  Let me make myself clear here. Jonathan deserves respect as the current occupier of the office of the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Therefore, all governors, including Amaechi and indeed every Nigerian ought to respect both the office and the person occupying it.  Our peculiar history has made the Presidency a very powerful office especially after the civil war and the successive military regimes. But one must quickly add here that the word “respect” must be seen as what it is and the opposite word “disrespect” should also be used appropriately.   I cannot fully describe the scope of the word “disrespect” but I know what it is not.  I am prepared to argue that it does not in anyway include holding and, where possible, advancing divergent political views in a democratic space. To me, those who, therefore, peddle disrespect to Jonathan as one of the sins of Amaechi are mere propagandists and that is very wrong. Genuflecting before political office holders is a symptom that our democracy is still on a sickbed.  We do not even understand the democracy that we pretend to be practising. We often mistake democracy to mean regular elections. No, not at all. Democracy is about freedom and choice, including not choosing at all. Unfortunatley, our minds are still working as though we are in a military regime or a one party autocracy where any form of alternative view cannot be tolerated. Until we get to that stage that we can tolerate opposing views, then we cannot call ourselves democrats.  One other aspect of the “disrespect” of the President by Amaechi is the perception that the governor had not voiced his support for Jonathan’s 2015 reelection bid even before it is announced.  And the protagonists of this latter aspect condemn Amaechi even the more for failing to categorically express his support especially since he is of the same stock, kith and kin with the President. Now, I do not blame those who believe that if you are from the South, you must support a Southern president. That is an unfortunate carry-over from the immediate post-colonial era when many of those who fought for independence had to retreat to their various tribal cocoons in search for tribal, as against national, legitimacy. And so if Amaechi or any public office holder for that matter does not consent to support Jonathan, such a person will automatically be labelled a traitor that must be hounded and harassed to submission. So, where is the place for performance in all of this?

Similarly, many commentators have urged Amaechi to exercise some restraints. They argue that since he belongs to the same party as the President, he must be bound by the decisions of the party, be they the composition of the party leadership or automatic candidature etc. Instructively, the governor has not said to anybody that he would not support President Jonathan’s probable re-election bid. What Amaechi is reported to have said publicly is that even though Jonathan got more than two million votes from Rivers State, the federal presence in the state has been very minimal. He has complained about the suspension of the funding of the LNG project in Bonny Island to shift financing to the Brass LNG. He has also said that the Federal Government had yet to refund about N150b spent by the state on federal roads so far.  The matter would have been an open and closed issue if the relevant federal agencies promptly addressed the veracity or otherwise of his assertions, just like the Minister of the Niger Delta Affairs, Elder Godsay Orubebe, did regarding the Rivers portion of the East-West Road project.  Democracy, especially in a federation, is about allaying the genuine fears of the respective interests and federating entities, not battering them.

 It is the position of this writer that even though both political gladiators will suffer (and have suffered) tremendous losses from this unending battle, Jonathan may unwittingly end up the bigger loser.  If he is thinking about contesting election in 2015, he should quickly make peace with Amaechi and not allow this matter to escalate or snowball to tragic dimensions. There are conflict entrepreneurs and political mercenaries who are lining up to benefit and are indeed already benefitting from the current saga. They should not be made to continue to have their way. Furthermore, the President should watch out for any action that will put his integrity in doubt before the Nigerian people. After the NGF election, many Nigerians seem to have begun to doubt the sincerity of the President. Jonathan had denied repeatedly that he was interested in the outcome of the election, only to later make a U-turn to support a faction. As much as possible, a President must strive to be seen as someone who has integrity and who will stick to any promise he makes or statement he puts out in the public domain. Now, the President has also said that he is not involved in the Rivers State crisis. Almost every Nigerian knows the true position and has said so in open defiance of the presidential stance. This speaks volumes. However, again, the wife of the President has made public statements that indicated her antagonistic position. So, instead of denying, the President and Amaechi should own up and pursue genuine reconciliation for the sake of Rivers people and the whole of the Niger Delta region.

On a related note, I watched some of the video footages from the free-for-all at the Rivers State House of Assembly and was very embarrassed.  I condemn the rascality, brutality, brigandage and bestiality on display. One wonders how these sorts of characters found their way in the first place into the parliament and what they really do there.  Lawmaking? Clearly not! Let me underscore that it is wrong for anyone to convert the parliament to a battlefield. Finally, I want to urge President Jonathan and Amaechi to halt further covert or overt hostilities and reconcile with each other. Nigerians are tired of this rift that is based on petty politics rather than ideology.

In societies around the world – more so in agrarian societies like Nigeria, unscrupulous elites have a way of manipulating the poor and the unsophisticated.They do so by appealing to raw emotion and the preliterate sensibility of the gullible. For these elites, religion and ethnicity are nothing but tools with which to influence the vulnerable. Ethno-regionalism, ancient and primordial narratives, along with economic and political promises that may never be kept are also useful implements.

What really matters and what the elites are looking for are gains and advantages. They have one singular motive: Self-interest or the interest of their commune. Nothing more! Not minding the blood and the guts that may be spilled, they want nothing but what they want. Not minding the lives that may be lost, they want nothing but the satisfaction of their needs and wants — even if such needs and wants are soaked with the sweat and blood of their fellow human beings.

But of course such depravities and iniquities are routine in Nigeria. During the 2004-2009 Niger Delta crisis for instance, the elites (in and outside of the region) controlled unsuspecting youths. This was also the case before and during clashes between the Ijaw-Itsekiri-Urhobo youths in Delta State. The elites in the northern part of the country also have a way of manipulating the gullible.

There is nothing godly about a group of people manipulating others to do their grisly bidding. What is so heartless about the Nigerian condition is that many of the susceptible have been made to believe that they are fighting just and righteous causes. In many cases, they’ve been made to believe that they are fighting God’s war. Hence, all over the country, we have a pool of foot soldiers on standby — ready to kill and maim and destroy at the snap of the fingers. This is especially true during election cycles.

In the period before and after elections, cases of planned violence spike. Nobody wants to lose. Everybody, it seems, wants to win. And they want to win at all costs. Elections and politics are no longer about party manifestos and service to the people and to the country. It is no longer about what you or I can do for the people. It is about self and self-glory and about positioning oneself to steal as much as possible. Prof. Pat Utomi captured this well in his article published in The PUNCH recently titled, The enemy is self.

Except perhaps for a handful, Nigerian politicians are bereft of ideas. I am not talking about grand ideas here – just simple and practical ideas to benefit the vast majority of the people. Many are lost in the maze of ignorance. And many more wallow in the ocean of silliness. Day in and day out, they think about how to empty the public treasury; how to corrupt private and public institutions; how to personalise the rule of law; and how to undercut their opponents.

What was the fight between the former President Olusegun Obasanjo and Vice-President Abubakar Atiku some years back all about? What was the fight between Obasanjo and Governor Rasheed Ladoja about? And what was the fight between the late Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu and a former Governor of Oyo State, Ladoja about? It was about who controlled who and what and how. In other words, it was about power and money and influence. And what was the fight between a former Bayelsa State Governor Timipre Sylva and President Jonathan all about? Lastly, what does Jonathan want that he fights everybody from Obasanjo to Amaechi? What time does he have for good governance given all these fights?

Please note that these fights and many more all across the country (between the elites) are not fights over ideas and service and commitment to good governance. Again, they are about selfish interests. And this is precisely what the proxy feud between Jonathan and Amaechi is about. Nothing more! None of these men is fighting for the goodness or greatness of the country. No matter how their vociferous friends and ardent supporters may spin it, this is about self-interest. The quarrel is about differences in opinion and approach on how best to steal and to distribute power. Everything else is secondary. Not irrelevant or implausible, but simply secondary!

Yet – yet—we have millions of Nigerians having sleepless nights over this Jonathan-Amaechi feud. There are people out there willing to bat for Jonathan and for Amaechi. There are people out there willing to die for both men. What for? Why? In the first place, this is a fight between two spoilt brats who are seemingly drunk with power and inordinate ambition. Second, both men don’t care, or as the President himself would put it, don’t give a damn, about the welfare of the people. Amaechi is Jonathan and Jonathan is Amaechi. Third, as with elites everywhere, both will “come to their senses” and before you know it, they will kiss and make up.

Jonathan and Amaechi will kiss and hug and make up because, in the end, they will realise that it is in their best interest to put down the sword and continue with their nefarious activities. What’s more, other members of the ruling class – especially within their party, the PDP, will caution both men to “cool it.” Frankly, this fight will not last long. It should be over within the next three weeks with an announcement from one or both camps telling us that “this was a minor quarrel between brothers but was overblown by the press and the opposition party.” This is the way of the elites everywhere, but more so in Nigeria. You must remember this!

Those who don’t remember – or who refuse to remember – would have themselves to blame. But if you didn’t know, well, I am telling you now: Beware and be wise. Do not die for Jonathan or for Amaechi. Do not kill for Amaechi or for Jonathan. If you want to die, die for your rights and for your country. Not for these men. Do not trouble yourself for either men or for any member of the elite. When it is all said and done, they have a way of mending fences; they have a way of making up. Both men and members of their inner caucus will meet to shake hands, of course at your back.

They will meet to iron out their differences, to pop champagne, and to distribute and reallocate power. And then they will share your money. They will share millions and millions of naira, if not dollars, of your money. So, don’t be a fool for these men and for any member of the Nigerian political elite.

You have no uninterrupted electricity; you have no clean and abundant water; you have no good schools, and no access to quality medical care. You have nothing. You have nothing because, in spite of several billions of dollars that have been allocated in the last 53 years — Jonathan and Amaechi and the folk like them refused to do what is right and just. In spite of these and other wickedness, you want to kill yourself for them? Don’t be a fool. Let their wives and children and grandchildren be and play the fool. Let them destroy themselves! Their fight is not for you!

I read Mahmud Jega’s Daily Trust column a fortnight ago, with the title “Gra-gra versus softly-softly”.  It was composed in his characteristic meticulousness which also touched a nerve that concerns all.  It also involved me, personally. It involved me because the piece was not only about anti-corruption struggle, something I came to be more identified with in the course of my career, but also because I was mentioned, or referenced to, many times in the piece. In the piece, Jega repeated several erroneous notions about my work at the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). But to be fair to him, those insinuations were far from being his concoctions. They have been held for a long time by a section of Nigerians who were largely misinformed about the modus operandi of the EFCC I headed or about me as a person. I therefore thought it a duty to correct some of the wrong impressions people have about what we did, for the sake of future and the reading public.

I must, however, appreciate many of the positive things about our operations and modest achievements at the EFCC highlighted by Jega. Those were things we achieved largely because of our resolve to form a strong and professional agency, from the outset. Strong institutions are at the base of whatever things to come out of a system. This was a major focus for us. There were deliberate steps at capacity building that would prove extremely advantageous for the work we did in the five years I was there. I use “we” because the work was never a one man job. EFCC was beyond Nuhu Ribadu, or any individual for that matter. It was a team work. The patriotism, esprit de corp and professionalism exhibited by the team were the secrets for our successes.

But as I always insist, success of anti-graft efforts is hinged largely at the leadership level, especially the political leadership. We were lucky to have the cooperation of the leadership at the time. To the credit of President Olusegun Obasanjo, he let us do the work even at a time we were going against some elements that were extremely close to him. It is therefore amusing when I hear people these days charge me of “selective justice”. Well, perhaps those charges could be passed as the example of what Wole Soyinka called “our collective amnesia”. Take a comprehensive list of high profile people EFCC brought to justice, majority of them were people that could be correctly tagged “Obasanjo boys”. Even though some of them suddenly turn around the moment they found themselves in trouble with the law, as a way of buying public sympathy. Unfortunately, many people don’t strive to stretch the facts to reveal this truth. One largely neglected pillar of our work was the Judiciary and the criminal justice system generally. We had the support of other people in the justice administration chain. Without the will of incorruptible judges and other law enforcement officials, all our modest effort would have come to nought.

However, the main thesis of Jega’s essay, which was also made clear from the title, was that the EFCC I headed was something of a gra-gra agency – a body that is peopled with exuberant officers eager to arrest suspects in order to hit the headlines. This is a flawed assessment of it. It is also something that people come to believe, largely on account of the agency’s portrayal in the media. EFCC was, and is, never about arrests. In fact, arrest was just a fraction of the entire work. But because arrest is what makes the news, the myriad of steps and processes we follow before and after arrest are mostly overlooked.

Every step in administration of a corruption case is carefully outlined and has its rigours and identified procedures. A lot of work would have to be put in from the point of accepting a petition or starting a case, analysing it, identifying the key issues and persons, investigation, sourcing documents, obtaining arrest and search warrants, preparing charges and then arrest. We tried to work on each of the steps in a very meticulous manner. It is a little surprise therefore, that throughout my period there was only one person who took me to court challenging his detention by the EFCC. He also lost the suit. The reason was simple: we followed the law and therefore had to do our homework before we pick anybody. Similarly, to point to the meticulous nature of what we did, it is in record that the EFCC recorded a world record of over 90 percent convictions on all the cases we prosecuted. I don’t think gra-gra would yield these results.

It is also incorrect to say that EFCC didn’t pursue preventive measures as regards corruption. We fully appreciated the fact that the twin strategy of prevention and sanctioning must always go together in law enforcement in general and fighting corruption in particular. The preventive measures of the EFCC were often overshadowed by the news selling headlines about arrests but EFCC took a lot of preventive measures. Major ones include the establishment of the Training and Research Institute that has been carrying out studies on corruption prevention in both public and private sectors. The institute is in the lead in training of detectives, public servants, bankers and so many others in Nigeria today. The establishment of Financial Intelligence Unit is one of the most important steps in preventive measures of controlling corruption globally; EFCC has done it for Nigeria. EFCC also worked to establish international networks and linkages, notably with the United Nations, FBI, Metropolitan Police, German BKA, and West African anti-money-laundering group, GIABA, among others.

We also worked closely with many departments of governments, civil society groups, religious organisations and schools, on public enlightenment to stem corruption in the society. EFCC also engaged the National Assembly to amend laws, the judiciary on corruption prevention and justice delivery, the customs, the FIRS, NPA and many states and local governments. In fact, many of the arrests made by EFCC arose out of whistle-blowing efforts through these mechanisms. By the way, arrests and prosecutions are also very powerful tools of preventive measures, because they do send a strong message that one cannot get away with corrupt practice, no matter how highly placed.

The article also mentioned the impeachment of three governors allegedly influenced by the EFCC. I try as much as possible not to be personal by commenting on such cases but the fact that it is suddenly gaining currency, makes it only sensible to clear the misconceptions. The EFCC did not and could not have impeached any governor or force legislators to do so. It will be unfair to deny the legislators the credit of doing their constitutional responsibilities. The EFCC did its part of the responsibility of investigation and submission of findings to the various state assemblies all over the nation. Some state assemblies had cause to act on such reports, others did not. But we certainly did not force anyone to take any action. My understanding of events then was that two out of the three former governors got arrested in London with millions of Pounds. They absconded from justice there and that triggered chain of events that culminated in their loss of political control of their states and thereby resulted in their impeachments. The former governor of Ekiti State had his own local issues. He lost out with the elite of the state, his political party, and other stakeholders. His ordeals had nothing to do with the EFCC. In all the cases, it was obvious that the governors lost out with their political parties and therefore the assembly members were more than willing to act on the thorough investigation reports of the EFCC. The reports were the extent of EFCC’s involvement in those impeachments.

As a proviso, I want to state that all the actions we took while at the EFCC were taken with the purest of intentions and based on available facts before us at the time. But it is understandable that in everything we do as humans, we are bound to be misunderstood. However, fear of being misunderstood should not be an excuse for not moving to salvage our country. As citizens, we all have the civic responsibility of playing our part in healing the country of its myriad of maladies and guiding it to the coast of prosperity.

• Ribadu is the former EFCC chairman

Not a few Nigerians, both at home and in the Diaspora were disturbed by the recent turn of events for the worse in the escalating political crisis in the Rivers State chapter of the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

Not only were they disturbed, they were equally surprised and disappointed at the orgy of violence that attended the legislative session of the House of Assembly last Tuesday and the show of shame put up a day later by the Police which barricaded the Government House in Port Harcourt for close to three hours, firing tear gas into the premises.

And most Nigerians are now not just ashamed of what politicians are turning this democracy into under President Goodluck Jonathan’s watch, but are also afraid that the 4th republic is in peril if the Rivers crisis is allowed to fester and spread to other parts of the country. They fear the Egyptian scenario could play itself out here if care was not taken. They could be right.

In Egypt as we all know, the military had just kicked out the elected government of President Mohammed Morsi when the country was sliding into seeming unending chaos, replacing it with an interim civilian administration. The chaos though, is continuing and the military (mis)adventure looks unlikely to restore peace, stability and sustainable democracy any time soon.

This is the path the Rivers crisis seems to be taking Nigeria. Remember we travelled this route before twice with disastrous consequences. The political crisis in the western region in the first republic over disputed election got to a head when opposing lawmakers fought one another in the Parliament building at Agodi in Ibadan, using chairs and other movable furniture as weapons. The photographs of members of the regional parliament escaping through the window are there in history books to remind us of that period.

The rest of Nigeria practically looked on as the Western Region literarily burnt as supporters of rival political  parties engaged in arson and killing in what was known locally as “Operation  Wetie”, that is, wetting the subject or object with fuel before setting in fire. They thought it was a Yoruba problem, but they were wrong as the failure of the federal government then to contain it drew the attention of five Majors in the Nigerian Army who staged the first military coup in the country, thus terminating that democratic experience.

And our politicians certainly did not learn anything from that experience as the south west again burnt in the second republic when disputed election in Ondo state in 1983, led to similar arson and killing which together with other political mayhem and similar crises elsewhere attracted the intervention of the soldiers and our second attempt at democracy was halted on December 31st 1983.

Those who could recall these two past experiences have been drawing the attention of the political class to their similarities with today’s crisis in Rivers State and the need to avoid that path, but it does appear they are talking to the deaf.

The crisis that culminated in the free for all fight inside the chambers of the Rivers State House of Assembly last Tuesday has its roots in the plans by rival political camps within the ruling PDP in the state to control the administration and resources of the state after the tenure of Governor Rotimi Amaechi in 2015. While the Amaechi group is intent on him seeing out his second term successfully, it also aims to produce his successor and therefore sustain his legacy of good work, performance and delivery of ‘dividend of democracy’ to the people.

The other camp led by a former Amaechi ally and now a member of the federal cabinet Nyesom Wike, wants to be in charge and seems not willing to wait till 2015; it wants the governorship now and appears ready to do anything and everything that could bring about this. And it has found a willing ally in the wife of the president, Dame Patience Jonathan, an indigene of Rivers, who not only wants to build her own political followership in the state but also produce the next governor preferably from her Okrika ethnic group. Together they have sold the idea to Jonathan who has lent the federal might to their project with the selfish belief that that is the only way to guarantee him the two million or so votes from Rivers state in the 2015 presidential election.

Both of them are using the presidential support differently. Wike, with ears of the president, is manipulating the party structure and with the help of a contentious court order has been able, for now, to wrestle the control of the PDP in the state from the Amaechi group, the intention being to either use the party to compel its members in the Assembly to impeach the governor and provide a window for the group to sneak into the Government House or deny Amaechi the party ticket in case a court invalidates his election and orders a rerun. They attempted to push through the impeachment and the outcome was the mayhem witnessed last week at the Assembly.

The First Lady on her part has been using the security agencies especially the police to intimidate the state government to either run the governor out of office now or weaken him so much as to be unable to produce or influence his successor in 2015.

The governor is expectedly not keeping quiet. In the face of the federal onslaught both against his government, his supporters and even the larger society in Rivers state, Amaechi has been fighting on all fronts to resist the other group and still be able provide leadership to his people and continue to deliver on his promise of good governance. This must be a tall order because the federal might arrayed against him is indeed awesome and powerful.

To the chagrin of his opponents, the majority of the people of Rivers are with him, so also are most of his colleagues in the Nigeria Governors’ Forum where he remains the chairman, the presidency’s attempt to polarize the forum notwithstanding.

But the effect of the ‘war’ is beginning to tell on the people. Security situation in the state is getting worse, no thanks to the Commissioner of Police, Mbu Joseph Mbu who seems to be more interested in playing along with the First Lady rather than working with the state governor. Militants, cultists and their likes that were driven out of town five, six years ago are back on the prowl, working for the anti Amaechi forces and terrorizing the people. Kidnapping we are told is on the increase, so are other crimes, but CP Mbu is unperturbed as long as ‘Madam at the top’ and the Minister are happy. He seems to be answerable to no one but the First Lady, not even the Inspector General of Police.

In all of this the president is behaving as if all is well or Amaechi must be brought down to his knees and thought a lesson even if Rivers will burn. This is unfortunate. If Jonathan continues to fold his arms and allow events in Rivers to degenerate further to the point where things would begin to fall apart the blame would be on his head and nobody would cry for him. If truly he is the leader of his party, then he should be able to call all the warring groups in PDP in the state, including his wife to order in the interest of not just this democracy but also the country. He knows who and what is causing the crisis in Rivers state, he also knows the solution. He should stop playing politics with us. It is time to act as leader of the nation that his position has conferred on him He should resist the temptation to press the self destruct button. Nigeria can’t afford to travel that road again. NO.

While this is not an attempt to justify Governor Amaechi’s actions or exonerate him from whatever blames he deserves, President Jonathan bears the greater responsibility to ensure the survival of this democracy and the country as a united entity.

Former military president General Ibrahim Babangida’s greatest fear, I gather from some persons who see him from time to time, is that despite his many accomplishments, he will be defined by a single event: the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election.

That fear would seem to explain why, over the past five years, he has been labouring desperately to re-write the very public record of the crucial events of the time, and to latch on to anything from that era that could soften what is sure to be history’s harsh judgment on him.

Irony of ironies, he has seized the very election he annulled with such brazen casuistry as his path to redemption.

He was back peddling that line the other day, in an interview with ThisDay, on the 20th anniversary of that election.

“Well, it has come and gone,” he said of the poll. “Whatever I feel about it, at least, Nigerians agreed on one thing, that we, the administration, succeeded in holding one of the best and freest elections ever held in this country.”

Then, this:

“I can say I feel proud. We may not have achieved the objective but at least, we conducted an election that was not rigged, an election that was not marred by violence, an election that is still being referred to in the country.”

In case he has forgotten, here, in his own words, is what he said in his June 24, 1993, national broadcast justifying the annulment:

“ . . . Even before the presidential election, and indeed at the party conventions, we had full knowledge of the bad signals pertaining to the enormous breach of the rules and regulations of democratic elections.

“But because we were determined to keep faith with the deadline of 27th August, 1993 for the return to civil rule, we overlooked the reported breaches. Unfortunately, these breaches continued into the presidential election of June 12, 1993, on an even greater proportion.

“There were allegations of irregularities and other acts of bad conduct leveled against the presidential candidates but NEC went ahead and cleared them. There were proofs as well as documented evidence of widespread use of money during the party primaries as well as the presidential election. These were the same bad conduct for which the party presidential primaries of 1992 were cancelled.

“Evidence available to government put the total amount of money spent by the presidential candidates at over two billion, one hundred million naira (N2.1 billion). The use of money was again the major source of undermining the electoral process.

“Both these allegations and evidence were known to the National Defence and Security Council before the holding of the June 12, 1993 election. The National Defence and Security Council overlooked these areas of problems in its determination to fulfill the promise to hand over to an elected president on due date.

“Apart from the tremendous negative use of money during the party primaries and presidential election, there were moral issues which were also overlooked by the Defence and National Security Council. There were cases of documented and confirmed conflict of interest between the government and both presidential candidates which would compromise their positions and responsibilities were they to become president.”

Then, the coup de grace:

“It is true that the presidential election was generally seen to be free, fair and peaceful. However, there was in fact a huge array of electoral malpractices virtually in all the states of the federation before the actual voting began. There were authenticated reports of the electoral malpractices against party agents, officials of the National Electoral Commission and also some members of the electorate.

“If all of these were clear violations of the electoral law, there were proofs of manipulations through offer and acceptance of money and other forms of inducement against officials of the National Electoral Commission and members of the electorate.

“There were also evidence of conflict in the process of authentication and clearance of credentials of the presidential candidates. Indeed, up to the last few hours of the election, we continued, in our earnest steadfastness with our transition deadline, to overlook vital facts.”

But Babangida was not done yet.

“For example, following the Council’s deliberation which followed the court injunction suspending the election, majority of members of the National Defence and Security Council supported postponement of the election by one week,” he continued. “This was to allow NEC enough time to reach all the voters, especially in the rural areas, about the postponement.

“But persuaded by NEC that it was capable of relaying the information to the entire electorate within the few hours left before the election, the Council, unfortunately, dropped the idea of shifting the voting day. Now, we know better.

“The conduct of the election, the behaviour of the candidates and post-election responses continued to elicit signals which the nation can only ignore at its peril. It is against the foregoing background that the administration became highly concerned when these political conflicts and breaches were carried to the court.

“It must be acknowledged that the performance of the judiciary on this occasion was less than satisfactory. The judiciary has been the bastion of the hopes and liberties of our citizens.

“Therefore, when it became clear that the courts had become intimidated and subjected to the manipulation of the political process, and vested interests, then the entire political system was in clear dangers. This administration could not continue to watch the various high courts carry on their long drawn out processes and contradictory decisions while the nation slides into chaos.

“It was under this circumstance that the National Defence and Security Council decided that it is in the supreme interest of law and order, political stability and peace that the presidential election be annulled. As an administration, we have had special interest and concern not only for the immediate needs of our society, but also in laying the foundation for generations to come.

“To continue action on the basis of the June 12, 1993 election, and to proclaim and swear in a president who encouraged a campaign of divide and rule among our ethnic groups would have been detrimental to the survival of the Third Republic.. . .”

My apologies, reader, for drawing so copiously on Babangida’s broadcast formally announcing and justifying the election annulment. A paraphrase would not have done justice to it, I fear. Nor would it have shown so starkly the irreconcilable differences between Babangida’s 1993 evisceration of the poll in question and his desperate bid to canonize himself for conducting what he now advertises as a model and a signal achievement, if not his crowning glory.

The ThisDay interview raises anew the question: When did Babangida know that the election he denounced so forcefully was indeed “one of the best and freest elections ever held in this country?”

When did it occur to him that it was “an election that was not rigged, an election that was not marred by violence?”

If he came to that judgment before his broadcast and yet annulled the election, history will charge him with perfidy and grand perjury. If he came to it after the broadcast but chose not to correct the record, history will hold him accountable for the tens of thousands who lost life, limb, livelihood and estate in the struggle for the validation of the election.

Nigerians must speak out now to stop this embarrassment called Mrs. Patience Jonathan. Those who knew this woman before President Goodluck Jonathan became the President told us that what is unfolding today at the presidency had been a reoccurring decimal when Jonathan was a deputy governor, a governor and vice-president. We were told then that Mrs. Patience Jonathan must always have her way no matter what is at stake. We heard stories of bizarre things that happened in her days at Bayelsa State House. All these were ignored because she was confined to a small state called Bayelsa but now she is the Nigerian First Lady, events are unfolding and they are so unhealthy to the presidency and governance of the country.

Shortly after President GEJ was sworn in, her deficiency began to manifest. Comportment, carriage, finesse, decency, prestige, honour and glory that go with the exalted position began to suffer. Any public outing became a big embarrassment to President Jonathan and Nigerians. Her public engagements became unbecoming of anybody that is privileged to be called the wife of the President of Nigeria. These embarrassments were of public knowledge and even at the presidency, the matter was well-known but nothing was done to stop the ridicule. Nobody quarreled with President Jonathan because Dame Patience is his wife but we expected that he would have put his feet down and ensured that his wife went for training or back to school to learn few things about social graces and carriage. If it was impossible for her to humble herself to learn, the president would have confined her to the State House to prepare food for him. But President Jonathan did not do any of these. He pretended that nothing is lost and that probably the woman will learn through practice. But has she learnt anything? Not to my knowledge. Her reckless and primitive use of State power has gotten into her head, her mouth, her eyes, her mind, her heart, her soul, her system.

Today, her unrestricted movements and engagement have dented the presidency and Nigeria’s image. Her encounter with Governor Amaechi sometime ago in Port Harcourt was an eye opener. In a public function, she grabbed the microphone and began to direct the sitting governor that his demolition of shanties in Port Harcourt is unacceptable. Governor Amaechi was stunned into disbelief but he restrained himself for the respect he has for Mr. President. Mrs. Patience did not stop there. Anytime she goes to any state, commuters suffer excruciating pains because there will be no movement until she cruises in and out. Last year, Dame Patience came to Lagos on a mission that is yet not too clear except the position put forth by her handlers that she came to thank Lagos women for supporting her husband in the 2011 election. For the duration of her visit, Lagos was shut down and Lagosians went through excruciating torture moving about and carying out their normal duties. Last year also, she was said to have stormed Warri to open a boutique and the whole town was shut down. Tales of woes have been told of these excesses in other cities she visited but the presidency paid no attention.

The present unavoidable and unfortunate crisis in Rivers State has also exposed the excesses, recklessness, the timid use of power to achieve diabolical ends. An anti-Amaechi lawmaker in Rivers State House of Assembly said Dame Patience Jonathan is his Jesus Christ on earth. This statement at once exposed the neck-deep involvement of Dame Patience Jonathan in the dangerous political game being played in Rivers State that may derail our hard-earned democracy if the presidency fails to act.

Now the questions are: do we have a constitutional provision for the office of the First Lady in the 1999 Constitution? Did anybody elect Mrs. Jonathan for any post in Nigeria? Is there anything like the office of the First Lady in Nigeria? What is pushing this limited educated wife of the President to indulge in this show of power and strength? Why is the presidency keeping quiet about this abuse of privileges? Why is the National Assembly deaf and dumb on these abuses of privileges by Dame Patience Jonathan and the wanton excesses she is manifesting in the polity? Why is the Council of States keeping mute on these unwarranted embarrassments from Mrs. Patience Jonathan? Apart from a voice from the global personality called Professor Wole Soyinka, what are the elders of Nigeria saying about this mess and shame? Why are the women not speaking out? Why this deafening silence? What about the intelligentsia, the university lecturers? Why are the lawyers not speaking? What of labour? If a writer is silent, he or she is lying.

Now, we must stop this nonsense. Those who knew nothing about this democracy we are enjoying today are working 24 hours a day to scuttle the hard-earned system of government, but we must not allow this. Elders must speak out for the children to hear. President Jonathan must have the courage to call his wife to order. Dame Patience is not too old to go back to school to help herself. I am 100% sure that if she had a better education, she would have understood her limits and where to stop as the President’s wife.

This is a lesson to all women whose husbands have political ambition. Go and help yourself, go to school, learn the art of carriage, learn finesse, learn self control, learn diplomacy, learn public speaking, understand your limitations, read voraciously, learn about dignity and integrity, discipline and respect for constituted authority.

As in a typical civil war in which two or more commanders confront a single enemy, the Rivers State House of Assembly had two Speakers, each with its own army while the war lasted, one claiming to have “defeated” the other, while the other was still busy putting his “army” together. It had the smell of an ambush but it was eventually thwarted. The weapons used included a fake maze; a camera tripod; clenched fists for boxing; and open palms for slapping opponents. There were also guns drawn by participating policemen and other weapons reportedly brought in by thugs and other miscreants.

The main combatants were legislators and the battleground was the hallowed chamber of the state House of Assembly. A small group of five legislators, openly opposed to Governor Chibuike Amaechi, sought to impose its will on 27 or so others by claiming to have impeached the legitimate Speaker in a kangaroo plenary. The result was a free-for-all in which some security officers even participated. True, there were no casualties; but there were injuries, leading to hospitalisation. One was reportedly beaten into a coma and may have been flown abroad for treatment as you read this.

The gladiators are not as important as the actors behind the scene as well as the remote causes of the short-lived war. Nor are the details of the fight any more important than their implications for our democracy and civilisation. We often made derisive comments whenever we watched videos of such fights in some far-away legislative houses. How barbaric? What sort of democracy is this? When will civilisation catch up with these people? These and other derogatory comments often poured forth from our thoughts. That’s why some of us were tongue-tied last Tuesday, July 9, 2013, when a similar war broke out in the Rivers Assembly. It demonstrated our politicians’ intolerance of opposing views; how quickly they construct others, including their own colleagues, as enemies; and the extent they could go in their sycophantic relationship with the “Oga at the top”.

Examined critically, the war in the Rivers Assembly was an extended play of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum chairmanship election. It will be recalled that Amaechi won that election but the minority, which lost, claimed victory and set up a parallel secretariat. President Goodluck Jonathan and his party, the Peoples Democratic Party, supported, and still supports, the losing minority led by Governor Jonah Jang. Amaechi was promptly suspended from the PDP and his state’s parliament was split into two unequal halves of five versus 27. The minority five has since been looking for ways to impeach the Speaker en route to impeaching Amaechi. They thought they found the opportunity last Tuesday. But they lost the battle to a superior army.

Their mischief was aided by a cooperative police, which allowed miscreants to enter the parliament with weapons, despite an ostentatious weapons search at the entrance. This was possible because the state’s Commissioner of Police, Joseph Mbu, has been turned against Amaechi. He reportedly has infiltrated the Assembly and Amaechi’s cabinet, and prevented security meetings from holding. The security of the Government House also was reportedly compromised by the CP, who has called Amaechi all sorts of names, including “dictator”. What kind of CP, but a mischievous one, would allow and condone the firing of teargas canister at the Government House?

To cap the remote control of the Rivers’ parliamentary crisis, Evans Bipi of Ogu/Bolo Constituency, who led the assault on the majority and installed himself Speaker, is said to be close to Jonathan and his wife. The complicity of the police in Bipi’s actions and the behaviour of the CP since his deployment in Rivers State in February could only confirm that both actors had been taking orders from above. They all square with Amaechi’s travails since he won the NGF chairmanship election in May. He was suspended from the PDP, his security was compromised, and now there are threats of a probe as soon as he leaves office.

The irony of this latest threat is instructive: A former Rivers State Governor, Dr. Peter Odili, who obtained an unprecedented perpetual injunction against his own prosecution for graft, recently led a delegation to Jonathan, bad-mouthing Amaechi. It recalls the controversial pardon granted to former Bayelsa State governor, Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, a convicted fraudster, while another former state governor, Timipre Sylva, was being prosecuted for graft. These developments make you wonder: How far will Jonathan go with these glaring contradictions in his treatment of “friends” and constructed “foes”?

It will be naive to assume that Jonathan and the PDP are done with Amaechi or that their “errand boys” have reached the end of the road in their exploits. Amaechi must be prepared for more, depending on their next instruction. But he can overcome such local exploits if he continues to retain the loyalty of the House’s majority and his cabinet. Besides, he must be vigilant. He also should be careful about what he says and does that the almighty Presidency might misinterpret or twist. Above all, he should never put himself in harm’s way in the future, by going to the warfront.

Perhaps, what is most worrisome about all these developments is the damage to Nigeria’s image and the future of our democracy. Jonathan may feel that all is well abroad because he could strike trade deals with China or attract America’s investment in power supply. He must know that they are not doing anything for him, or because of him, but for their own governments and people. They are after our resources and don’t give a damn about Jonathan. He should be worried about what they say behind his back when they watch the videos of the NGF election and the Rivers State House of Assembly crisis and his reactions to them.

The implication of these developments for the 2015 elections is clear. It points to the possibility of rigging the PDP primary and the general elections in Jonathan’s favour. If that happens, Jonathan may get the “Egyptian” treatment, if he doesn’t get it before then as some civil society organisations have threatened. If Jonathan is confident about himself and the electoral reforms he has put in place, why not allow the voters in the primary and general elections to decide on who should be their candidate and President, respectively? Why continue with these shenanigans that are already turning off some voters? Why not let Amaechi off the hook, while he (Jonathan) continues to mend fences across the country and to work harder to ensure adequate security for the election?

Jonathan, the most educated President we ever had, should know that the construction of alternative voices within one’s political party as enemies is detrimental to democracy. The more our democracy grows, the less effective such construction becomes. And we have gone a long way since the days of Obasanjo, who made it an election weapon. Look at what has happened in the Magreb region and the Middle East since then. And look at what is unfolding in Egypt today.

The lingering political crisis in oil-rich Rivers State, South-Southern Nigeria, is indeed a source of apprehension to every lover of democracy. Aside the fact that the electorates are the ones suffering the consequence of the standoff, parties involved in the tussle have by their actions, further adulterated whatever is left of decorum and decency. At the moment, Rivers is a place where only the fittest can survive; chicken-hearted fellows have relocated either to Abuja or neighboring states, even as some others have taken two or three steps backward to avoid getting hit in the crossfire.

Globally, disagreement between those saddled with the responsibility of leading the people is a norm, nonetheless, there’s always a convincing motive for such.  In this clime, the case is mostly the reverse. Taking a critical look at it, why is ours different? Why do officials become worst enemies from best of friends, albeit on issues that wouldn’t positively add to us as an entity? Is there an end in sight to the much-talked about conflict in the land? Time, like they say will tell, but the same time has before now opened our eyes to a few things. I mean, certain events hitherto, gave us inklings to what we are witnessing these days in Rivers. Likening the entanglement to the proverbial instance, three prominent individuals constitute the hands of Esau, they point the way, during which their foot soldiers do the job of speaking in Jacob’s voice.

Goodluck Ebele Jonathan:

Fondly called GEJ, he has been the topmost Oga at the Top for more than three years, two of which are a fraction of his elected tenure. His grouse with Rivers helmsman, Rotimi Amaechi, came to the fore about a year ago. The governor as chair of the Nigeria Governors Forum, NGF, fervently disagreed with the Federal Government on issues including delay in disbursement of statutory monthly allocation, management of Sovereign Wealth Fund, creation of State Police among others.

Also, the President feels that the purported ambition of Amaechi is a threat to his, bearing in mind that the entry of another Southerner into a presidential (or vice presidential) contest may affect his chances. Come 2015, the doctorate degree holder in Zoology would not want split votes, either at the primaries or election proper.

Ezenbunwo Nyesom Wike:

He is the Minister of State for Education, a post he attained by the man he now perceives as an enemy.  Wike hails from Ikwerre ethnic group, same as the incumbent Governor, who appointed him Chief of Staff. Wike desires to be called ‘His Excellency’, and though he has a right to run, his erstwhile boss had stated that after eight years on throne (two years from now), having another Ikwerre man replace him was unfair to other groups. The statement, which dealt a severe blow to Wike’s aspiration, is today deemed one of the reasons behind the ongoing skirmish. Not only did the Minister ensure that a duly constituted state People’s Democratic Party executive committee was ejected, he supervised the installation of his loyalists, apparently to position himself in the driver’s seat of PDP activities in the state.

Patience Faka Jonathan:

The fact that she was born in Port-Harcourt, the Rivers capital naturally suggests that she is interested in what goes on there. A permanent secretary in her native Bayelsa state, analysts view her grip in the political affairs of her state of origin, as a factor that makes it difficult to reach a truce that, in truth, is improbable.

However, the power she wields has grown skyscraping that she is now regarded as the liberator of Homo sapiens. Initially, many, including myself regarded her as an emperor; in fact, as far back as last year May, I referred to Mrs. Jonathan as “Her Imperial Majesty” in an article. That obviously was an understatement when compared to the recent re-baptismal by a legislator.

Honorable Evans Bipi, representing Ogu/Bolo constituency is the coordinator of the anti-Amaechi lawmakers in Rivers State House of Assembly. On the day he tried to lead a small band to overthrow a Speaker supported by over two dozen majority, he admitted that he is spearheading the removal of the governor for his audacity to “insult” the President’s wife. While being held by the state’s Deputy Governor, Engr. Tele Ikuru, Bipi said:
“I want to sacrifice myself for Rivers people; I am fighting for justice. Why must governor came (come) and supervise (the) beating on my colleagues? Why must he be insulting the President, why must he be insulting my mother, my Jesus Christ on earth? I can’t take this!” he declared.

In the light of the above, the gait of the Madam First Lady is now fully understood. Who wouldn’t lock down federating states for days, when some people regard him/her as Jesus Christ? Who wouldn’t breach protocol and alight from an airplane ahead of a President of 170 million people, when some people openly equate him/her with Jesus Christ? Who wouldn’t request an amount that could solve the demands by the Academic Staff Union of Universities to construct a building, when Jesus Christ is his/her mate? Who wouldn’t be accorded the reverence conferred on Jesus Christ, when the spouse watches helplessly while unwarranted prerogative is brandished? Or does Mrs. hit Mr. behind closed doors? Even if my wife made 1000 sacrifices for me to attain a great position whatsoever, that doesn’t permit her to bully those I swore to serve.

To my media friends and others, the next time you people typeset Mrs. Jonathan’s name without prefixing ‘Jesus Christ’, I will sue…for billions of Naira!

wodunsi@yahoo.com

@WaleOdunsi

Recently, the Debt Management Office boisterously embarked on an international road show to promote a $1bn Eurobond.  The Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, shortly thereafter gleefully reported that the eventual 400 per cent oversubscription of the bond was a mark of investor-confidence in the Nigerian economy.

According to Abraham Nwankwo, the DMO’s DG, the Eurobond, though not project-tied, is actually part of a Federal Government’s $8bn medium-term external borrowing plan, which the National Assembly has already approved.

Incidentally, the interest payable on the $1bn Eurobond is within the same range of 6.75 per cent as the initial $500m Eurobond issued in 2011, and actually similar to rates, which distressed economies such as Portugal and Greece currently pay.

The fresh Eurobond is primarily also targeted at consolidating market benchmarks for long-term external loans for the country’s public and private sector borrowings.  Curiously, since the DMO was established, Nigeria’s domestic and external debt has exploded from below N1tn ($6bn) and $4bn to over N6tn ($36bn) and $6bn respectively.

Unfortunately, in spite of such rapid debt accumulation, our critical infrastructure base has been impacted just minimally; it is also inexplicable, that these debts ballooned in spite of federal revenue regularly exceeding annual expenditure budgets, such that it became possible to share surplus revenue from the so-called excess crude account annually, while the Central Bank of Nigeria also maintained relatively healthy double-digit reserve surplus.  It is an undeniably reckless fiscal strategy to consume or classify any revenue as surplus without first addressing any inherent revenue shortfalls in annual budgets.

Curiously, in spite of the fact that our debt burden is currently well above the $35bn mark that was regarded as crisis level before the controversial London/Paris debt club exit, which siphoned over $12bn from our tattered pockets in 2006,  the National Assembly appears to have shown only a passing interest in the successive, oppressive debt accumulation. What a way to represent the people!

Evidently, the current cost of about seven per cent for external debts is considered more benign and tolerable than the 12 – 17 per cent which our government currently pays on its extensive domestic borrowings.  Consequently, the Economic Management Team has assured Nigerians that the current level of external debt, which is about 12 per cent of total debts, will be increased to 40 per cent within three to five years.

Nigerians may wonder why the domestic cost of borrowing, over which we have control, is persistently much higher than the cost of external loans, over which our government has no control.  Indeed, we have constantly drawn the attention of the National Assembly to the galloping pace of domestic debts in several articles. (See www.lesleba.com, for example,  “$34bn debt, $20bn reserves, debt forgiveness & slavery”-February 2005; “National Assembly fiddles as debt burden cripples”-May 2008; “Disinformation on debt accumulation”-April 2012.)  Regrettably, the lawmakers’ taciturn response is akin to the popular slogan of “Wetin concern agbero with overload?”

Incidentally, in early July, President Goodluck Jonathan signed the Memorandum of Understanding for a $1.29bn loan for the construction of four airport terminals and a 700MW hydropower station with China’s Export-Import Bank during his recent state visit.

Refreshingly, as constantly demanded by well-meaning critics of government’s development policies, the $1.29bn Chinese loan is tied up, ab initio, to specific infrastructural projects. Nonetheless, the choice of airport terminals for the huge expenditure may be seen as inappropriate in comparison to the greater social impact of people-oriented projects in sectors such as education, health, water and mass transport.  Besides, the Chinese have failed to impress with the quality of their infrastructural interventions in several African countries, and they have not shown much affinity for adopting significant local content (human/material) in such ventures.

Furthermore, these costly infrastructure loans seem to contradict government declared intention to adopt concessioning as a more efficient strategy to reduce government indebtedness with the active participation of the private sector in the operation of erstwhile corruption-riddled public utilities.

In reality, there is everything to be said in favour of cheap or concessionary loans, which are dedicated to specific infrastructural improvement, but it is certainly worrisome to incur burdensome loans, as the DMO has regularly done, primarily just to establish and sustain a benchmark for long-term domestic and external borrowings.  It is also, patently ridiculous and reckless to borrow at even one per cent interest, when concurrently, we have savings deposits, which earn less than one per cent yield annually!  It is worse still, if such loans are applied to liquidate existing debts, as recently suggested by the Minister of State for Finance, Dr. Yerima Ngama.

Consequently, the frenzied drive to expand our external debt must be worrisome to Nigerians, when the national reserves currently canvassed as over $50bn, earn returns below the cost Nigeria pays for its external and domestic borrowings.  Curiously, the CBN, is also exploring the possibility of investing part of its over $40bn reserves in China’s Inter-Bank bond market through the People’s Bank of China.  The projected yield on the CBN’s proposed investment in China is uncertain. However, the Chinese, as business savvy entrepreneurs, are unlikely to pay interest above three per cent (the cost of its own loans to Nigeria) for such investments.

Thus, in what may be seen as a farcical and distressful turn of events, the CBN would in effect lend to China so that Nigeria could borrow from China for our infrastructural enhancement.  The ubiquitous, but business conscious Nigerian market woman would be quick to advise Dr. Okonjo-Iweala that a wiser strategy would be to borrow directly from our own CBN, for our infrastructural development rather than the inexplicable convoluting trajectory contemplated.

Curiously, this peculiar loan strategy is also discernible in government’s domestic borrowings, where the CBN consciously creates and floods the money market with excess naira, whenever it substitutes naira allocations for dollar revenue.  Inevitably, soon after, the CBN timidly returns to the banks cap in hand, to borrow with treasury bills at double digit interest rates, just to reduce the “surplus” cash holdings in the hands of the banks and thereby restrain the abiding threat of inflation.  Regrettably, this strategy has failed over the last 20 years, as year-on-year inflation rates have continuously averaged an obviously oppressive rate of about 10 per cent when compared, for example, with the more socially supportive inflation rate of less than three per cent in China!!

Worse still, the high yields instigated by government’s unforced bloated domestic borrowings inadvertently attract international speculative hot money flows, which could ultimately adversely affect our exchange rate and economic stability, whenever there is the slightest storm in the international capital market.  Consequently, our economy has been blindly boxed into a “no win” situation!

Fellow Nigerians, please allow me to quickly confess that the title of this column is not my full creation. It is only an adaptation of the original title of the extremely hilarious play, Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again, by Olawale Gladstone Emmanuel Rotimi, who was famously known as Ola Rotimi. Rotimi was one of Africa’s greatest playwrights and Directors. Believed to have been born in Sapele, on April 13, 1938, to a Yoruba father, Engineer Samuel Gladstone Enitan Rotimi, and an Ijaw mother, Mrs Adolae Oruene Addo, Ola spent his early years at St. Cyprian’s School, Port Harcourt from 1945-49.

Interestingly, he would later return to Port Harcourt many years after sojourning at home and abroad to take up appointment at the University of Port Harcourt. His name came readily to mind as I sat down to put this piece together. You will soon know why. The reason must have been that the main protagonist in the eye of the storm and the middle of the Red Sea, the Governor of Rivers State, has Rotimi before his surname of Amaechi. I’m very sure the paths of Ola Rotimi and Rotimi Amaechi must have crossed at some point at the University of Port Harcourt where Professor Ola Rotimi was Head, Department of Creative Arts and Rotimi Amaechi was a student in the English Department from 1983-87. In any event, there is no way Rotimi Amaechi would not have read Ola Rotimi’s popular play, ‘Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again’.

That is not all. I believe Rotimi Amaechi would have been radicalised by the great literary works of those days. Whatever traces of radicalism I still possess today I’m sure I got from hanging around the Ori Olokun Theatre in Arubidi, Ile-Ife and the Pit Theatre of the then Institute of African Studies, University of Ife Campus, where Wole Soyinka, Ola Rotimi and others held sway. My theory, therefore, is that Rotimi Amaechi is not your archetypal Nigerian politician. I have made him a case study since I first met him as Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly about ten years ago. If my memory serves me right, I met the great poet, Gabriel Imomotimi Gbaingbain Okara in his office that day.
That encounter stuck with me for a long time and my interest in Rotimi Amaechi developed from that moment. Even as Governor, Amaechi portrayed a different gait. He dressed simple and maintained a casual mien. His motorcade was always brief and brisk while he sat most times I saw him by the driver. His accessibility is also baffling to me. He replies most of his text messages and checks on his friends out of the blues. On one occasion, I sent a message about a young man who had started a mobile library project in Port Harcourt and needed support from the Ministry of Education. I was surprised when Governor Amaechi said I should invite the gentleman for lunch with us and Mrs Oby Ezekwesili who was visiting from her duty post in Washington DC. The librarian later drove out with us to a public event where the Governor sought out the Commissioner for Education and promptly handed over the project to her.

How can I forget how Governor Amaechi walked like a ghost into my London home on my 50th birthday in 2010? I was shocked to my bones because I had not told him about it. He came alone in a cab and left alone after spending several hours with my family and friends. You could not see any of the presumed airs of a Nigerian Governor around him. He repeated the same feat when he drove, almost incognito, in to the Ovation Carol and Awards ceremony at the Eko Hotel & Suites in Lagos last December.

Please, let me give one more example of this amazing and down-to-earth politician. My great friend and brother, Babatunde Okungbowa, has been having a running battle with a chronic kidney problem for years. He’s one of Africa’s greatest music producers. OJB, as he’s fondly known by fans, had produced the monumental hit song, African Queen, by the prodigiously talented 2face Idibia. But we live on a continent, and in a country, where spectacular talent does not necessarily or adequately translate to riches. We tried within our limited resources and contacts to gather our bits and pieces together to sort out OJB’s predicament. I personally worked the phones talking to those I thought might be of help including some top politicians. The feedback from all quarters was deafening silence.

I learnt some useful lessons about our attitude to charity. The response on social media was like: “why are you guys disturbing us when one of you can simply write off the cheque?” It then occurred to me that the decline in our educational system has affected our souls almost beyond redemption. The assumption is that once you’re famous you must be stupendously wealthy without commensurate responsibilities. But eight out of ten calls I get are usually bad news requiring desperate assistance. I can imagine what ordeal the Mike Adenugas face daily.

In all honesty, I did not reach out to Rotimi Amaechi because I felt he had more than enough problems on his plate. I also felt since OJB was not from his state there was no reason to bother the embattled Governor. But as fate would have it, some younger colleagues approached Amaechi and instantly he offered to contribute to the Save OJB campaign. There was no long story and no unnecessary protocol. To those who asked what was so special about OJB, I say confidently that he’s our icon.  And icons are treated with special care and privilege everywhere in the world. Poor Americans contributed to making Barack Obama the first Black American President. Nigeria will never move forward if we wait only for the rich class to do everything for us.

I have deliberately gone through this long preamble to establish a few facts. One, that I’m a fan of Rotimi Amaechi. The support he’s enjoying today was not by accident. He worked laboriously for it. I have been in activism since 1978 and in politics very actively since 1982. I have interacted with all shades of politicians and I’m proud to say Rotimi Amaechi is a rare breed. There is always a reason to be biased and I have more than enough for him. This does not make him a perfect human being. No nation or state is governed by Saints but good ones are run by performers. Amaechi is one.

I have been in a room where Amaechi was grilled like a Christmas turkey by very senior publishers and was very pleased with the manner he responded to all questions. Many have called him a tyrant but not all tyrants are negative. It is in the nature of traditional politicians to wait for hand-outs from public officers; money that should have been used for general development. They often get angry if a leader comes with better ideas of how to do things. Amaechi’s master-plan of building a modern state out of the present squalid one is part of his major problem.

The second point I want to make is that Amaechi has done nothing to warrant the all-out attack unleashed on him by those pretending to be working for the re-election of President Goodluck Jonathan. Their strategy should be clear to Mr President; they needed to paint Amaechi bad in order to gain relevance. These guys have succeeded in poisoning the mind of the President almost beyond repair. On a personal note, I would be wary of a Minister who desperately wants to be a Governor and fights the incumbent the way he does because the motive is crystal clear. Someone also needs to tell such a Minister of a Yoruba folktale that goes thus:

Once upon a time, an elephant went berserk in a particular village. The elephant caused so much havoc that the king ran away with his queens. But there was this brave hunter called Afifilaperin who came from a neighbouring village and boasted he could easily kill the elephant and the village would instantly return to normal. At the appointed time, the hunter came out just as the elephant was busy destroying everything in sight. Everyone ran helter-skelter but the hunter stood ramrod in the market place waiting anxiously for an encounter with this crazy elephant. The elephant must have sighted the lone figure and wondered who the man was who did not recognise its supremacy. The elephant approached the hunter and surprisingly the man stood calm. A few villagers peeped from wherever they were hiding. As soon as the elephant jumped to crush the hunter, the man quickly removed his cap, dodged to the side and hit the elephant with the cap. Behold, the elephant collapsed. “Impossible,” many screamed in bewilderment. But true it was.

The hunter soon climbed on the evil elephant and beckoned to the timid villagers to come closer. He was joyous in victory. The people spilled in like locusts from every direction, including the king and his family. Words travel at the speed of light. At that moment the hunter felt he was king. Some hefty men lifted him up in the sky and carried him round and round the village till it was dusk. The king even invited him to a dinner of original pounded yam and fresh bush-meat washed down with concentrated palmwine, and gave him a nice room in the palace. The excited hunter was pleased with himself. He woke up the following morning expecting to see a crowd as usual to hail him like they did last night. He couldn’t believe how desolate the village had become. When he asked around if another elephant had come out of the wilderness to destroy the village, the palace people whispered that he indeed was the elephant. The logic was if he could kill such a ferocious elephant with an ordinary cap, it won’t take him much to mangle any human. That was how Afifilaperin learnt that his day of glory was only for one day.

Seriously, there is a lot to learn from this tale. If I were President Jonathan, as I love to say, it is not too late to quell this towering inferno. I will not allow opportunists to pile up enemies on my behalf when I need all the friends I can get. The tension in Nigeria right now has reached the atrocious level of the last days of military rule in 1998 under General Sani Abacha. It has even surpassed that of the Yar’Adua cabal that some of us came out fearlessly to fight on the streets of Abuja.

What would it profit the President by destroying Amaechi on the mere rumour that he’s nursing an ambition to be Vice President to a nebulous President-in-waiting? Does the President expect to remove Amaechi with only five legislators at this time and age and hope to get a part in the back? Does he expect the Governor not to defend himself in the face of threats to even his life at this stage?  I understand that even his security has been drastically reduced in a classic display of recklessness! Is power worth all this trouble? I will repeat here that Amaechi has told everyone who cares to listen that he’s not fighting the President but that he’s ready to duel with those bandying the name of the President to cause mayhem and commit atrocities in Rivers State. The fears expressed by Professor Wole Soyinka about the personal safety of Amaechi are real. What is going on in Port Harcourt is tantamount to full-scale lunacy. Nigeria can’t afford another round of political murders like it happened during the June 12 crisis. We thought such days will never return. This was how we started our journey to perdition in the First Republic. We must also avoid the type of commotion going on in Egypt out of the stupid obduracy of some leaders.

The President has obviously missed many chances for reconciliation. He should have invited Amaechi into a room to iron out reality from neurosis. I’m sure the crisis would not have festered to the magnitude it has reached now.  My simple advice to President Jonathan is that he should stop listening to warmongers and spend more quality time with peacemakers. If he reads his Bible well, he would see how peacemakers were described as the “sons of God.” I really don’t know how to describe his new best friends. This was not the same Meek and Pious Goodluck Jonathan many Nigerians thought they knew. I beg him in the name of God to return to his old self. Even if his right eye causes him to sin, he should pluck it pronto.

If there was going to be any iota of sympathy or allowance left for the terrorist group going by the name Boko Haram, or whatever, they lost it with me and I hope for any other right thinking person on earth when penultimate Saturday (July 6) they went murdering 29 schoolchildren and a teacher of the Government Secondary School in Mamudo village near Potiskum, Yobe State.

The bastards (permit the use for they must be ones) invaded the school, setting fire on the hostels and shooting fleeing pupils. A horrified President Goodluck Jonathan described the attack as “barbaric, horrific and wicked”. He then went on to pronounce that they would go to hell when they die.

“Anybody,” the president is quoted to have said, “who will target innocent children for any kind of grief (grievance) will certainly go to hell.” I’d like to add that it is not just hell but the hottest part of hell is reserved for those who carried out that Saturday horror!

And may their hell start here on earth since we don’t know much about the next: may the fleas of a thousand camels infest the armpit of each and everyone of them and may leprosy chop off all their fingers so they cannot scratch the itch; may a colony of Acanthamoeba keratitis (Eye-eating parasite) infest their eyes and gorge them out while they are on earth; may they all turn blind, dumb, deaf, and paralysed on earth; may their limbs get eaten off slowly by the worst form of disease; may they spend the rest of their days crawling on their bellies; and may no human or god show them mercy.

Only the other day, my brother Okey Ndibe, literary icon and professor in a US university, posted a picture on his Facebook page. It was of two children, each probably no more than six years old, strolling under the tropical sun; holding hands, innocent and blissful. There couldn’t have been a more beautiful photograph. I looked at the picture, the usual tears of emotion welling in me. Then I added my comment, as if a foreboding of Saturday the July 6, wondering how anyone with a human heart could look at children such as these and choose to blow them off the earth!

And to think this latest of their inhuman acts came at a period of some supposed “amnesty” or “ceasefire” negotiation! What could be on their minds? What message was this meant to send?

True these animals have, right from the beginning, stated that they are up in arms against “Western education” – from which their name derives. And destroying of places of “Western education” could then be seen as understandable fallout. But to then deliberately murder scores of schoolchildren? Haba!

Which also makes one unable to completely absolve the high-powered Joint Task Force suffusing the state (especially upon the Federal Government’s declaration of a State of Emergency) of culpability. I should think that even an ordinary boy scout like me would imagine all educational institutions, particularly those with boarding facilities (and how many are there for Allah’s sake in an educationally challenged state like Yobe?), are high targets               for a lawless group that ab initio stated their mission is to wipe out “Western education” from their society!

However, before now, all sorts of nonsense excuses and “justifications” have been propounded by sophists who like to think these Boko Haramites are human beings: O, it’s a result of the extreme economic deprivation they suffer; O, it’s because Niger Delta militants are getting so much and Boko Haram’s northeast part of the country is neglected; O, it’s the disparity in the social and economic conditions of the country that fuels it; O, this; O, that; ad nauseam.

Questions have been asked before and we can now ask them again: are these animals called Boko Haram Nigerians? Do they live amongst us? Are they identifiable or are they “ghosts”, animal ghosts?

One thing is clear; they cannot exist in a vacuum or obscurity such that no one would know who they are, where they sleep, etc. It has been said, and I agree, that terrorists succeed only to the degree of the persuasion, indulgence, or collaboration of the bulk of their people. If the people do not want them, then they have no hiding place. And if they are invaders from foreign land, shame on the country if we cannot defend our territory against these evil marauders.

Cut my story short: after that Saturday, July 6 dastardly act, no more meaningless negotiation, no silly amnesty, nothing, for the “animals in human skin” (apology to the great Fela).

Let them be told: those young innocent kids of Mamudo they killed are my children; those kids are the children of Nigeria; those kids are our future. To so kill them in the manner they have done, this Boko Haram people (sorry, animals) have killed me! Dem no go die beta – insha Allah!

Jimi Solanke’s literary exploration

On July 4 Nigeria’s foremost folklorist, Jimi Solanke, came all the way from his Ile-Ife base to Lagos for the launch of his new book titled, Ancient & Modern Tales, with a Foreword by Africa’s first Nobel Laureate in Literature, Professor Wole Soyinka.

The venue was appropriately the new Lagos State’s Freedom Park, an imaginative arty restoration of the old Broad Street Prison into a romantic garden, historical museum and recreational centre rolled into one. It takes a government of ideas to do what Babatunde Fashola’s Lagos State has done to that historic site.

In the days of yore, it housed the dreaded prison famed for its most distinguished inmate, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, way back in the early 60s. The prison subsequently went into decline and disuse, eventually becoming habitation for unimprisoned delinquents and wretches who shared it with wild rodents, snakes, etc.

Making my way through the impossible Ibadan-Lagos motorway (a misnomer, though better than the more ludicrous “expressway”) I got to the venue well past the launch proper but caught up with the after launch thrill of Jimi entertaining an assemblage of old actor folk like Larry Williams (who I hadn’t seen in over two decades) and Dejumo Lewis; friends like Segun Odegbami, Femi Esho, Yinka Alakija, and so on; Jimi’s ever youthful and beautiful wife, Toyin; and many others.

The book reviewer, Tunde Ogunsanwo, Professor of Analytical / Environmental Chemistry, did a dissection of the book, like he was pouring a solution unto a compound in his chemistry lab, highlighting every aspect of the innovative style – a creative montage of folklore, culture, traditional religion, and humanity; dealing with issues such as: Ogun, Ori, Egungun, Emere, Baba Ifa, Ologomugomu, Egbere, Afinja, Etu, Alaari, Almajiris, Unknown Pastor, OsupaIjio, Bamubamu Ni Mo Yo, Ijapa Tiroko, etc.

As Ogunsanwo noted, “It is a combination of Creative Art, Historical Articulation, Fashion, Cultural Rejuvenation, Folklore, and Subtle Activism.

“JimiSolanke has once again demonstrated in this book, just as he has consistently done in his songs, his superb skill of relating the past to the present. In so doing, he takes his readers to live the past and suddenly wake to the present…

 “Clarity of expression is the reason I love this book, because not only does the author make you to see the things he sees, he makes you feel the things he feels…It is a book that will always remind us of our origin, our virtues, our strength and our identity.”

Congratulations, Baba Agba!

The ongoing National Civil Military Dialogue has come at the right time, especially in assessing current national security challenges. This is with a view to providing appropriate solutions to them. While politicians and section of the media continue to focus on casualty figures rather than humanitarian needs of victims of disasters, we need to examine the situation. It is debatable whether we should be talking of figures or the protection of lives and properties of the people.

The people of Baga, a border town in the restive Borno State, unfortunately paid for the sins of Boko Haram militants, when their town was razed after an alleged reprisal attack by soldiers of the Joint Task Force. The reprisal attack was allegedly in response to the killing of some soldiers by Boko Haram terrorists in April 2013.

Different figures were presented as the casualty count from the clash between the military and Boko Haram insurgents. While some reports claimed that over 100 people were killed and over 2000 houses destroyed in the fracas, the military and the National Emergency Management Agency claimed the figures were exaggerated.

The Chief of Defence Staff, Admiral Ola Sa’ad Ibrahim, had while submitting a report to President Jonathan after an assessment of the area the following week after the incident described the figures as ‘misleading’. He was emphatic in accusing the political elite of generating the misleading report purposely to discredit the military. He also said it was with the aim of getting the President to withdraw soldiers from the streets of Northern states under the Boko Haram siege.

Brig. Gen. Austin Edokpayi of the Multinational Joint Task Force said 37 people died, mostly Boko Haram members.

In view of the discrepancies over the figure, the Senate set up a committee to investigate the alleged massacre. By the time the committee published its report, after two months rather than the two weeks given to it, it reported that only 115 houses were destroyed. Senator Thompson Sekibo, a member of the committee, said the death toll was exaggerated.

But there may have been more than 37 deaths, as there was no documentary evidence from either the people of the town or the military to ascertain the figures. The report said the committee members saw “only nine graves” and counted 115 burnt houses.

The recent report of National Human Rights Commission is more concerned with whether the nature of force used was proportionate or disproportionate, taking into account the circumstances of the case rather than the casualty figures. Though the commission admitted that it did not visit Baga but relied on other accounts, it stated that it was yet to publish its impression of the numbers killed in the attack and those responsible for the deaths. It said the incident illustrated “serious concerns” about the “proportionality of the use of force as well as humanitarian and human rights compliance in internal security operations.”

The Senate and the NHRC called on the Federal Government and the Nigerian Army to recruit more soldiers because the military was overstretched. They have also called on the Federal Government to take full responsibility for JTF funding, including compensation of military personnel. The NHRC pointed out that the Special Operations Forces working within the emergency deployment appear to have enhanced the professionalism of JTF personnel in many sectors and advised that there should be a rotation of troops in order to allow for rest and recuperation.

The military should be commended for its efforts in stamping out Boko Haram, and ending its disruption of economic activities and killings of Nigerians. Since the declaration of the state of emergency, with the involvement of community leaders and youth volunteers, the military has recorded successes which are evident in the reduction in the spate of attacks in the affected states. Members of the sect, including their leader, Abubakar Shekau, have also fled to neighbouring countries.

The JTF and MJTF should be given necessary assistance in the war against terror, in the way of the Volunteer Vigilance Youths Group. They are the youths in troubled areas who have resolved to rid their homeland of Boko Haram. They have been instrumental in the arrests of several Boko Haram members, pursuing them to their hiding holes and training grounds. The VVYG leader, Abubakar Mallun, recently disclosed that their goal was to destroy anything that stands between their community and normalcy. They carry out their work with sticks and cutlasses and once arrests are made, they hand suspects over to the JTF.

It is gratifying to note that special forces and the volunteers have intensified their cordon-off and search operations, leading to the arrest of more than 20 top leaders of Boko Haram. The rise of volunteers, who branded themselves as ‘Civilian JTF’, is a cheering development as they assist troops to locate suspected Boko Haram members. Military authorities should put in place mechanism to regulate the activities of the ‘Civilian JTF’ members.

Security forces should reciprocate the gallantry of these youths by providing them with logistics to facilitate their work. The Federal Government and state governments can also agree on incorporating the volunteer groups into the security architecture in those areas. They can be employed and given training in counter-terrorism so that by the time soldiers are withdrawn, they can help prevent terrorists from returning to their areas. This will also reduce unemployment and prevent the rise of another militant group.

President Goodluck Jonathan on Monday left the shores of the country on a state visit to China. He is expected back in the country on Saturday (today).

One of the things that many may not know is that the journey was Jonathan’s 13th foreign trip in 2013, having visited Ghana, Cote d’Ivoire, Switzerland, United Kingdom, France, Equatorial Guinea, Kenya, South Africa and Cameroon during the year.

Another fact that may still be hidden to the people is that this latest trip paralysed government activities at the top echelon of some ministries judging by the number of ministers that are in the President’s entourage. No fewer than 15 of them travelled with him.

Those who travelled to China with the President included Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Finance, Petroleum, Works, Agriculture, Aviation, Solid Minerals, Transport, National Planning, Trade and Investment, Niger Delta, Justice, Culture and Tourism as well as the Minister of State for Defence.

Apart from activities in the affected ministries, there was also a lull in government activities in the seat of power, the Presidential Villa, Abuja. The Villa was devoid of the usual hustling and bustling that characterise the various meetings and visits that always hold there.

Although, Vice-President Namadi Sambo was in charge (fully?) throughout the period the President was out of the country, his activities were largely on small scale despite the fact that the Muslim fast did not start until Wednesday.

Even the weekly Federal Executive Council meeting presided over by Sambo confirmed the low-key level at which government activities were conducted during the period. Apart from the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Chief of Staff to the President and the Head of Service of the Federation, only 20 ministers attended the Wednesday’s meeting with the vice-president.

Aside that, the meeting lasted a record time of one hour! It started a few minutes after 10 am and ended a few minutes after 11 am. The last meeting held before that particular one started at 10 am and ended about 4 pm.

In fact, by the time stewards arrived with the refreshment that council members would have taken during their break time, the meeting was already over.

Again, the meeting of the National Council on Privatisation was the major thing done at the VP’s Wing on Thursday. One only hopes and prays that the President returns quickly so that normalcy can return to government activities.

Is this Nigeria truly fascinating?

The Ministry of Culture, Tourism and National Orientation under Chief Edem Duke launched the nation’s official tourism identity “Fascinating Nigeria” at the Presidential Villa, Abuja penultimate Thursday.

The decoration of the venue was truly fascinating. The cultural exhibition at the entrance was nonetheless fascinating. The event was aired live on some national television stations, fascinating indeed. But that was where it ended. The organisers might have devoted too much attention to decorations that they did not remember that an event of such magnitude should have a programme of events.

Apart from that, almost all dignitaries expected at the event were represented. Jonathan was represented. The President’s wife, Patience; President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives were all represented, among others.Another minus about the event was that by the time Sambo got up to deliver the President’s speech, more than half of those who attended the event had left the venue. Most of those who attended the dinner were women, decked in white and green. They were conveyed to the venue in buses as early as 3 pm for a programme that did not start until about 9 pm. So, immediately after eating, the women left the hall in droves.

Wike’s overwhelming burden

It is not in doubt that the Minister of State, Education, Chief Nyesom Wike, is one of the key players in the political struggle in his home state, Rivers. The other time, media reports had it that President Jonathan snubbed him and members of his faction of the Peoples Democratic Party in the state at the airport, whereas he greeted Governor Rotimi Amaechi and his group warmly. Almost all newspapers published a photograph of the President exchanging pleasantries with the governor.

Wike has since denied the report that the President shunned him. He had also led his faction to a session behind closed doors with Jonathan shortly after the airport incident.

After that meeting, the minister, in an interview with State House correspondents, claimed that the photographs in circulation were sent out from the Rivers State Government House after they had been doctored. He claimed that he was cropped off from the photographs in order to score premeditated political goals. He further claimed that the stories published by all newspapers were written from the same Government House.

What Wike probably did not know as at the time he was making these grievous allegations was that those photographs he attributed to Amaechi and his men were actually taken by the President’s official photographer.

If he had taken time to find out, the minister would also have known that most of the media houses that published the photographs, if not all of them, got them directly from the media office at the Presidential Villa.

But the reality has since dawned on the embattled minister or so it seems. On Wednesday, the minister again directed his anger on the ‘negative report’ at the same photographs.

Whenever the President attends events, either within or outside the country, apart from sending photographs taken from such events to media houses, his photographers also post copies on some notice boards inside the Villa. Such photographs are changed periodically as soon as the President attends another function and new ones are available.

As you are reading this piece, photographs on those notice boards include those Jonathan took with Amaechi at the airport. The same ones Wike attributed their source to Rivers State. As the minister arrived at the Villa on Wednesday for the weekly FEC meeting, he stopped by one of the notice boards erected on the wall in front of the Briefing Room of the Council Chambers.

The particular photograph that caught his attention was the one showing the President in a handshake with Amaechi. The minister looked at the photograph as if he should remove and tear it into pieces. He looked at a journalist standing close to him, knocked on the notice board glass and said, “The media are just reporting falsehood about this incident.” He quickly left the place before the journalist could reply him.

Wike entered the Council Chambers venue of the FEC meeting only to be confronted with the video of the show of shame that played out in the Rivers House of Assembly the previous day being shown on a large screen in the chambers as well as smaller screens on the tables of ministers.

He laboured frantically to convince his colleagues that he was not the mastermind of the fracas. His defence was that he was in Abuja when the event unfolded in Port Harcourt. Some of his co-ministers were heard telling him that he could mastermind the crisis without showing up physically in the Garden City.

 Few days ago I woke up to a very disturbing news; one of the ‘usual’ that has characterized our social, political and economic lives.  Forty two young promising school children in Yobe State, Nigeria were murdered in cold blood. All evidence pointed to the dreaded Islamic sect Boko Haram as the mastermind behind the attack. In one of the reports, a young boy who was shot at recounted how he lost four of his fingers while trying to escape.

This is one of the scenarios that have become part and parcel of our daily lives. It is so shattering that even the media now choose which of the tragic news is worth reporting, depending on the impact of such attack. The usual headlines like ‘Two killed, seven injured’, ‘Gun attack in Kaduna, 3 dead’, that has characterized our national tabloids for a while are now considered soft touch and no longer catchy. Journalists now see it as not news worthy to report attacks or killings if the death toll is not up to at least ten. This is how far we have come to embrace anarchy, insecurity and chaos. Nigeria presently is second only to Somalia which is then next to Syria in terms of state of insecurity.

Alas, while these young children who ought to be our future leaders were screaming to high heaven in horrifying pains, our dear president was nowhere to be found. To make matters worse the trio of Reuben Abati, Doyin Okupe and acclaimed Pastor Reno Omokri who continuously are being paid with tax payers money went missing in a time when they should be out not just condemning the attack but giving the people hope and reassuring the citizens of the ability of the government to put an end to the madness.

Almost 72 hours after the scenario, the presidency ‘got its bearing’ and President Jonathan speaking through his self styled spokesman, Dr. Reuben Abati made one of the most outrageous statements a president can ever make, ‘anybody who will target innocent children for any kind of grief or emotional dysfunction will certainly rot in hell’. The interpretation of this is that government now sees the protection of the citizens and justice for the bereaved as a divine duty better left for God, that government is no longer responsive to the security of the people and cannot be held accountable for the inability to provide justice but rather the citizens must wait till the religious day of judgment. This is not surprising to me and shouldn’t be to any Nigerian who voted for Goodluck Jonathan in 2011 merely because of his ‘shoeless tales’ and ‘goodluck’ syndrome; we shouldn’t complain the moment we chose pity and appeal over credibility and substance.

Every step the presidency has taken to eradicate these insurgents has continued to make mockery of the political and social institution of our country. Recently the president through a nationwide broadcast announced a declaration of the state of emergency on some northern states viewed as the hub of the sect. The power of a state of emergency is so huge that it has been highly effective in managing major crises around the world such as Tunisia, Mali, Kyrgyzstan, United States (in cases of natural disasters) to mention just but a few. But the Nigeria situation is different because the declaration has not stopped the onslaught against innocent citizens of the country by the Boko Haram terrorist group, the only change is that the usual Sunday attack mode has been eradicated as most attacks are now impromptu. Another down side is that children and students are now the major point of attack. Most times I wonder how the president relate with the families of these children or how do you inform a parent that his/her child was brutally murdered because you fail to perform your duty as a political office holder. How do you inform a mother that her only child whom she suffered to carry for nine months was fell by a terrorist’s bullet because you continue to play ping pong with the security of the country in order to award outrageous funds for security in the budget?

It is high time the presidency understands that hell isn’t meant for murderers and terrorists alone. Every individual who continues to feed fat on the collective resources of others, every leader who fails to live up to his/her promises, every soul placed in the position to better the lives of others but continue to use such position for selfish interest are all candidates of hell. Local government Chairmen who receive monthly allocation and use such to build houses and acquire personal property, send their children to expensive schools abroad and expand their empires are candidates of hell. State Governors who shortchange local governments of its monthly allocation, siphon state revenue, divert state resources for personal use, award ghost contracts are candidates of hell. Ministers who make the ministry a family fun fare, divert public fund to personal use, escalate project expense and travel at will on frivolous trips are candidates of hell. Presidents and first ladies who move around the world with floods of unnecessary entourage, would rather award oil blocs to family and associates rather than promote local refineries, would prefer to render lip service on electricity rather than see to adequate power generation, would prefer to give out amnesty to rogues and thieves rather than stand up to defend the helpless citizens, would prefer to see the growth of crony capitalists while common citizens lavish in abject poverty are candidates of hell.

There are no doubt people who have been a source of sorrow to fellow humans will not go unpunished, the Bible and Holy Quran are specific on this, but does that warrant the president to sit down and do nothing? Does that give political officers who have sworn before God and man to protect the lives and properties of the citizens the license to hold their peace? Was God the man that stood up in front of the mammoth crowd to declare his intention to govern the country?

Obviously hell is a place for all sinners, the evil ones whose souls have been engulfed by the taste for blood and anger will not be spared; but it is high time the presidency started worrying more about its apartment in the place called hell!

Adekoya Boladale a political scientist is the Convener, Advocacy for Better Leadership (ABEL) and wrote via adekoyaboladale@gmail.com. Please follow on twitter @adekoyabee

Britain has not given up its plan to extract £3, 000 (about N800,000) from each visitor from Nigeria, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Ghana, Pakistan and India from November this year. Adult visitors, who would be forced to pay the £3,000 bond, would forfeit the money if they overstayed in the country.  British authorities say the policy will affect “high-risk” visitors seeking a six-month visa, and that it is an attempt to curb immigration and abuses in the system.

Since the UK flew the kite (or made its plan known) about three weeks ago, comments from the affected countries have gone only one way – negative. But British high commissioner in Nigeria Dr Andrew Pocock has not denied the plan, nor has he stated that his country would reconsider the matter. Therefore, we should assume that the David Cameron-led government is serious about implementing the plan to exploit Nigerians further.

It is possible that Britain is expressing anger at the failure of Nigeria to accept gay marriage. It could also be a reaction to the murder of a British soldier by a Nigerian (but British-born and -bred) terror suspect a few months ago. Whatever is the reason, the UK is not to blame for trying to protect itself from foreigners who might take its jobs or infect it with crimes.

The promise of the British High Commission that the policy would affect “only a very small number of the highest risk visitors” should be disregarded. Ostensibly, there will be no exceptions: every visitor from the affected countries will be expected to pay the bond money. So, rather than wait for official communication, the Nigerian authorities should get ready with a response strategy.  And the best response would be to make journeys to Britain unattractive.

It appears odd that many young people are still seeking to obtain British visa, even as that country’s economy is tottering on the brink. But are the Nigerian youth to blame? Everywhere else appears better than Nigeria where unemployment hovers above 80 per cent, the education system has collapsed and poverty is killing over 90 per cent of the population. Some of the rich Nigerians have made Britain their permanent home and only visit Nigeria occasionally to help in looting its resources.

There was a time Nigerians did not need a visa to travel to Britain. Imposing a £3, 000 bond on a citizen of a former colony is an insult of unimaginable proportion. Perhaps it is because Nigeria has not asked for reparation for a century of colonialism during which the resources of the country were used to feed the industries of the west. And, for decades after independence, the brightest and the best Nigerians have been slaving for Western nations like Britain and America.

Nigeria has been challenged to make itself habitable for its own citizens and attractive to foreigners. Imposing a similar bond on Nigerian visa seekers from Britain will not achieve anything good at this time that foreign companies are divesting from Nigeria. We have to think home — we have to make Nigeria work for Nigerians.

Culled from Leadership Newspaper

In the days and weeks leading up to the faux pax that became the Nigeria Governor’s Forum (NGF) election, the Katsina state governor, Ibrahim Shehu Shema was mentioned several times as a possible compromise candidate, largely on account of what some perceive as his ‘performance’ as governor. The same was said of late Umaru Yar’Adua even though most residents of the state vehemently disagreed then, and now. Shema is being touted as the likely running mate of President Jonathan if he is able to secure the nomination of his party to run for another term as president.

What is it about this man – Ibrahim Shema – that elicits such strongly ambivalent reactions? What is his style of governance and financial prudence, and why is it that so many think there is more to him that meets the eye in the way he runs Katsina state? How are the state’s finances and budget  managed? If Shema is doing well in this area, why did the state house of assembly suspend the minority leader because he criticized the government’s poor budget implementation? We will analyze the 2013 budget of the state today to assist our readers answer some of these questions.

Barrister Ibrahim Shema claims to focus his administration’s six development priorities; Education, Agriculture, Human Development, Infrastructure, Health and Crafts. It appears that in Katsina lingo, human development does not equal investments in education and healthcare, as the three are treated separately. Beyond this definitional incompetence however, a look at Katsina’s 2013 budget reveals a level of  policy misdirection, indeterminate political will to address the priorities of the state, allocation of funds to areas where monitoring is difficult, and level of non-implementation of past budgets that amounts to impunity.

First, a little history. Carved out of old Kaduna State in September 1987, Katsina is located in Nigeria’s North West and borders Niger Republic, Kaduna, Kano and Jigawa States. Its land mass is approximately 24,000 square kilometers with a population of about 5,801,584 people in 34 Local Government Areas. Its capital is Katsina City. The state has commercial deposits of kaolin and asbestos.

Then Colonel Abdullahi Sarki Mukhtar was the first governor of the state (September 1987-July 1988), and was succeeded by other military governors. The first civilian governor was Saidu Barda, while immediate past President Umaru Musa Yaradua governed the state from May 1999- May 2007. Katsina is home to two past presidents; Major-General Muhammadu Buhari and Umaru Musa Yaradua. Other Katsinawa dignitaries include late General Hassan Usman Katsina, Major-General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, former Chief Justice of the Federation Mohammed Bello, two past Inspector’s General of Police: Mohammed Dikko Yusuf and Ibrahim Coomassie, and pioneer Chairman of the Bureau of Public Enterprises, Hamza Rafindadi Zayad amongst others. Katsina is home to some of the best and brightest of Nigerian public servants, politicians and military top brass. Will the state’s current budgetary practices produce such quality elites in the future? Let us present the data and you answer the question!

The total budget for Katsina State in 2013 is N112,757,487,475 (One Hundred and Twelve Billion, Seven hundred and Fifty Seven Million, Four Hundred and Eighty Seven Thousand, Four Hundred and Seventy Five Naira only). The budget would be financed through some N14, 561,712,643 or 12.9% of the proposed budget realizable from internally generated revenue and some N74.5bn (66.7%) receivable in Federal Allocation. With total revenues at N89bn, what is evident is that the state would need to borrow some N23bn or 20% of its budget from external sources – loans and grants.

The capital provision is some N80,931,809,320 (Eighty billion Nine hundred and Thirty One million, Eight hundred and Nine thousand, Three hundred and Twenty thousand naira only)  which is a commendable 71.7% of the entire budget. The State has about 43 MDAs which would cost taxpayers some N31,825,678,155 (Thirty One billion Eight hundred and Twenty Five million, Six hundred and Seventy Eight thousand one hundred and fifty five thousand naira only) or 28.2% in recurrent expenditure – an average of about N700 million per MDA.

Personnel costs would gulp some 17.2% of the entire budget sum or N19,434,384,200 (Nineteen Billion Four Hundred and Thirty Four Million, Three Hundred and Eighty Four Thousand Two Hundred Naira Only) while overhead costs are N7,975,267,830 (Seven Billion Nine Hundred and Seventy Five Million Two Hundred and Sixty Seven Thousand, Eight Hundred and Thirty naira only) some 7.07% and consolidated revenue charge is apportioned N4,416,026,125 (Four Billion, Four Hundred and Sixteen Million, Twenty Six Thousand, One Hundred and Twenty Five naira Only) 3.9%.

With its projected internally generated revenue of N14,561,712,643, Katsina State has to rely on external loans or Federal allocations to fully fund its personnel cost or staff salaries which are only a part of its total recurrent budget. Plainly put, the state spends more than it earns on government bureaucracy, and falls in the class of “parastatal states” that cannot stand on their own without a lifeline from Abuja.

A sectoral breakdown of the capital allocation of the budget reveals the following structure: N31.3 billion (27.8%) for the economic sector, N16.5 billion (14.6%) for social services, N26.9 billion (23.9%) for regional development, N2.9 billion (2.6%) for general administration, N750 million (0.6%) for the legislature, a provision of N2 billion (1.7%) for miscellaneous expenses and a measly N341.4 million (0.3%) for the judiciary.

At N21.6 billion, the largest departmental allocation is for road construction, Education is allocated some N13.6 billion, Health got N1.6 billion, Agriculture which employs the majority of Katsina’s working population is allocated only N7.8 billion, and Water Supply some N9.5 billion. Are these capital investments enough to register sectoral improvements in the face of poverty challenges the state faces?

According to the Nigeria Poverty Profile (2010), the North West Zone has the highest incidence of absolute poverty in Nigeria with a 70% prevalence rate, the North East 69%, the North Central 59.5%, the South East 58.7%, the South South 55.9% and the South West 49.8%. At 74.5% Katsina State has the highest poverty prevalence amongst all states in the region and the Shema-led administration thus far has taken no deliberate steps to address this. Under the economic sector there is a paltry capital allocation of only N276 million (0.2%) to manufacturing, a paltry N214,019,000 (0.1%) capital provision for Women Empowerment under the Ministry of Women Affairs  and only N100 million (0.08%) under the Ministry of Youth and Sports for the states Youth Empowerment Program (Youth Action Plan). These figures are absurd, demonstrating that there is no political will to address the endemic poverty facing most of the population in the state.

From the private sector angle, the state shows even more damning figures. The state has virtually no functioning private agro-allied and manufacturing facilities. According to the World Bank 2010 Ease of Doing Business in Nigeria rankings, the state is ranked 25 amongst the 36 Nigerian States and the FCT, it involves 9 procedures and would take 37 days to start a business in Katsina State. In light of the foregoing, it would be expected that the government would be investing heavily in small and medium enterprises, encouraging and incentivizing businesses to set up shop in the state through tax breaks and infrastructural investments with a view to creating a more conducive business climate.  Sadly, this is not the case. Capital allocations for the 2013 fiscal year are N350million (0.3%) for Small and Medium Enterprises, only N280.8million (0.2%) for economic affairs,  N1.3billion (1.2%) for finance, and low level of investments in providing municipal services and transportation that could lower the cost of doing business in the state.

Investments in education are ambivalent. While the  Shema-led government deserves commendation for the expansion and modernization of classrooms in the state and for being the only Nigerian state with a Department for Girl Child Education and Child Development, teacher quality in the state is one of the worst in Nigeria. According to the UBEC 2010 education profile the qualified teacher to student ratio in Katsina State is 1 teacher to 208 students, its neighbor Kaduna has a ratio of 1 teacher to 58 students. And there is no indication of things getting better; in 2013, only N124,731,000 would be spent on recruiting new teachers, N55million would be spent on teacher welfare and N900million on grants and subventions. There appears to be no special and significant  programme to raise teacher quality through training and other incentives.

There is a N12.5million provision for training and staff development and another N2million for in service training and workshop, however these provisions were also made in the 2012 budget with no actual expenditure as at December 31st the same year.  One wonders what good these provisions are if they are simply recorded and not actually expended. Delaying or deferring training of staff is suicidal in this century. Katsina’s budget appears to be for debate and passage by the legislature but not for focused implementation!

Katsina has a JSS enrollment rate of about 33% and is the second lowest in the North West zone; Jigawa has the lowest enrollment rate with 22%. Zamfara has the highest enrollment rate with 53%, Kebbi 43%, Kaduna 38%, Kano 34%. Of 21,389 pupils from Katsina State that sat for the 2012 University and Tertiary Matriculation Examinations (UTME), only 3767 scored 200 and above. It is clear that the state suffers a grave education deficit; the government has to channel its resources both financial and physical to training and re-training teachers and increasing school enrollment rates.

The health of Katsina citizens seems even worse than education in budgetary terms. According to the 2008 Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS), Katsina State has the highest incidence of teenage pregnancy in Nigeria with 65% of all cases recorded nationwide. In contrast, Edo State has the lowest rate at 2.9%. Mortality rate in Katsina is also high; the current teenage mortality rate is about 0.822 per 1000 women and the bulk of recorded incidences are from the North, with factors ranging from unsafe abortions, pregnancy complications, poor antenatal care that lead to the increase of birth related deaths which abound in Katsina. Katsina was one if worst places in the world to be a teenage girl based on the NDHS of 2008 under Shema’s watch.

The state has shown some efforts to stemming this tide though, even if too little too late – some N180 million is set aside for purchase of drugs and dressing, N400 million for staff training and development. A 169 bed Turai Yaradua maternal and child hospital has been completed at a cost of N860.5 million, a N552 million provision is also made for a 270 bed orthopedic hospital which would reportedly cost the state N1.6 billion upon completion. All these include about N185 million that was spent in 2009 to purchase 34 mobile ambulances which have thus far eased the provision of health services to rural communities.

The spending priorities of the Shema led government puts road construction as its first priority, this is hardly ideal considering that the state has a high disease burden, the country’s highest poverty rate and a crumbling education system. What Katsina needs more of is not roads but more education and healthcare investments. Road contracts are easy to award to party apparatchiks and well-connected construction firms, while raising quality of human capital is harder and less profitable. The choice is up to Shema to make.

The state must refocus its priorities beginning with a slimmer and cost efficient government. It must also as a matter of urgency allocate more funds to education, health and agriculture. It must invest more in providing potable water for the population as well as to farmers for irrigation. Katsina must lower its cost of doing business and evolve innovative ways

A few weeks ago, the Nigerian High Commissioner to Canada, Chief Ojo Maduekwe, invited me to McGill University, Montreal, Canada, to participate in a workshop on religious freedom and foreign policy. The workshop sought to focus strategic intellectual and diplomatic attention on the protection of religious freedom within the context of democratic politics. I was in Canada to meet with the Ontario Energy Board and the Ontario Power Authority; and the High Commissioner felt that my research experience and interest in religion and political and legal pluralism make me a good participant at the workshop.

The panel discussions highlighted interesting insights about religious conflicts and insecurity in Nigeria. The panellists were some of the best scholars of history and politics of Nigeria. From their wealth of experience, they zeroed on the threat that religious riot poses to stability and development in Nigeria and the West Africa sub-region. The panel underlined the need for a much more thoughtful engagement with religious fundamentalism in Nigeria.

The Nigerian High Commissioner was very masterly in making the Nigerian case at the workshop. Of course Maduekwe is muscularly intellectual and nationalistic. He chastised the powerful western countries of biased perspective on Nigeria’s so-called security challenges. His argument is simple and persuasive. Nigeria is the major victim of the global war against terror.  After the allied forces smoked the terrorists out of Afghanistan and the Sahelian region, the next port of call became Nigeria, a country with the most attractive options for displaced terrorists. Therefore, Nigeria deserves support to build formidable deterrence and enforcement capabilities and not scurrilous attacks from western diplomats.

Maduekwe’s counter-perspective changed the discourse. At the end of the parley, it was clear that Nigeria is an interesting site to watch in the management of religious violence in the context of political and legal pluralism. The good news, as Ambassador Maduekwe opined, is that Nigeria has proved resilient in the past. Nigeria went through a civil war and emerged as the only country where belligerent nationalists sat on a table and reconciled without a UN or other foreign arbitration. The question this time is: Can Nigeria pull through again?
The panellists raised a red flag about insecurity in Nigeria and were dead scared about how the religious mix of the security crisis will pan out for the rest of Africa considering the geopolitical importance of Nigeria in the architecture of security in the region. At the end of the discourse, it was clear that even though Nigeria struggles with violent fundamentalism, it continues to provide lessons in the positive management of religious and cultural diversities. The High Commissioner illustrated this excellence with many examples of religious cohabitations in different regions of Nigeria, especially the South-west region.

Surely, Nigeria will pull through. But that should not be taken for granted. The value of the McGill workshop is to underscore the gravity of the issues the country faces in the context of a changing global order and the need for deep thinking and strategic action.
But it is that deep thinking that is sorely missing in Nigeria today and that needs to be urgently popularised. Since the bombs started to go off in Abuja and elsewhere, there have been no serious workshop and strategic meetings organised by groups outside the official security apparatus to rethink the social and political currents of the new wave of terrorism. We have not heard any insightful exposition by the dozen scholars and social critics that populated the cyberspace on the depth of the crisis and the sort of institutional adaptation we need to steer clear of the landmines. This is a clear evidence of the death of public reason.

Since the outbreak of the present violence, many columnists have written endlessly accusing government of incompetence and blaming every terrorist attack on failure of government. But the sad story is this grave crisis has not elicited the expected rigorous thinking and analysis from policy and intellectual circles in Nigeria. There have been no high-profile intellectual events to headline a serious commitment on the part of researchers and policy thinkers to properly understand and prepare for what may be a persistent challenge of the 21th Century for Nigeria.

Civil society leaders have gleefully criticised government about the crisis. But we are yet to see a commendable civic engagement aimed at proffering solutions to the crisis. How many essays and policy papers have been written about the crisis apart from ill-tempered and shallow editorials and op-eds?  How many seminars, workshops and focus group meetings have been conveyed, outside official security circles, to think through the Boko Haram crisis? Definitely, the absence of such sort of engagements illustrates the low-energy public intellectualism that defines our public space.

It is depressing but true that it is only in foreign think tanks and centres that the Boko Haram crisis is receiving the quality attention it deserves from scholars and policymakers. The Nigerian intellectual and civil society actors have not done well in engaging with the challenges of nation building. The danger of this lack of intellectual rigor and vigour is that we may not effectively overcome these challenges. As much as political activism is a good ingredient for transforming a society it requires the sauce of knowledge. Socially relevant knowledge is produced through institutionalised quality thinking.

The predicament of underdevelopment approximates to the chronic absence of problem-solving thinking. Whether viewed in terms of the weakness of institutions or the low quality of goods and services, countries that persist in underdevelopment are those that are unable to socially produce quality solutions to environmental, social, economic and political challenges. It is not a happenstance that developed societies have successfully mainstreamed their universities and other epistemic communities with their policymaking institutions. The marriage of knowledge production and policymaking is definitive of societies that are on the forward march.
The real issue here is the quality of public reason. In his latest book titled The Great Degeneration: How Institutional Fails and Economies Die, Nail Fergusson shows how the degeneration of western society occurred or could occur. What stands out from his analysis is that the quality of institutions for coordinating social transactions makes the critical difference between prospering and declining societies. So, when societies think clearly and act intelligently, they create superior social institutions to solve their problems. But when public reason is weak then problems persist or compound.

The failure of public reason in Nigeria is very evident and troubling. The quality of debate is depressing. In the place of logic there is anger and fury. The favourite of Nigeria’s army of dysfunctional public intellectuals is anti-government: an obsession with attacking government instead of facilitating quality governance. It is ok and even desirable for opposition politicians to attack government, even mindlessly. Their job is to displace those exercising political authority. Therefore, it is permissible for them to be intolerant of the party in government
But the rest of the civil society doesn’t have such mandate. Its mandate is to cater to the welfare of the society. In doing so, it may find itself at times at opposing side of the government. But it begins to lose its mandate if it acts as if there is anything redemptive in just being against government, rather than being against bad policies and programmes.  The focus of civil society is policies and programmes that affect social and economic outcomes for the people. It plays its role best when it plays the policy game and not politically partisan. Of course, policy is politics. But that is only to the extent that policy seeks to achieve broader political outcomes. Not just partisan outcomes.

As the heat of 2015 builds up, it is the right time to remind us that most of the more difficult problems we face today are not the products of mere partisan politicking. They are outcomes of leadership. And leadership begins with mobilising ideas that could change the situation. Ironically, as Nigerian civil society leaders busy themselves with how they can get more involved in politics, they easily forget the low hanging fruit in the transformation: improving the quality of ideas in the public sphere. Our continued underdevelopment is a product of low quality public reason. If we don’t improve the quality of public reasons, if civic leaders don’t see problems as opportunity for creative thinking and mobilise social engagement in search of solutions, we will wake up after much politicking and many elections and discover we have simply compounded our problems.

It was John Maynard Keynes, the icon of modern economics, who observed that practical men who believe that they are exempted from the influence of intellectuals are themselves slaves of some defunct economist. Therefore, we must clarify the intellectual influences shaping public policy. If these influences are not qualitative and positive, then our political and civic activism is misguided. The quality of thought determines the outcome of collective action.

So, the nation needs a heavy dose of good thinking. Events like the McGill seminar should be an everyday staple in Nigeria. Note that creative ideas are not generated through superficial one-off encounter. We need persistent and intense rational discourses; we need to wrestle day and night with these problems before clarity begins to emerge.
Solutions to social problems do not end with good ideas. There should be great leaders who can use these ideas to mobilise quality collective actions. Politics seeks to recruit these leaders. That is good enough.

But when we have found the best leaders amongst us, we may sadly discover that because we could not produce enough good ideas, these leaders could do very little to change our situations. So, we need to begin to create the good ideas that great leaders will use to mobilise transformative collective actions. That is a more urgent task.
So far the reservoir of great ideas is running empty. So, let’s begin to think.

“Abuja is one place on earth you don’t want to be broke… Strive to attain certain level of financial freedom even if it means starving your grandmother at the village!” 

Now don’t ask me who this cruel counselor is. In your initial attempt to flow with the pulse of this city, you are the textbook Good Man—welcoming, jovial and generous. Here and there you will run into smartly dressed people in fronts of ministries and agencies, old and young in distress. Monday to Friday and even weekend, you see them. “Help me, bro, I lost my wallet… Help me, sir, I don’t have money to go back home… Help me, my son, I have not eaten today.” You’re not restrained at first, having come from a third-world town in which communalism is in practice and in which it’s a virtue to assist and an honour to be assisted. But gradually you lose your patience, angry at the system that produces these economic drawbacks, these social parasites. Gradually you realise that your lack of management wisdom is measured in the countless alms you handed out to the bag-carrying ‘students’ you hoped to save from dropping out of school, to the innocent young girls you thought you were saving from prostitution, to the hijab-wearing group of women you assisted in the spirit of Muslim brotherhood, to the Jesus-touting Christians whose pleas you heeded to ascertain your level of religious tolerance…

“What are they doing in Abuja?” Your counsellor explodes when you’re finally in your shade, away from these networks that rightly highlight our nation’s devastated human capital. “That’s why el-Rufai said whoever earns less than 50 thousand naira per month has no business being in Abuja!” I think that statement is a rumour, you correct it.  He hisses, “That man talks too much, he doesn’t even remember all he has said.” You smile.

But, where actually is Abuja? Aside from the destitute, and the adventurous fellows who occupy uncompleted structures, the most unfortunate victims of Abuja survivalism are actually from the outskirts of the city, survivalists who cannot afford the overpriced accommodations of central Abuja. Abuja Survivalism is losing your moral fibre and abandoning any measure of honesty in the rush to secure your wellbeing; it is an evil inhibition that weakens the innocence of a previously empathising person. Living and existing in Abuja are two different experiences; the former is the only socially decent life, and the latter is a reckless struggle for survival.

Coming to Abuja is wrongly perceived as the beginning of one’s financial security, but trust me, it’s more honourable to live with the tolerable poverty of a third-world town than deceiving your family and friends and even yourself on coming to learn the survivalist stunts of this closed city. The greatest shocker here is the experience of underpaid and job-seeking dwellers. A friend of mine recounted a heartbreaking story of a lady who served her national youth service at his firm. He couldn’t retain her when she rounded up the corps service because, aside from being “incompetent”, there was no vacancy. The girl refused to leave Abuja and after some months she appeared in his office with her CV. “Help me secure a job.” Decent deal. My friend accepted to try his best. Weeks later, weeks of continuous talks on the phone, she returned with a bruised face and recounted that her roommates had been maltreating her and that she couldn’t leave their pad because she had nowhere else to go. He gave her a token and advised her to go back to her parents and remain there until something came out of the job hunt. She didn’t. And a few days after this conversation, she texted my friend to inform him she had been thrown out and needed a place to stay. That day, even though my friend had asked the secretary to tell her he was out of town, she showed up and forced her way to his office. Inside, she stripped—”If this is what you want, you can have me. I need money, sir!” Even though the girl knew that there was a security camera in her former boss’ office, she didn’t care. Her desperation had fenced off her fear of a scandal. “She used to be a good girl, one of the most decent ones I ever met,” my friend recalled. He had made advances on her when she began her service at his place but she smartly refused, and in the course of their employer-employee relationship in that one year he got to know her well enough to testify to her propriety. It turns out that after her service year elapsed, she first went to squat with a friend, a male friend! And her attempts to still hold on to her sexual morals started up a friction between them. There is no free lunch in Freetown, but she didn’t know that.

Some, ladies especially, actually earn the approval of their parents to remain or come to Abuja with a deceit—that they had secured a job or have prospects of one. This deceit eventually entails posting money to the parents, and this means stooping below moral lines to earn a living, and in this way some are lost to a form of prostitution. Many survivalists here fabricated these tales to escape unbearable parental supervision. Initially, the ladies stay with their boyfriends through a popular arrangement called “Abuja Marriage”, but the result is always the host’s quest for freedom, yes freedom to bring in other ladies. Or, also popular, the man gets jealous of her illicit ‘wealth’ or romance with the wealthy. These stunts have produced many pregnancies and babies who may never know their maternal grandparents for the ladies too afraid to return home with these products of a desperate survivalism. The babies’ paternity too may become an issue when the marked man flees or denies responsibility.

The story of these survivals is not different among male survivalists whose method, though not really more dignified, is posing as agent, consultant or even CEO or founder of sham or unregistered organisations and seeking to work with this or that government agency, political organisations or social development outfits. It’s only in Abuja that self-professed CEOs with overblown profiles on LinkedIn and other social networks sites operate from shared bedrooms at Lugbe or Pyakasa or Dei-dei or an “Abuja” at a faraway village in Nasarawa State. May God save us from us!

Gimba Kakanda

@gimbakakanda (On Twitter)

Nelson Mandela’s prolonged stay in hospital for lung-related complications elicited in his country folk and much of mankind, unprecedented outpouring of good wishes, pro-Mandela demonstrations and prayer vigils for his quick recovery.  The United States’ president, Barrack Obama, who let it be known that Mandela is one of his role models, made it a major part of his recent visit to South Africa to spend time with the iconic leader’s family and to express solidarity.  Leaders, civil society actors, students and workers across the globe have identified with the ailing 94-year-old former president widely regarded as a transformational leader who permanently altered the course of history.

Against the backdrop of Mandela’s revered stature as a big impact and much loved statesman, the question arises as to whether Nigeria, Africa’s largest black country, can ever have a leader in the mould of Mandela. The question acquires urgency in the light of ongoing jostling for the nation’s presidency, two years ahead of the magic date of 2015.

We know for sure that very few leaders in world history so far have attracted the kind of uncommon love and bonding enjoyed by Mandela from his countrymen. Imaginably, reports that so and so Nigerian leader or former leader is hospitalised usually evoke feelings ranging from mild indifference to the dismissive Yoruba expression, “Onpe ko to ku” (What is stopping him from dying?)   Sociologists tell us that such scornful utterances, pungent jokes and ridicule are ways in which afflicted societies get back at unpopular leaders.  In other words, sooner than later, the rascality, double dealing and negligence of leaders have ways of catching up with them at least in the dismissive responses of popular culture.

But let us go back to the question of whether a Nigerian Mandela is on the cards or whether it is no more than an idle fantasy in the current circumstances. In bringing up this poser, this writer is well aware of excuses that have been offered on behalf of a sadly diminished political class such as we have.  For example, some have argued that the division of the Nigerian public sphere into ethnic and religious war camps forecloses the possibility of a Nigerian Mandela. You can only have, they argue, an Igbo, Ijaw, Nupe or Yoruba Mandela because the reception and perception of leadership are affected by ethnic and religious prejudices.

At first blush, the argument seems persuasive; when you inspect it closely, however, in the light of South Africa’s own fractured, interracial public sphere, it falls apart easily. Mandela, wrote himself into iconic status, not just by the crucifix of 27 years in detention, 18 of which were spent in the lime quarries of the infamous and harshly isolated Robben Island prison, but perhaps more importantly by forging a “rainbow nation” out of the assortment of races that constitute South Africa. He not only refused to revenge his cruel victimisation under apartheid rule, but managed to persuade neo-apartheid forces under the Africaneer Volksfront Coalition, led by Gen. Constand Vilijden from precipitating a disastrous civil war in the heady days of 1993.  If heroic resistance to white supremacist rule symbolised by dramatic suburban riots and relentless guerrilla tactics of the African National Congress created the opening for ending apartheid, it was Mandela’s statesmanship that enlarged that opening into a doorway that permitted the birth of the South African nation.

To get back to the point: Ethnicity and religious divisions even when intemperate cannot be the excuse for not having a Nigerian Mandela.  Indeed, it may well be the turf as we saw in South Africa and in Abraham Lincoln’s the United States for great statesmen to arise, provided they are willing to place the larger interests of the nation above their personal conveniences.

There is the point, too, that by the time Mandela stepped down as president he could easily have converted his larger-than-life stature into extended, if not permanent rule.  Conscious of legacy, and the need to engineer decent political values, he allowed a succession to Thabo Mbeki, a worthy leader in his own right who earned himself a good place in contemporary South African history.

In contrast, we do not see Nigerian leaders who are willing to forfeit the privileges of office in order to promote enduring values or even the survival in the short-term of a nation torn apart by the desperate hustle of its political class for office at any cost.  Under the military, the norm was to proclaim what Larry Diamond famously called “transitions without end” in which programmes of so-called democratisation were used as pretexts for elongated personal rule.  In the civilian dispensation which began in 1999, the recurrent refrain had been: No vacancy in Aso Rock. Ample sanctions of course await those foolhardy enough to contest the truth of that battle cry.  You can check this out by recalling the travails of a former vice-president, Abubakar Atiku, and, currently, those of the Rivers State governor, Chibuike Amaechi.

Let me digress to posit that apartheid for all its abhorrent discrimination, left in South Africa an infrastructure, even if unevenly of political values into which its emergent black leaders were socialised, apart from substantial infrastructural development in the major cities which make the country look like many parts of the First World.  Mandela was in a sense produced by that culture even as he opposed its extremities, drawing on, both in protest and in conciliation, essential elements of his African roots to produce a unique blend.

Back to Nigeria; our leadership deficit is matched only by the regression of values and of decency in political and social life.  When was the last time any political office holder resigned their appointment on the ground of public opprobrium?  Even when they face a storm, they inform us about which political enemies are behind it, rather than bow out honourably in order not to pre-empt public inquiry. Mandela gave himself up, poured his entire life into the struggle to first liberate his people and then to elevate their status and dignity.  He cared less if he died or had to quit office in this all consuming enterprise.

For as long as Nigerian politicians and their praise singers do not see beyond their noses and material comforts; for as long as office seeking for short-term benefits is their preoccupation, such as it is today, so long will the prospect of a Nigerian Mandela appear like a sour jest.  Worse still, a reprobate political class might bring the national roof crashing down on everybody.

We cannot foreclose however the possibility, even if currently, dim of a Mandela arising from the fringes and the shadows of the current Nigerian impasse. After all, we must keep hope alive in order to surmount or tide over depressing times.

By now, every Nigerian with a sense of decency who has seen the video, which has since gone viral, of the impeachment drama in Rivers State should be disheartened. The power play that blew up after the crisis of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum chairmanship election is inching towards an unpalatable conclusion. It is not sufficient that 35 governors could not resolve between their bumbling selves who won a simple election, the story keeps taking unpleasant twists and turns. It is increasingly obvious that as long as the “Ogas-at-the-top” from our corridors of inordinate power remote-control the crisis, there can be no fairy tale ending. The continuing skirmish feeds their insatiable savage egos; where the whole affair is headed is pregnant and nursing a baby at the same time.

As the sordid tale emanating from Port Harcourt goes, five lawmakers, who were probably high on their own supplies, decided to “impeach” the Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly. The fact that their numbers put them in the minority was not going to stop them from their scripted act. Yes, they are lawmakers but their thuggish tendencies were not going to be disturbed by such propriety. These knaves, instead, took the route of “anything goes.” (After all, in Nigeria, as in the famed Charly Boy Show, anything can happen.) Their acts are a shame to not only themselves and we-the-people, they also threaten the whole construct called “Nigerian democracy.” From the recent twist in the democratic tale of Egypt, we should have learnt that the seemingly small –yet unscrupulous — things we allow to stand could easily imperil the big gains of democracy. In Nigeria, small is gathering maniacal pace and before we know it, it will cease to shock us. From the cases of Joshua Dariye in Plateau State and Chris Ngige in Anambra State, Nigeria’s stories all follow the same pattern of jeopardising democracy to achieve despotic ends.

Most tellingly, in this regard was the case of Rashidi Ladoja in Oyo State in 2005/2006.

The crooked drama that unseated Ladoja as governor blew open when he clashed with his godfather, Lamidi Adedibu. It generated a crisis that distracted and detracted from meaningful governance. Adedibu — the unpretentious politician he was — declared on television that the governor would go because he was not hoeing enough state resources in his (Adedibu’s) direction. He swore he would replace the governor with his lackey who also happened to be Ladoja’s deputy, Adebayo Alao-Akala. Not only did Adedibu publicly announce his plans to scuttle a democratic process, he unabashedly stated he had the backing of Aso Rock. His claims were never refuted.

When the impeachment was eventually staged, it was a certain Lateef Salako –Eleweomo — who presided over the process. His fellow thugs stormed the House, kicked out the lawmakers and in an abominable moment, Eleweomo announced that on behalf of the lawmakers, the governor had been impeached. And indeed, the governor stood impeached for a while.

It has been a while since the Ladoja episode and a lot has happened. Adedibu is dead; both Ladoja and Alao-Akala have suffered electoral defeats and the pro-Adedibu/Alao-Akala camp that spearheaded the illegal act has found other idleness; Eleweomo himself was gruesomely killed in another thuggish act that involved the then Senate Leader, Teslim Folarin. However, the culture of impunity and disrespect for democratic processes these political actors fostered subsists. Like the cases of Ladoja, Dariye and Ngige, the hands of Abuja shape the emerging drama in Port Harcourt; obviously someone has been reading Olusegun Obasanjo’s playbook and is not even imaginative enough to improve on the familiar script. The plot remains as barbaric as it was when Eleweomo used it to subvert a democratic process. This renascent do-or-die mentality from an animal called man has seen far too many episodic repetitions.

From Awka to Jos to Ibadan, and this past Tuesday, to Port Harcourt, thugs and pretend-lawmakers would never have had the effrontery to invade and desecrate the Hallowed Chamber if they were not confident of the backing of other scoundrels in high places. If they were not given the assurances that they would get away with it, they would not do it; at least not with so much impunity. Chris Uba and his men walked away as free men after abducting Ngige. And did so till date. The Plateau Eight equally got away with their boorishness. Eleweomo and his band of merry thugs, as they took over the Oyo State House of Assembly in an orgy of violence, were beamed on television but so what? What action did the state take against them? Rather, the old thug remained at the behest of the governor and was still doing his bidding when he was killed.

The case of Port Harcourt is not likely to be very different. If it would, the fighter-lawmakers would have been arrested and charged with assault at least. By now, their sober faces should be on the evening news, but will that happen? Will the rogues in Abuja move against their stooges? Hardly.

The thugs in Port Harcourt might look better dressed than the ones in Ibadan but they are the same philistines, used by sadists to upset the political cart of the state. When five lawmakers become so desperate to want to “impeach” and they feel empowered enough to proceed with such an illegal act, then we should ask if they –and their paymasters — have the most basic idea of what democracy means at all. If they want to be thugs, why not write their own constitution? An unprepared mind will always exhibit its crude nature, sooner than later when dissent is espied. And so has been the case since 1999. What passes for statesmanship and statecraft most times will shame even the wild animals roaming in Yankari Park.

The consequences of violating the legislature are legion but let those who are puppet-controlling the strings of the crisis in Rivers State not forget this: When you throw ashes into the wind, it blows back right into your face. You cannot make a mockery of democracy — by grabbing and fighting over the mace, beating up and pushing out fellow elected lawmakers, taking over the legislature — without also suffering the consequences eventually. Those who sit in lofty places and engineer crisis to prove their power (or lack of it) should know that if Nigerian democratic processes go down, no one is immune. We will all go down with it.

If there is anything that currently tells a compelling story about the state of our nation, it is the developments surrounding the 2013 Appropriation Act. When it was passed in record time last December by the National Assembly, it was hailed by many Nigerians as perhaps the dawn of a new era. But we have now entered the third quarter of the year without a clear sense of what budget the federal government is actually implementing.

To be sure, we currently have a budget, passed by the National Assembly on December 20 last year and grudgingly signed into law by President Goodluck Jonathan on February 26 this year. What has been in contention is the powers of the legislature to alter the estimates proposed by the executive. The most controversial of all the issues remains the reduction in personnel costs of certain MDAs as well as in some capital allocations. For instance, principally out of legislative pettiness, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) was awarded zero allocation in the 2013 Budget.

Of wider implications is the manner in which the National Assembly has cut the votes for critical capital projects, considering the huge infrastructural gap in the country. Some of these projects include the Abuja-Lokoja Road, Kano-Maiduguri Road, Ibadan-llorin Section, Jebba Bridge, second Kaduna-Kano 33KV DC, Gombe-Yola-Jalingo 330KV DC line, Maiduguri 330/132KV sub-station; Kaduna-Jos 330KV DC line and a few others. By slashing the funds meant for these projects, they are furthering the serial non-performance of the budget, a situation that we have lived with over the years. For instance, out of the total 2012 Expenditure of N4.13 trillion, only N744 billion which represents 18 percent of total expenditure was released for capital projects. Yet even from the N744 billion that was released, only N686 billion was utilised by the MDAs.

It is instructive to note that before the 2013 appropriation bill was signed into law, the president had an understanding with the leadership of the National Assembly that an amendment bill would be submitted soon afterwards. However, the three-volume document that would follow, as far as the lawmakers are concerned, merely seeks to rewrite the appropriation act by restoring almost every adjustment they had done in the consideration of the budget estimates, allowing only the addition of the total amount due for members’ zonal intervention projects.

Indeed, the lawmakers do have their point, especially considering the fact that the discussions they had with the president before the assent to the budget captured some concerns mutually shared. One of these, I understand, was the shortfall in personnel vote to the tune of about N30 billion. As a member of the House of Representatives appropriations committee told me, although the figure for personnel in the 2013 budget is about 1.650 trillion, the only reason why the Ministry of Finance has twice provided figures of the billions of Naira they “saved” from ghost workers is because of this initiative on personnel cuts by the National Assembly. It also does not speak well of the executive that almost a quarter of our crude oil production is being lost to some criminal gangs on a daily basis and there seems to be neither the willingness nor the capacity to deal with this development which puts our nation at risk.

Yet the lawmakers also have their excesses too. While I concede to the National Assembly the power of appropriation, what they have done with certain aspects of the 2013 budget is nothing short of cannibalization, just to cream off money for their controversial constituency projects. There are even questions about those projects: how did they cost them? Where are the designs? Who are the contractors? Do they align with the overall national plan? Do they make economic sense? These are a few of the pertinent questions, given that the monies allocated to some of these projects are so patently inadequate that one wonders whether they would not be diverted for other things, which then raises questions about transparency and accountability.

However, whatever one may say about “constituency projects”, the lawmakers are equally aware that on the executive side, the projects being promoted are also not necessarily in the overall public interest. They know the road that leads to a minister’s small community and that the water scheme or health centre cited as “priority projects” in the budget may just be because some powerful people hail from there. So, with that awareness, it is easy for the National Assembly members to bully the executive when ministers complain about constituency projects and that accounts for why budgets hardly make national impact.

Incidentally, given the primordial considerations that inform the location of projects, it is then easy for us to understand why there have been a progressive decline in the development of our nation over the years. For instance, when the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo conceived a university that would compete with any in the world during the First Republic, he domiciled it in Ile-Ife and not Ikenne, even when there was already a university not far away in Ibadan. The late Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello, did the same in establishing a university of global standard which he then located in Zaria. I am very sure the late Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe had sufficient clout to have taken the University of Nigeria to Onitsha but he allowed it to be cited in Nsukka, which provided a serene and better learning environment.

But ever since the late Prof. Ambrose Ali, as Governor of the old Bendel State (now Edo and Delta), opened the floodgate in the Second Republic by siting the state university in his native Ekpoma, that has become the tradition for almost all our public office holders, from the state to the federal. What this sort of nepotism, indeed corruption (since public policy is being tailored for status gain), has created is a situation in which budgets are now instruments for the promotion of some personal interests such that every public office holder sites projects in his/her village and in the villages of their spouses and friends. The implication is that the national landscape is now strewn with academic institutions, hospitals, roads etc. that neither advance our national economic developments nor for that matter even make political sense.

Ordinarily, a budget is government’s most important economic policy tool for the purpose of translating policies, commitments and goals into decisions on how to use scarce resources to meet competing national needs. That explains why the capacity of any country to reduce the number of her citizens ravaged by poverty is directly correlated to how effectively public resources are deployed to meeting the basic needs of the poorer segments of the population in such areas as health, education, water etc.

The timeliness, transparency, formulation/composition, execution and evaluation of impact of the public budget all work together in a cyclical manner to determine how well revenues and expenditures by government address the needs of citizens and the macro economy more broadly. And when a budget system is effective like that of China has been over the last three decades, the positive impact is sustainable fiscal policies and economic growth that can translate to significant poverty reduction and massive job creation. Unfortunately, our own record with budgets is dismal and primarily explains the contradiction between the massive oil revenues Nigeria has earned over the last five decades and the level of poverty in our country.

From the foregoing, it is safe to conclude that our economic problems are the results of faulty budget choices while delay in disbursement of funds and poor budget performance boil down to the overall crippling of the economy. It also does not help in transparent monitoring of funds as a rush in capital releases at the end of a fiscal year often breeds lack of oversight and is also prone to abuse of process.

While it is important that the current impasse over the 2013 Appropriation Act be quickly resolved, the real problem that has to be addressed is the lack of planning in the budget process. Going forward, I believe it is time to link capital projects to the National Planning Commission, which has to be re-invigorated to play its vital role in the overall development of the country. Meanwhile, the dire economic implication of the paltry budgetary provisions for certain major national road arteries should compel a rethink, as a matter of utmost urgency.

It is exactly 10 years today that some policemen abducted Dr. Chris Ngige from the Government House in Awka, Anambra State. The policemen led by the late Assistant Inspector-General of Police, Mr. Raphael Ige, simply ignored the immunity of Ngige as the state governor to carry out this infamy. This act was, perhaps, the climax of the brigandage that reigned supreme in the state, which is home to many eminent and decent Nigerians.

On that occasion, the police was used by some actors who were close enough to Aso Rock to peddle influence and be lawless in Anambra. The activities of the brigands in Anambra put liberal democracy to a severe test in the era of President Olusegun Obasanjo. Celebrated storyteller, Chinua Achebe, spoke out loudly against this lawlessness foisted on his home state. To demonstrate his rejection of brigandage as politics, the icon categorically rejected the honour bestowed on him by the Obasanjo administration. The resonance of the protest was felt nationally. The moral weight of Achebe’s voice was widely acknowledged in the torrents of tributes paid to his memory during his funeral recently. You would ordinarily expect that the lessons of official tacit support for anarchy have been learnt from those days of infamy in Anambra.

However, there was a dramatic irony in Port Harcourt yesterday, the eve of the 10th Anniversary of the Anambra brigandage. The drama has shown that no lesson has been learnt in the politics without principle that is prevalent in this republic. Five of the 32 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly attempted to impeach the speaker, Hon. Otelemaba Amachree. In the violence that resulted from this mockery of democracy, the deputy governor, Mr. Tele Ikuru, was allegedly attacked and some members of the House and other persons were reportedly injured. A reign of confusion is being imposed on the state, which like any other state needs stability for good governance to flourish. This portends an extreme threat to peace in the state.

As it was in Anambra in 10 years ago, so it is in Rivers today. The attempt to impeach the speaker is believed to be a prelude to the moves to impeach the state governor, Hon. Rotimi Amaechi. Governor Amaechi is not in the good books of Aso Rock just like Ngige fell out of favour with the powers that be in Abuja in 2003.

The politicians who are demonstrating their power and influence in Rivers State today enjoy the favour of President Goodluck Jonathan and his wife, Mrs. Patience Jonathan. Yet the constitution is clear on how a state governor could be removed from office. It remains to be seen how those who don’t want Amaechi anymore in the State House in Port Harcourt would achieve their aim with five members in the House of Assembly! It is all a continuation of the ridicule of the democratic process.  The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) under the leadership of Jonathan has suspended Amaechi from the party following his election as the Chairman of the Governors Forum. Before then, the state executive council of the party was dissolved and another one constituted. The matter is still in court. Meanwhile, the President received this state executive committee of PDP the other day in Aso Rock with harsh words for Amaechi.

While anarchy was being inaugurated in the legislative chamber, the police reportedly looked the other way. The state commissioner of police, Mr. Joseph Mbu, was reported yesterday as saying that he elected to ignore the request from the House of Assembly for special “police security” because such a request was “unusual”. This same police officer has verbally attacked the governor. His hostility towards Amaechi is an open secrete. He has arrogated to himself the power to “ban public protest”, a power that he does not have constitutionally. His activities in the state are all too reminiscent of the ignoble role of the police in Anambra 10 years ago. Since the governor cannot be moved for Mbu, it would be proper in the circumstance for Inspector-General Mohammed Abubakar to transfer this commissioner of police from Rivers State to another place.

By his conduct, Mbu has certainly lost the confidence of the state government with which he is supposed to work professionally. It is unacceptable that a police officer should treat a governor the way Mbu has treated Amaechi. You don’t have to like Amaechi’s face to admit that this is absurdity in a federation. This abuse is possible because policing is on the exclusive list. By the way, one of the arguments against the creation of state police is that governors would use the force against their opponents. A counter-argument is that the federal government could also use the police against its opponents. The conduct of Mbu so far seems to have vindicated those who make this counter-argument. The other 35 state governors should also be interested in the unfolding events in Rivers State regardless to which side they belong in the politics of 2015. It is Amaechi’s lot today; it could be that of any other governor tomorrow.

Beyond this, it is important for all those who support the building of democratic institutions in Nigeria to speak out against the recklessness that is becoming normative in Rivers State. Politicians should be told to play their game according to the rules. President Jonathan should remember that peace and stability in Rivers State are in the long run more important to Nigeria than the narrow calculation of any politician.

The battle cry from the North over the 2015 presidential seat is beginning to tone down. The issue has moved from grandstanding, even belligerence, to reasoned and tempered responses. The wise ones among them are beginning to rely less on threat and the absolute confidence that goes with it.

Before now, the North has been talking tough over the 2015 presidential elections. The region holds that power must return to it. They do not see the possibility of a return for the incumbent Southern president, Goodluck Jonathan.

Dr. Muazu Babangida Aliyu, Governor of Niger State and Chairman of Northern Governors Forum, has been the arrowhead of the northern agitation. He blew the lid when he told the world that Jonathan signed a pact with northern leaders to spend only one term in office. Based on the agreement, Aliyu holds that Jonathan has no moral authority to seek a second term in office.

The argument is still raging. It has sharply pitted the north against Jonathan’s kinsmen from the South. Flaunting the oil reserves that lie in abundance in their region, Jonathan’s brothers have threatened that they would strangulate Nigeria economically if their brother is not given the chance to return for a second term. The Ijaw irredentists are not only asking for the ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for Jonathan, they also insist that he must win the 2015 presidential election. What the Ijaw position seems to suggest is that winning election is not a matter of the ballot. It can be arranged to achieve a predetermined result. Were it not so, they would have made some allowance for an outcome that may not be in line with their desired objective.

While Niger Delta warlords have been parading their strength, the north and its collaborators have been working hard to neutralize whatever powers that Jonathan and his kinsmen may have. The biggest obstacle on their way remains the factor of incumbency. Efforts have been made to seize the PDP from the president. But all the moves have, so far, been ineffective. The enormous powers of the Nigerian president have been effectively deployed to neutralize and weaken the opposition elements.

Having failed to wrest PDP from the president, a new coalition called APC (All Progressives Congress) has emerged. The rainbow coalition is peopled by disparate entities whose political leanings are diametrically opposed to one another. But they are trying to work together in order to oust a common opponent. Yet there is a snag in all this. The north may be genuinely committed to the idea of a northern president in 2015. But we cannot say the same thing of the South West bloc within the APC. The APC agenda, it would seem, is the defeat of a Jonathan arrangement represented by PDP. But there are many who believe that the Yoruba may not be committed to this idea, after all.

The suspicion is that the South West inclination towards the APC is being done for purposes of political relevance. An APC coalition with the Yoruba as major stakeholders would interest those who feel that the Yoruba political bloc is not well represented in the present PDP government at the centre. The APC is therefore seen as a counterpoise to the inadequacy that the Yoruba feel at moment. That, on the surface, appears to be the attraction the Yoruba have for APC.

But then, it is believed in some quarters that the commitment of the Yoruba to the APC agenda may not go beyond the attractions of the moment. The suspicion is that power – sharing within the coalition will rock the boat. A situation where the Yoruba will not feel adequately rewarded in the APC is being envisaged. Should such a situation arise, as it is expected to, then the Yoruba will have cause to gravitate towards the president and his PDP. And since the president also needs the Yoruba to ensure a resounding victory in 2015, he will readily go into negotiation with them with a view to ensuring that their interest is well represented in the new government.

Essentially then, the Yoruba are playing smart. They want to be the beautiful bride that is the toast of potential suitors. Now, APC appears to have taken possession of this bride. But there is the likelihood that the bride would bolt away when a new suitor comes with a juicier offer. Should this happen, the Yoruba would desert the APC, leaving a shadow of its old self. This is a possible scenario.

The North which is working with the South West to wrest power from Jonathan may not be completely unaware of the possibility of switch on the part of the Yoruba. That may explain why they are beginning to soft pedal. Just a few days ago, for instance, Governor Aliyu who has given Jonathan so much cause to worry had cause to shift his position on 2015 presidency. Now, he has said that the North is ready to negotiate over the 2015 exercise to ensure that its interest is protected. It is therefore no longer a matter of life and death. It is also not a do or die affair. Negotiation is gradually creeping into the discourse. The initial fire and brimstone may have burnt itself out. What we have now is a call to reason.

The new tone of the North as demonstrated by Aliyu may well be the wisest way to negotiate itself back to power. The North may decide now to give a tacit support to Jonathan knowing full well that he cannot remain in office beyond 2019. The idea will be to make Jonathan to be favourably disposed to having a Northerner take over from him.

It makes sense for the North to be less antagonistic to Jonathan. The posture of belligerence and confrontation may drive the president into taking steps that may not favour the North as he prepares to leave office in 2019.

The North understands, for instance, that the Igbo are still jostling for the presidency. As a political bloc, the Igbo are solidly behind Jonathan. They are giving him their support, whatever it is worth. There is a lot of sense in the Igbo position. A people must be seen to belong somewhere. The Igbo have chosen where they want to be in 2015. They should therefore be prepared to swim or sink with their decision.

As ardent supporters of Jonathan, the Igbo are likely to ask to be compensated. It is possible to get the president to prepare grounds for the emergence of an Igbo president after his second tenure.

The North may be working towards frustrating such a possibility. That is where negotiation comes in. After all, it is better to play the politics of negotiation rather than one of confrontation.

The likes of Sule Lamido, the Governor of Jigawa State, may be taking consolation in their thinking that Jonathan, even with a PDP ticket, may not win the presidency after all. But we know that politics is not about wishful thinking. It is a practical exercise. What Lamido and others like him may be doing is to talk tough.

Of course tough talk matters in politics. It is capable of destabilizing the lily-livered. So, the Lamidos of this world can go ahead to intimidate Jonathan. But I doubt if it will work in this instance. Jonathan’s quest is a serious one. It is not about him alone. The entire Ijaw, regardless of their lean number, is interested in the quest. It is therefore not something that can be wished away. I then submit that negotiation which the likes of Babangida Aliyu have chosen to opt for will be a better strategy for the North. Grandstanding and tough talk will achieve nothing.

Some people have been posing as the President/Chief Executive of the Dangote Group, Aliko Dangote, on the two popular social networking sites, Twitter and Facebook.

Many fans of the richest man in Africa are eager to meet him on social media, but they are deceived into believing that they are already communicating with him on the micro-blogging service.

Although the Dangote Group has an account on the social service via the handle,  @DangoteGroup, none of the handles is being used by the mogul.

For instance, one of the Twitter handles bearing Dangote’s name is @AalikoDangote. The person behind the handle simply describes him/her self on the service thus: “The word ‘impossible,’ is NOT in my dictionary! Follow me (on Twitter) and I’ll show you the way to success.’’

When a Twitter user, who uses the handle @chiomaa_challenged the impostor on the social service some weeks ago, the fraudster says, “I don’t have to make you believe anything.. Happy New Month & Have a nice day!’’

Those impersonating Dangote  on Facebook may be having fun engaging in fraudulent activities as a handful of lovers of the industrialist visit the various fake accounts in search of jobs.

On one of the fake accounts,  Aliyu Kawu posted, “Sir, my dream in life is to work with Dangote Group and since 1998 to 2012, I have attended several interviews with the company. Please, help me!

Another Nigerian on a different fake Facebook account says, “I’m a biochemist, I want to use this medium to say that if an opportunity is given, I will improvise a new technique that will ensure the production of high quality sugar with a low cost.’’

However, some billionaires in the stature of Dangote around the world, whose identities are being faked, now appreciate the need to embrace the new media.

For instance, the fourth richest man in the world, Warren Buffet, who is the Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of Berkshire Hathaway, an American multinational conglomerate holding company, shamed dozens of impostors two months ago when he claimed a spot on Twitter.

The 82-year-old had once professed an aversion to technology with a reported admittance that he didn’t know how to check his voicemail, now tweets via @WarrenBuffett.

When he joined the service he said in a post, “Warren is in the house.’’

Buffet’s second and last tweet was on an article published on cnn.com on why he believes women are key to America’s prosperity.

Although Buffett has yet to become a regular and sustained user of the micro-blogging service as only two tweets could be credited to him on the social service, he has moved to curtail significantly the activities of impostors.

People who have genuine activities to do with him on social media can reach him directly on his verified handle. He currently has over 500,000 followers on the social network.

Other billionaire converts to the service are American business magnate, Bill Gates, and Chairman and CEO, News Corp, Rupert Murdoch.

Bill Gates has since been using the platform to propagate the work of his foundation and his sundry areas of interests. As if forming a billionaire clique on Twitter, when Buffet joined the social network, Gates retweeted his first tweet to millions of his followers.

Media mogul, Murdoch, also joined Twitter in January 2012 at the age of 80, with the Twitter founder, Jack Dorsey himself, announcing on the social service: “With his own voice, in his own way, @RupertMurdoch is now on Twitter.”

If there’s any well-known African businessman who should be on Twitter, it’s probably Dangote. Like many of his impostors have been doing; posting great and concise inspirational quotes on the social service, could encourage the younger generation who continue to yearn to interact and learn one or two secrets of his success on social media.

It is an open secret that Nigeria is the world’s capital of oil theft. At least, so says The Economist magazine of August 4, 2012. However, unlike other countries where either crude oil or refined products get missing, the Nigerian state does not even know, forget its posturing to the contrary, how much that is stolen daily. This is because the country still does not know how many barrels of oil it produces. Funny enough, it relies on figures provided to it by multinational oil companies operating in the country. The Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, puts the figure of oil theft and illegal bunkering at  400,000 barrels per day while one of the Joint Venture Operators, estimates the loss to be between 150,000 and 180,000 barrels per day. However, if we rely on official government figures, it means that Nigeria and her operating partners may be losing a cumulative estimate of $40m (about N6bn) per day at a flat price of $100 per barrel of crude oil. This translates to an estimated N2.184tn per annum.

Experts suggest that the forms of oil theft range from local artisanal tapping of pipelines to very organised and sophisticated ones that many believe happen at the export terminals. But everything remains a guesswork that is often shrouded in secrecy.

At the G8 Summit in Tokyo in 2008, the late President Umaru Yar’Adua likened stolen crude to blood diamonds which aid corruption and violence and can provoke war! Despite the rhetoric to fight oil theft, the menace seems to be growing in its sophistication.  The Joint Task Force in the Niger Delta reported that it had destroyed 3,778 illegal refineries and seized eight vessels, 120 barges, 878 Cotonou boats, 178 fuel pumps, 5238 surface tanks, 606 pumping machines and 626 outbound engines allegedly belonging to oil thieves in the first quarter of 2012.  But who are these oil thieves?  Can there be any theft of that magnitude without perpetrators and collaborators? This is because the level of skill and sophistication deployed in successful oil stealing operations and export point to very powerful individuals who can play behind the scene roles to sustain the activity. Not a few, however, allege a complicity of high level politicians, former and serving military officers, militant leaders and former workers of oil companies. The helplessness often shown by several agencies that perform regulatory oversight in the sector leads many observers to reckon that there could be some collusion and connivance. There are the international cartels — those who operate ships illegally on the high seas to transport stolen crude and push same into the global oil market.

Apart for from the huge loss of revenue as estimated above, oil theft is a high risk business which has led to uncountable loss of lives and unquantifiable damage to the environment due to oil spills. Until recently, the multinational companies operating in the Niger Delta had not been concerned about the rate of crude oil theft. This is because it did not plunge them into any significant economic loss.

The government  knows oil export figures but it is challenged on production data. Nobody knows what happens from the well head, through the flow station to the terminal. It is this black box that harbours the crude theft phenomenon like the Guyana Triangle. No one cares or “gives a damn” about what happens to the crude until it reaches the export terminal. Even at the terminal, there is the alleged case of “topping”. In the absence of production data therefore, companies currently pay taxes and royalties based on available export figures and not production figures as stipulated by law.

The Nigerian Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative audits recommended the installation of a robust metering infrastructure both at the flow stations and the terminals in line with international best practices. That recommendation has been frozen by vested interests. At current royalty rates (20 per cent in case of onshore and 18.85 per cent in the case of offshore shallow waters) on every barrel produced,  companies will be estimated to remit about $8m (N1.2 bn) daily on the 400,000 barrels currently lost to thieves.  With a precision meter installed at the flow station, it becomes the responsibility of the Joint Venture Partners to bear the significant economic burden to ensure that the oil is policed safely to the export terminal. This is one of the surest ways of eliminating oil theft.

Let me now touch on the complex issue of “illegal” refineries. There are allegedly thousands of them scattered in the creeks of the Niger Delta. Many of those that engage in this very dangerous business complain that they have no other choice. This is an issue for debate. The Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Mallam Lamido Sanusi, once suggested to  a Joint Committee of the  House of Representatives that these illegal refineries should be bombed. I disagree with him. Many of the young men are ex- militants or even ex-oil industry workers. Instead, concerned stakeholders should evolve sustainable means to deal with this to maintain the fragile peace in the region. A holistic approach that will ensure that these young people become gainfully employed in the long term will be helpful.  Part of the $1bn recommended by the United Nations for cleaning up of the environment in the Niger Delta region should include options for creating alternative livelihood opportunities for the youths.

Another important step towards reducing oil theft is a deliberate overhaul of the security system in the Niger Delta. A new company, Global West Vessels Specialist Limited, allegedly owned by one of the ex-militants, has recently been contracted to secure the national coastal waters with a view to reducing oil theft. The extent to which this development can reduce or complicate the issues remains a matter of conjecture.  The third step towards reduction of oil theft is finger-printing of crude oil to identify its originating fields. This could be technology-intensive, involving a combination of capillary chromatography with mass spectrometry and is only possible at a global level. But nothing stops the country’s authorities from aspiring to deploying it. The fourth important step is to prosecute those who have been arrested or indicted for oil theft. In the past, after arrests were made, little was heard about prosecution and punishment. This points to the allegation that powerful individuals who use high networks to frustrate the prosecution of such characters are involved. Sadly, the government does not have the political will to do the needful on a matter that is bleeding the nation’s economy.

How financially feasible are these solutions prescribed above?  Though funding of Joint Venture cash calls has been a challenge, plugging the leakages will put more money on the table in the long term. Furthermore, Platform, a United Kingdom-based research organisation, reported that Shell spent about $383m on third parties to secure their facilities in the Niger Delta from 2007-2009. After the declaration of the Niger Delta Amnesty programme, it is believed that the security challenge has considerably reduced and so such funds can  finance a robust fiscalised metering infrastructure at the flow stations so that Nigeria for once will know how many barrels of oil it produces. There is no sense in blaming the oil companies alone about the menace of oil theft.  Or, as President Goodluck Jonathan did the last time, blaming the international community for the menace. All the Joint Venture operators including the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, the security agencies and all stakeholders must work together.  President Goodluck Jonathan, as a son of the Niger Delta, bears a moral burden to bring this unpatriotic act of criminality to an end. This carry-go mentality must stop.

– This article was first published on October 10, 2012, but reproduced with modifications here because of its relevance to current realities.

Source: Punch News

For several centuries, the Ijaw, Urhobo, Itsekiri and other ethnic nationalities in their immediate region in the Niger Delta have lived in peace. They intermarried. They fished and farmed as neighbours. They drank from the same wells and from the same springs. They lived, for the most part, as one happy family. And many outsiders found it difficult to tell the difference between these groups. This was so because there were no huge differences except perhaps linguistically.

In that part of the world, therefore, it was a huge deal to cohabitate as a three-in-one ethnic nationality. Other than the usual family disagreements, these groups – especially the Itsekiri and Ijaw – were the best of brothers and best of friends and best of neighbours. Their lives, history, fears and aspirations were intertwined – and so also were their moments of successes and great disappointments. That was the life they lived.

However, the relationship dynamics began to change because, in the words of Onoawari Edevbie,  of “an action of the government of Western Nigeria, which officially changed the title of the Itsekiri King from the Olu of Itsekiri to the Olu of Warri in May, 1965. The change was made at the request of the Itsekiri over the objection of the Urhobo who felt that the title, Olu of Warri, would give the impression that the Olu is a paramount ruler of Warri.” What followed were resentment and anger.

Consequently, that part of the country has not been the same since. In the end, therefore, it became a question of power and sovereignty, and a single question: Who owns Warri? With the question of ownership came economic power, political dominance and influence. In the years that followed, the relationship between the three groups could be described as icy. Beginning in 1997, the cold and distrustful atmosphere turned violent.

The placement of the Warri South-West Local Government headquarters at Ogbe-Ijoh (the Ijaw area of Warri) and its relocation to Ogidigben (an Itsekiri area of Warri) exacerbated an already tense situation. What followed were deadly riots. Although the Delta State House of Assembly has since relocated the local government headquarters to its intended location, there has not been tenable peace in Warri – especially between the Ijaw and Itsekiri.

It was difficult trying to predict what would provoke senselessness on the part of the Ijaw or the Itsekiri. But they fought. They killed. They destroyed. And they displaced the innocent. Both groups destroyed human bridges that took centuries to build. It was sad, so very sad to see centuries of goodwill and tolerance washed down the drain. The most recent skirmishes happened on Tuesday July 2, 2013.  While these groups are busy fighting and hating their friends and neighbours, their real enemies are misappropriating their resources.

Are the Ijaw not tired of all the killings and destruction they have caused? Are the Itsekiri not tired of all the extrajudicial killings and mayhem they have caused? Are the Urhobo innocent of these atrocities? It is time to stop and to look forward to a new beginning.

So, I’d like to, first, plead with the elites on both sides to stop manipulating the youths – many of whom are jobless, angry, uneducated and undereducated – from doing their bidding. The elites ought to know that whatever benefits accruing to them will not last a life time. They’d gain more in an atmosphere of real peace. Second, the Police and the intelligence agencies ought to be on the lookout for those who encourage the youths and the misguided to foment trouble.

Third, the multinational oil companies, along with other business concerns in and around the region, should encourage an atmosphere that benefits all. Fourth, both the state and federal governments should also look for ways to promote justice and lasting peace among these groups. Fifth, the youths of the region must stop being pawns in the hands of the elites and politicians. They are sacrificial lambs, but the children of the manipulators are safe in foreign lands attending some of the best schools and receiving care in world class medical centres.

What’s the point dying for those who do not care for you? And so I say to the youths of the region: Do not die a senseless death. Do no kill others. Make peace with others even if they are different from you. Be peaceful. The future is now, make use of it.

The problems of the region are many: Political and economic insecurity; fear of an unknown future; manipulative leaders; sickening environmental conditions; and unbridled competition for economic resources and political power. These are not unique to the region. Nonetheless, they are the challenges the youths should be looking forward to solving. These are the areas that demand and warrant their attention and intellect – not the senseless killings and hate that have come to characterise the region.

Finally, I will suggest that well-meaning elders and intellectuals and representatives of the youths across these enclaves meet to discuss and find a comprehensive solution to what’s been vexing them. They may not be able to find a solution to all the problems in two or three sittings; but at the very least, it would be a good start. It would be a good start if all the parties are honest and come to the roundtable devoid of unmovable stance.  Frankly, I believe that the Ijaw-Urhobo-Itsekiri problem can be resolved without the active involvement of government.

As a nation, we must understand that it is unconscionable — unforgivable even, for one generation to shift the problems it created to another generation. Yes, there are intergenerational problems, but it makes no sense to shift solvable problems to future generations.

In conclusion, I must say this to all those who are directly and indirectly involved in this matter: if you deny your neighbours peace, you too shall never know peace. You will never have a good night rest. From the beginning of your great ancestors’ settlement in that part of the world, your lives and destinies have been connected. Do not disappoint them, do not disappoint future generations. And so, I urge you to please put your pains and grievances and ulterior motives aside for the sake of peace and in the name of all that is both good and great about being Urhobo, Ijaw and Itsekiri. In the end though, the choice is yours: make peace or destroy yourselves!

We all speak of poverty. We speak of it perhaps too often, and with such self-certainty about its meaning and causes that no one stops to ask whether we have the right perspective on the matter. What, after all is the true meaning and nature of poverty? Should we, perhaps dwell on the ‘arrogant poverty’ of the materially comfortably, and the usual complaints about having to cut daily papers from eight to four? Or is it the talk, over expensive drinks, about the hard times and about how the little saloon car outside that one of them uses only when he goes visiting in the evening cost nearly N5 million?  It goes so far in some cases, that they end up declaring that the general world economy, not just that of Nigeria, is killing them. Now, don’t tell me that this is not a ‘brand’ of poverty.

While in an air-conditioned room powered by a massive electricity generating set, they lament the miserable performance of the electricity authorities and wonder how soon they, the masses, would stop suffering. This is all very good, because the only reason they can get away with calling themselves the masses is that the real masses are not within earshot. While they are at it, moaning about lack of regular electricity supply, you may even hear mention of the frightful airfares for the coming summer and how they cannot remember the last time they last flew Business Class of less than N1 million.

This is all very terrible, of course, this dreadful poverty that makes all of us to now pay so much for everything. Ordinary apple, not banana that we have, costs so much. So does a packet of imported grapes, which has healthier substitutes here. So also does the meat in the cold stores, where you sit down comfortably while the meat is weighed and a price attach, before you go to the pay point to be received by very polite shop attendants.

But let us leave that and come to the ‘poverty’ of the materially wretched, the indolent and the delusional. These ones expect paradise on earth and speak nebulously about happiness and the ‘joys of life’. It surely does not occur to them that they may lack the ability to be happy. That sounds absurd, does it not? We believe we all know what happiness is. We also believe we know how to find it. You can see many people getting ready and heading out for a picnic, in order to be happy. They scream at each other, spend long and tiring hours on chores related to this pursuit of happiness and general work up their blood pressure, their stomach ulcers and much else. Finally, they arrive the point from where they are resolved to yank happiness from its hiding place and make it our own. Lo and behold, they are tired. Some dose off, etc. In the end they pack and go, after ‘going to be happy.’

Yes, a lot of people want to be happy. Images of Americans and Europeans in skimpy clothing often represent the very pinnacle of experience for the aspirants to this brand of happiness. Plain delusions and nothing more! Remember what Socrates said to his friend, Thrasymachus, who believed that happiness lies in fulfilling all one’s desires and having the means and resources to even take advantage of others? Socrates simply asked him: “Is a man necessarily happy because he has fierce appetites and the means of satisfying them? By not asking the question: “How ought a man to live?” Thrasymachus was already in trouble for the rest of his life, the way someone who does not ask, “What should I use to fuel a car designed to run on diesel? And who runs the car on coconut oil without knowing the damage he is doing to the health and longevity of the engine.

We all want things to work here, don’t we? We all want a better society where people obey the rules and respect the norms for sound morality and socialisation. But, are we not actually the problem? Do we not, as traders, sell substandard goods to people who do not keep a sharp lookout? Do we not, as ‘law abiding citizens’ mock the government official who does not enrich himself via controversial means. Anon, do we not also make financial demands of public office holders, which can only be met by those of them who take liberties with the common till?

Yet we all want transparency, no! We all hate corruption with a vaulting passion, don’t we? And don’t you dare say anything about the fact that we take incredible liberties with the funds of our social clubs, town unions, or students unions. Just know that we are so thoroughly outraged by the corrupt practices walking the land and we never hesitate to say so at any given opportunity. It does not matter that we may have just pulled off a grand scam in the name of public good the day before our fine public outburst. But let’s talk about real poverty.

Speaking in the strict and proper sense, poverty is really a condition of the soul. In case someone will cry ‘foul’, or at least try to assure us that he has never seen a soul walking down the street, playing golf or taking part in a board meeting. So let us substitute another word for ‘soul’, let us say that human poverty is first the absence of something essential to human nature for it to be true to itself. It is only at a secondary level that it refers to the subsistence of the anomaly, as if it were part of normal life. Go on, someone, and tell me that this is just grammar!

The true poverty of the soul, which is caused by addiction to wrong values, makes the human being to treat whatever enables him to achieve what he wants as ‘right’. This is the origin and fundament of “corruption”, or distortion of values. Thus, like poverty, corruption is not what we are fighting at the moment all over the world. One of the most corrupt nations in the world today, in the real sense of that much-misused word, is America. What it exports to the rest of the world, and which it uses to create jobs for various aspect of its imperialism is the last and most tangential aspect of corruption’s manifestation. That is what the world is mistaking for the real thing, while the primary distortion of values that leads to distortion of the right standards for human conduct and a just society are being treaded underfoot. It is the latter violation that further scrambles all rationality and clarity, making ignorant consensus and bold presumption the criteria for truth.

Distortion of values and disorientation work together to nurture every form of corruption, leading to the decay and sundry ills we see today. It is the second type of poverty that breeds the former.

This brings us to an initiative that was mooted at the residence of Ikechukwu Neliaku barely two years ago. It had to do with the fortunes of the youths and people of Anambra State. Two primary promoters of the initiative wanted to make impact, rather than seek visibility in the public domain. They began with letters and consultative meetings with prominent Anambra people in Abuja, Lagos and other major cities. Then it shifted to Anambra, and meetings with traditional rulers, market leaders and civil society organisations in the state took close to four months to conclude. Then there was a trip to London for the same purpose. Then began a series of youth programmes, capacity building initiatives, leadership training and elaborate political education programmes. Then came the Anambra Peoples REBIRTH Summit, to which all town unions, traders associations and civil society organisations sent duly accredited delegates. Then came the state-wide campaign for free and fair elections, capped by a march led by Chief Chukwuemeka Ezeife. Then came the Anambra Grand debate, which was aired live in Nigeria, Britain and Canada and which was moderated by Okey Ikechukwu, Labaran Maku and Reuben Abati. Then came the Anambra State Youth Reorientation and Empowerment Programme, through which 5,000 youths were initially selected for a programme that has a strong value component.

That programme was finally concluded last Friday, with the formal presentation of the signed cheques to some beneficiaries by the state governor Peter Obi and the display of all the signed cheques, which the others will collect between now and next week. One of the initial beneficiaries of the programme from Nnewi used just seven months to grow his photography and video recording business to the value of N2.1 million. He also has four staff members. He was given N100,000. It is the same with Henry Ezeakunne, who, though an undergraduate at the time, took advantage of the ASUU calendar and trained in fish farming. He is now running a successful business, has finished his youth service and used the recognition about the place of values in human life and institutions to write a book officially endorsed by the authorities of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. The book is an expose on the motto of the university: “To Restore the dignity of Man”

The story of Okey Nwuche is even more telling. He now has a thriving business, trains paying students and runs an entrepreneurship academy set up to bridge the knowledge gap of many new business owners who merely acquired vocational skills. Thanks to ANSYREP, he is the most successful YOU-Win story from Anambra State today and the only person from the sent for studies under the programme. We are able to tell this story and not talk about the aborted opportunities of thousands of young men and women because the governor provided them the needed financial enablement. As for poverty, a lasting solution to it must begin at the level of values.it is from here that a political economy of predation emerges.

The semiotics of President Barack Obama’s African Agenda, unveiled in his recent week-long visit to three African states (Senegal, South Africa, and Tanzania) could be analysed in three parts, namely, a trade message that included an aid package, a political message, and a cultural message. He also indirectly left an important message for Nigerian leaders.

A robust American agenda provided the context for the African Agenda. Obama did not go to Senegal, South Africa, and Tanzania just to push those countries’ development agenda; he chose them because of their political, economic, and strategic interests to the US.

Senegal, a long-running democracy since independence, recently demonstrated America’s push for democracy and the rule of law: An incumbent President was defeated and he accepted the result, thus recalling the situation in Ghana when Obama visited that country in 2009. Besides ailing Nelson Mandela’s iconic contributions to South African democracy and the model he provided for power transfer, South Africa is the largest economy in Africa, and she offers a strategic location in the Cape of Good Hope for routing American trade. With borders with the Indian Ocean and boundaries with as many as eight African countries, Tanzania offers the US a good economic and strategic hub. Above all, each of these countries has robust trade relations with the US, which Obama would like to expand for American businesses, a number of which accompanied him on the tour.

Obama also came to Africa to counter the growth and spread of Chinese trade and influence across the continent, having beaten the US to second or third place within the last five years. The Chinese trade expansion in Africa was not lost on Obama, given its occurrence under his watch, and while he was busy expanding American trade with Asia and Latin America.

Above all, Obama needed to overcome Africa’s disappointment with the minimal attention he had given to the continent so far, especially given his pedigree as the first African descendant to be President of the US. With only half a day in Ghana during his first term, he trailed his predecessors, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. Whether one week in three countries is enough depends partly on the effectiveness of his message and partly on what Africa stands to gain from the recent visit.

Obama’s Trade Africa package and the messages to African leaders and youths must be assessed against the above backgrounds. Realising that power supply is critical to trade and investment opportunities, Obama makes Power Africa central to his Trade Africa project with a $7bn initiative that aims at doubling existing power supply for six African countries, namely, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Liberia, Nigeria and Tanzania.

The new trade model is accompanied by a strong political message that enjoins African leaders to contribute their own quota to trade relations with other countries. Speaking in Tanzania, Obama said: “We are looking at a new model that’s based not just on aid and assistance but on trade and partnership.” The main objective of this model is to build a self-reliant Africa: “Ultimately, the goal here is for Africa to build Africa for Africans”. Obama amplified this message in South Africa: “The idea is not that Africa should be the ward of some other country. What we need is an Africa that’s building, manufacturing, creating value, inventing and then sending those products around the world and receiving products in return…If we do that, there’s no reason why Africa cannot succeed.”

Obama also wanted African leaders to build strong democratic and economic institutions, invest in education and capacity building, and deliver political goods to their citizens. Referring to Boko Haram in Nigeria, Obama argued that terrorism is more likely to emerge in countries that are not delivering for their people, and where conflicts and underlying frustrations are not adequately dealt with. Underlying this reference is a lesson for Nigerian leaders: Obama will not visit a country, despite political and economic ties, if such a country continues to wallow in poor governance, corruption, and insecurity.

He also had a message for African youths, using Mandela’s life struggle against apartheid as a guidepost: “There will be time to test your faith, but no matter how old you grow, I say … don’t lose those qualities of youth: your imagination, your optimism, your idealism, ’cause the future of this continent is in your hands, and if you keep your head pointed toward the sun, and you keep your feet moving forward, I promise you will have no better friend and partner than the United States of America.”

The rhetoric and substance of Obama’s message to African leaders and youths were not unexpected. Unfortunately, however, they may not bring about the kind of change and “progress” that Obama envisaged. African leaders and the political class have developed a political culture that privileges identity politics and puts self-interest over public interest. The result is a cut-throat competition for power; tenacious hold on power, once attained; and unprecedented corruption. Once in power, they cultivate an opulent lifestyle that belies their pedigree and defies reality.

Of course, there are a few exceptions to the rule, but they are few and far between. Those exceptions happened to be the focus of Obama’s visit. His message might resonate with them but not with the vast majority of African leaders who play by a different rule. These are leaders who misappropriate taxpayers’ money as well as aid and loans to their countries, thus stifling education, health care, and infrastructural development.

These leaders have infected the youths with corrupt practices and distorted social values. Rapid deindustrialisation and the concomitant closure of manufacturing industries and small businesses have wiped out potential employers of labour. In a country like Nigeria, where failing educational institutions produce half-baked graduates, most of whom are unemployed or unemployable, the youths have taken to various vices within and outside the educational institutions, including cultism, prostitution, human trafficking, fraud, kidnapping, armed robbery, and terrorism.

Any sermon to African leaders about trade and investment must address the political culture within which they operate. They have to change their attitude about electoral politics and about power and governance. They must learn to respect their country’s constitution, the judiciary, and the rule of law. And they must learn to put public interest over self-interest. These changes may require disincentives for public office, such as caps on salaries and allowances and part-time jobs in the legislative houses.

Obama should have stopped with his trade and political messages. But he went on to deliver a cultural message about gay rights. To Obama, of course, it might have been a political message about equal rights, having been emboldened by a recent Supreme Court ruling in his country that threw out a restrictive definition of marriage as a union between a man and a woman. However, to African leaders, the cultural attitude to gay and lesbian sexual orientation overrides the issue of rights and social justice. Hence, President Macky Sall of Senegal, a predominantly Muslim country, was emphatic in his response to Obama: Senegal is a “tolerant” country, he said. But it was “not ready to decriminalise homosexuality”.

Whatever Obama lost in his cultural message, he gained in historical lessons, when he visited Senegal’s Goree Island, the centre of Atlantic slave trade, and Robben Island, the apartheid-era prison in South Africa, where Mandela spent 18 of his 27 years in prison. Only time will tell whether Obama will make similar gains with his trade and political messages.

Last week, the National Teachers’ Institute announced that about 80 per cent of teachers in Northern Nigeria were not qualified to teach. Just before that, the Federal Ministry of Education had announced the cut-off marks for admission into the Federal Government Colleges, known as Unity Schools, with the shocking piece of information that while the cut-off mark was as high as 139 for a Southern state like Anambra, it was as low as two, yes two, (out of a possible 200 marks) for pupils of a Northern state like Yobe.

According to the Federal Character Commission, “In 1954 when Nigeria opted for a federal form of government, the concept of Quota System as a policy was adopted in the recruitment of persons into the officers’ corps of the armed forces and the police as well as in admissions into educational institutions,” to promote a fair representation and close the existing disparities among the parts of the nation. On the surface, it is a good idea, because it ensures that no single area gets into federal establishments to the detriment of other areas.

However, over the decades, it has dealt a heavy blow on the psyche of Northern Nigeria. Man is naturally competitive. Man performs at his peak in times of difficulty: the maxim “necessity is the mother of invention” captures it. The collapse of communism bears testimony to this. Remove competition among people, provide amenities for them equally, reward them equally — no matter their individual contributions — and the will to excel evaporates. Even though the Federal Character policy was established with good intentions, those who created it and those who still support its continuance are indirectly not wishing the North well.

In the 2007 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination, Imo State produced more candidates seeking admission into the universities than all the 19 Northern states put together. That is not just shocking but dangerous. The top five states with the highest number of candidates were Southern states. They are as follows: Imo 93,065; Anambra 64,689; Delta 61,580; Edo 57,754; Akwa Ibom 47,928; while the  lowest five states were Northern states as follows: Sokoto 3,925; Taraba 3,832; Zamfara 2,904; Jigawa 2,541; and Yobe 2,516.

The trend remains virtually the same year after year. For example, last year, the top three states were Imo (123,865 candidates); Delta (88,876); and Anambra (71,272); while the last three states were Northern states.

Last month, UNESCO released a report that ranked Nigeria as the country with the most number of children out of school: a whopping 10.5 million – the population of Portugal! No doubt, a larger proportion of these children would be from the North. Some blame the almajiri system for this. It is a system that was created to offer young boys the opportunity of being groomed and tutored by a religious leader, so as to grow into exemplary members of society. But it has gone awry, making these young boys roam the streets begging, with nobody to direct them, and then growing up into angry youths that can be used to cause mayhem at the drop of a hat.

Right from birth, the Northern child is disadvantaged. While his Southern counterpart grows up attending school, the Northern child does not. Through education and entrepreneurship, the Southern youth grows up with more opportunities in life. He knows that he can only succeed in life through excellence. That drive makes a southerner successful and he trains his children in good schools, instilling self-reliance and competitiveness in them, thereby improving the chances of the children even succeeding more than him. The average Yoruba person does not want an Igbo person to beat him in any field of human endeavour and vice versa; that spurs both sides to excellence. The average Urhobo person, Efik person or Bini person does not want an Igbo person, or Yoruba person or Ibibio or Ijaw to beat him. So there is healthy rivalry among them, which leads to excellence and success.

On the contrary, with no education, no artisanal skills and lack of competitive spirit, the Northern child grows up with extremely low chances of success. He cannot secure a decent job; he cannot even offer specialised services of an artisan; he is afraid to start off a small-scale business because he virtually has nobody to understudy. The only available job is the most difficult and yet the least remunerated: the work of a labourer. He supplies water in 25-litre kegs to people who live on the fourth floors with no elevators for N50 per keg. He uses a wheelbarrow or tub to move sand and concrete at construction sites; he stays around markets to help those who have bought heavy items like tubers of yam and bags of rice to move these items from deep inside the market to their vehicles or even home. And for all this hard labour, he gets paid pittance.

As he renders this poorly paid service to people, does anybody expect him to be happy with the successful people around him? It is impossible.

The Northerner is not less intelligent than his Southern counterpart, neither is he weaker or less creative. How many people can beat the business acumen and creativity of Alhaji Aliko Dangote, or the automobile design ingenuity of Jelani Aliyu, or the academic intelligence of Nasir el-Rufai, or the resoluteness of Col. Abubakar Umar and Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, or the football skills of Tijani Babangida and Daniel Amokachi, or the musical talent of Innocent Tuface Idibia, or the organisational and leadership abilities of Sir Ahmadu Bello?

Some would claim that Islam is the reason for the North’s poor embrace of education. If that were so, why is a predominantly Christian state like Taraba found among the states with the lowest literacy rate? Saudi Arabia, the headquarters of Islam, is very education-focused with a literacy rate of 85 per cent, ranking 116th of 194 countries. Indonesia, the most populated Muslim country in the world, is education-savvy with 92 per cent literacy rate. The United Arab Emirates has 90 per cent literacy rate. Nigeria has 72 per cent literacy rate, but should actually be in the 90s.

The danger in having the North lag behind is that Nigeria has to always move at the pace of the North or put appropriately, lag behind with it. Nigeria is a unit and cannot move and leave some parts behind. Again, the more the South moves ahead of the North, the more conflicts will arise between the North and the South. While the North will feel that the South is cornering the joint resources of the nation, the South will feel the North is pulling it backwards.

One other factor that has worked against the North is its long years of ruling the country. There is a form of complacency that comes from the feeling of “We are in charge.” At such periods, you let your guards down; you don’t complain so as not to overheat the administration of your “kinsman”. But when your brother is not in charge, you feel left out and thereby complain the loudest of marginalisation. Those in charge bend backwards to satisfy you with different projects. The North should de-emphasise its focus on the presidency. Forty years of Northern presidency – civilian or military – have not offered the North any tangible advantage.

Those who hate the truth would rise in righteous anger, seeing this treatise as the work of an enemy rather than digesting the hard truth and finding solutions to a worsening problem. And those who love ethnic bashing will quickly see it as advantage to start shooting at the North. But the truth is that the progress of the North will serve both the interest of the North and South.

There should be a two-way approach to this problem. The North should set up a 20-year target to catch up with the South in education and entrepreneurship. The Northern states must make it an offence for any parent to deny their child education. The state governors and local government chairmen need to start a programme of sending as many Northern children as possible to Southern states for their secondary and tertiary education. The new Northern youths need to leave their comfort zone: compete with their Southern counterparts, interact with them and imbibe some of the ways of the Southern people.

The second aspect concerns uneducated youths who may no longer want to go to school. Lack of education is no impediment to success. The Northern governors and local council chairmen should start an intensive skills acquisition programme for the youths. A labourer cannot train another, neither can he rise much in life if he continues as an unskilled labourer. But someone who has learnt masonry, tiling, sewing, vehicle repairing, generator repairing, painting, plumbing, etc, can grow to a level where he will have apprentices. Massive construction takes place non-stop across the federation. Nigerians have an unquenchable appetite for cars and fashion. So, they need these services. That way, the number of skilled workers increases; the earning power of the people increases; and such people can afford a better life for their children, gradually changing the face of their community.

Quota system or federal character is derogatory and has worsened things for the North. Every Northerner who loves the North must tell Nigeria to stop insulting the North with this federal character bait. The North must refuse anything offered it on a platter: it is either a Greek gift or a poisoned chalice. The North should save itself by rejecting this insulting Unity Schools’ cut-off marks that cut it off from development and modernity.

It was another tragic day for the country last Friday when no fewer than 29 students and a teacher were murdered in cold blood by suspected Boko Haram militants at a boarding Government Secondary School in Mamudo, Yobe State. According to the spokesperson of the Joint Military Task Force in the state, Lieutenant Eli Lazarus, the gunmen “stormed the school around 5:30am and began to shoot at the students from different directions,” thus creating the pandemonium that left the school children at the mercy of their executioners. But apparently not satisfied with the killings the attackers also burnt down parts of the school premises, wounding in the process several other students who are now in hospital with some in critical conditions.

We commiserate with the families that have now been thrown into mourning, and wish the injured students speedy recovery. We condemn in the strongest terms this bestiality targeted against innocent children. It is even more worrying that there seems to be a pattern to this growing madness as the latest violence indeed brings the number of school children killed in Borno and Yobe to about 60 within a spate of three weeks; beginning from June 16 when seven students and two teachers were killed during an attack on a school in Damaturu in Yobe State. Yet, 24 hours later, in two separate incidents inside examinations halls in Maiduguri, Borno State, 14 students were also shot dead with scores of others wounded.

That the latest round of attack against school children is coming at a time the Federal Government has imposed a state of emergency in the two states can only accentuate the general feeling of insecurity in the land. There is also no doubt that the growing violence would deepen the skepticism of Nigerians who have grown weary of the government constant assurance of providing adequate security for the citizenry. More dangerous still is the fact that this new wave of mindless killings seemed to have been targeted against the most vulnerable of our society: innocent school children.

As we had cause to point out recently, perhaps aside the 30-month civil war, Nigeria has never been so threatened by security challenges as it is today. But nothing can be more dangerous than a systematic attack on innocent school children who ordinarily represent the future of our country. It therefore came as no surprise that following the Yobe State attack, Governor Ibrahim Geidam has, according to a government statement, “directed that all secondary schools in the state be closed down from Monday, July 8, 2013, until a new academic session begins in September.”

This is coming at a time the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) just ranked Nigeria high among nations where a large population of school-age children are not in school. With our country already accounting for 47 per cent of the global out-of-school population, this current development can only bode ill for our future. But what should be of greater concern to the authorities is that the attacks and the government’s closure of all schools in Yobe State present a tragic victory for some criminal gangs who have never hidden their disdain for western education.

The greater implication of this tragedy is that it could encourage many parents, especially in states like Borno and Yobe that are already educationally challenged, not to send their children to school or withdraw the ones that are there; for the fear, which has now become real, that they may not be safe. This will be tragic for the future of children in the two states that have become the operational headquarters on the Boko Haram insurgency but also for the country. That is why we call on all the relevant stakeholders to come together to find a solution to this growing menace that is already getting out of hands.

Source: Thisday Editorial

On the 8th of July, 2013. There were showers as usual or as expected to be in Lagos and environs. Though maybe too early because it started at my area,  Ilasamaja around 8am and it didn’t stop till afternoon. I wouldn’t say I’d sit at home, I had some places to touch, starting with GTbank at Lagos University Teaching Hospital (LUTH), then University Of Lagos (UNILAG) to submit my Masters Form, later to Redeem Christian Church of God (RCCG) national headquarter at Ebute-Metta and finally to Lagos State University (LASU)  to collect my long due certificate and also get some personal things done.

I left home in the rain but it was more like a drizzle so I wasn’t really wet. It was the normal light showers though it had rained cats and dogs before I left.

On getting to Idiaraba where LUTH was located, it was an eyesore, the water on the new road reminded me of the flood in Thailand. It was terrible when I noticed a schoolboy of about 7years of age who struggled in the water with his little brother and also the basket of food. But like a true blood brother, he won the tussle but had to sacrifice their food for that. As if that was not enough, when I got to LUTH gate on the bike, it was practically flooded, I had to plead with a commercial bike rider to take me across the “river”. There were lots of Lagosians doing the rituals “shoes in the hand, trousers rolled up, skirts/ wrappers pulled up and walking in water bare footed”. I was done with the transaction at GTbank under 10mins, very strange but true, thanks to the rain I guess, it kept people away from banking that time.

My journey to UNILAG was smooth; not too much flood so it was ok. I was done with the submission and purchase of past question in no time, I headed to Oyingbo to get a bike to RCCG at Ebute-metta and the rain increased the tempo. This time around, I was beaten blue black and it subsided a bit. I moved, Oyingbo was a terrible sight, from the UBA bank to Total filling station down the road along Freeman street, the road was filled with black waters. I sailed in it anyways before I could get a bike to the church. Coming back from the church was another great task because the rain poured heavily. The huge drainage system on that street couldn’t hold the water, it overflowed and the street was just like the last tsunami in Chicago but this was black.

I couldn’t proceed on my journey to LASU because I was like a shower running. I was terribly soaked and my skin was gradually turning white.

I got to Oyingbo and the story was still the same, got another bus to Yaba and that was when I saw another shocker, Adekunle Fajuyi/Herbert Macauly road was totally covered in dirty water. Drivers were so careful as they sailed through the man made river.

The war of umbrellas was seen when I got to Yaba, waters everywhere on the road and there was a tiny place that was dry like the path on the Red Sea, all passersby were with their umbrellas. It was raining and no one move for anyone so the umbrellas had to struggle with themselves. Very funny to behold, the bent and small umbrellas had issues with big and better ones. It was this sight that led to this piece as I journeyed back to my home in a bus from Yaba to Idi-araba. On getting to Idi-araba, the water was terrific, everyone was doing the “rituals” except he or she was on bike or in a car.

Some lessons here :-

1 Parents should please take care of their children/wards most especially this wet season

2 Lagosians should desist from dumping refuse on water ways and drainages.

3 Government should always make sure that there’s drainage on all new and existing roads.

Thanks.

You can follow the writer at @Pmonkz , he’s an aspiring Geo-tourist and environmental consultant, a think tank, lover of good music and CEO of Pmonkz INC.

LUTH fence, note the young boy

Luth 2nd gate by Idi Araba

In the absence of the usual compliment of effusive media adverts, the special interview granted a select group of editors was probably the most public event in the recent celebration of Babatunde Raji Fashola’s 50th birthday!

In a rare commentary on himself, Fashola wittingly fielded questions with fluid unscripted responses; possibly, the only question parried was the inquiry about which songs he sings during his early morning meditations, when, according to the governor, “I commune with my Maker”.

However, the essence of the interview is probably the lessons on determination, commitment, simplicity, integrity, and discipline, which could serve as beacons for youths, who may find themselves at various crossroads of life.

For example, on the subject of birthday celebrations, Fashola revealed, “I am not a ceremony person; I don’t like those formalities, and I remember that when I was the Chief of Staff, I turned 40, and my friends said, “No!  It’s a lie, we are going to have a party”, and I said, “No!  If you do it, I’m going to have to run away!”  Inevitably, however, the party lobbyists triumphed; but then, he added, “How they got me to do it, I can’t quite say, but what I remember (on that day) was that I had to wake up very early, and I said, “This shouldn’t be!  This is my birthday, and I should be sleeping”!!

On the funding of the birthday bash, Fashola confirmed that “I funded my 40th birthday by myself; I am not quite sure I can do the same now, even as a governor, I am not even sure that I want to spend that kind of money on a party, as if we can’t eat small rice and chicken in the house, I don’t even know if I want to dress up in a formal sense… The idea that probably I would have a birthday party at taxpayers’ expense is something that doesn’t sit quite well with me….  I don’t want to cling to things that are not real.  I try as much as possible to keep my feet firmly on the ground, because there are two people here; there is Tunde Fashola and there’s the Governor of Lagos State;… after 2015, I will be left to carry on with my birthday; so, let me get used to that now.  That is what I tried to do, since I took office.”

On growing up and education, Fashola had this to say: “I was very horrible with mathematics, I just managed to score 50 or 60 to pass it…; ultimately, the only professional course I could do without mathematics was Law”!  Truancy and poor school grades were his call cards; according to him, “school was too much of a problem; there was football to be played, and I didn’t learn how to study until I was in the ‘A’ Level class”.  The turning point came when he failed the West African School Certificate examinations; apart from biology, all the other subjects were P7 and P8, and F9 in mathematics!  Consequently, his father refused to pay any more exam fees, and arranged for his apprenticeship to a motor mechanic!

According to Fashola, “I think it was that shock treatment that changed my attitude; I went on to write the same exams again, and I passed, and I got into A Level class, and it was very good, and my dad said it was probably because I hadn’t discovered the football field in that school.  In a sense, it was true; by the end of my first year, I got into the football team in Igbobi College, and the grades just started dropping!  I tell everybody who cares to listen that I am a product of many chances; that is why I give second, third and fourth chances to anybody who is serious.  I don’t think that any parent should give up on any child.”

“By the time I entered university, nobody told me to go and study…  I was able to combine football and tennis with my academic work; what I simply did was that by 6.00 a.m., I was up to do my exercise.  By 8.00 a.m., I would be in class till 4.00 p.m., and by 4.00 p.m., I was in the sports complex till 7.00 p.m.; by 8.00 p.m., I ate dinner, and  studied for one hour thereafter everyday till I left the university, and it worked!  Ultimately, I left university with a 2:2, and the law school result also was a 2:2?.

For the compulsory youth service, he was posted to the Ministry of Justice in Benin, Edo State, but after waiting endlessly for the state’s Solicitor-General for three days to formally accept his posting, he eventually rejected the offer.  His grouse was that “I don’t want to be in an environment where I can’t think on my own and take decisions”.

At home, Fashola noted that there was freedom, love and fear of God; “stealing was unforgiveable; you couldn’t forget your classmate’s biro in your bag, because you will receive the anger of my parents….  You may say that they were strict, but many of my generation went through it; it curtailed greed, built discipline and reinforced self-denial….  If they ask you outside whether you were hungry, you will say no, I have eaten”

On the subject of public service, Fashola noted, “I didn’t plan to run for office, but I had the choice to say no, and run away; however, from the day I made a decision to take the offer, I knew that it came with consequences….  Public servants are a small part of the population…; I want us to discuss the government, especially in a democracy, as something that all of us own….  I feel more comfortable with the concept of an action government rather than an action Governor, because, government is institutional.

“Before I was Chief of Staff, if it rained, I slept more, but once I got into government, the rain meant a different thing to me; then, I lost my evenings, my entire social life…, I was working about 17 hours a day and I was aging very quickly.  Nobody wants to be in government forever; not if you will do the work!”

Instructively, after serving former Tinubu for over five years, Fashola still needed the former governor’s assistance to equip his chambers in preparation for disengagement after the elections in 2007, but according to him, “then came the ‘bombshell’ about governorship; and here we are.  So, nobody planned it and it was not on my radar at all”!

You’ve probably heard of the Failed States Index, an annual ranking released by the intriguingly-named “Fund for Peace” and published by Foreign Policy magazine.

The Failed States Index classifies countries on the basis of 12 “indicators”:

Demographic Pressures, Refugees & Internally Displaced Persons, Group Grievances, Human Flight, Uneven Development, Economic Decline, Delegetimization of the State, Public Services, Human Rights, Security Apparatus, Factionalised Elites, and External Intervention, and assigns a ranking, where Position ‘1’ is a most severe case of state failure (now held by Somalia for the sixth year running).

Nigeria has gone from Number 54 when the Index was launched in 2005, to a consistent Top 20 position since 2007. This year, we are sharing space in that section with such distinguished honorees as Somalia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Afghanistan, Zimbabwe, Pakistan, Sudan, South Sudan, Yemen, Niger – and, quite interestingly, Kenya. (Benin Republic is 78, Ghana 110, South Africa, 113).

The instinctive official Nigerian response is to dismiss such reports as inaccurate, unfair, and not reflective of the ongoing transformation agenda, while many “Africanists” are likely to label the not-very-kind-on-Africa Index as yet another outplaying of a misguided, unrepentant Imperialist Complex.

Me, I’m not that dismissive. As a Nigerian living in Nigeria, I know that from what I see all around me, Nigeria, if it’s not already a failed state, isn’t very far from being one.

And I don’t even need a report compiled from all the way in Washington to convince me of that. From going days without electricity (in 2013!), to being forced to pay Power Holding Company of Nigeria bills, to existing at the mercy of telecoms companies that make sure every call is a dropped call, to banks posting soaring profits from acting like leeches, to the stories of mothers regularly dying during childbirth even in urban areas, to the endless accounts of random acts of kidnapping and murder, to driving around at night expecting to be accosted by armed robbers, to a situation where Boko Haram had effectively replaced the government in much of North-Eastern Nigeria – everywhere around me is evidence of a state that has given up on its people.

In September 2009, presidential spokesman, Reuben Abati, wrote a column piece titled, “Portrait of a Country as a Failed State”. It’s such a brilliant article that my writing this piece feels a bit like reinventing the wheel; there is nothing I will probably say that Abati didn’t eloquently say in that article of his.

Let me share one long quote from that 2009 piece:

“How about the lack of regular electricity and the high cost of diesel which has driven companies across the border or forced them to shut down, like the textile factories, resulting in job losses and greater social hardship? No end in sight to the Niger Delta crisis, with governments only managing to dance round the issues. Across the country, armed robbers, kidnappers, rapists and ritualists are on the prowl. Ten years ago, we wrote on the bad state of Nigerian roads. The Federal Road Safety Corps used to complain about the urgent need to revamp the roads in order to reduce carnage; last week, the FRSC said precisely the same thing, and yet in 10 years, close to a trillion naira has been spent on road audit, construction and maintenance. The roads are still bad. We are confronted with corporeal changelessness and worsening uncertainty.”

This was written four years ago, when Goodluck Jonathan was still a Vice-President.

Even though Abati now appears to have changed his mind about Nigeria being a failed state, that piece might as well have been written this morning. The “armed robbers, kidnappers, rapists and ritualists” are still as active as ever. (They have even gone more brazen in recent months as typified in the killing of over 30 pupils in Government Secondary School, Mamudo, Potiskum, Yobe State over the weekend.) Occasionally, they get caught; more often than not, they don’t.

The “Niger Delta crisis” seems to have calmed down – but we know the truth is different. The bombings and blown-up pipelines have given way to mind-boggling levels of oil theft, costing Nigeria as much as $7bn in lost revenues annually. And yet for this theft, there’s an additional tax to be paid – in the form of the billions of naira in security contracts awarded to ex-militants to guard the pipelines.

For all the “macro” progress in the reform process, electricity has not improved (for more on this topic, see my article from two weeks ago titled, Let there be light!). Days go by, and all I can hear is the sound of generators; the serenity that comes with noiseless PHCN electricity is to be treated, when encountered, as the guilty pleasure that it is.

Last week, I saw an advert in the papers; the Ogun State Government welcoming Mr. President to “flag off” the reconstruction of the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. I should have been excited, but all I could think to myself was, “We’ve been here before.”

After suffering almost total neglect throughout the eight years of the Obasanjo administration (especially puzzling because much of it ran through the then President’s home state; according to the law of self-interest, that road should have received more interest than most other Nigerian roads), the Yar’Adua government finally managed to concession it. For four years, the road lay in limbo – workmen doing little more than assembling and dismantling themselves from spot to spot – the perfect metaphor for the state of Nigerian infrastructure.

I think that the starting point for real change in Nigeria is acknowledging how bad things actually are; admitting that we’re indeed a failed state. We can’t be defending ourselves by quoting the amount of Foreign Direct Investment that is coming into the country. Those funds are flowing in spite of, and not because of, our circumstances. What shall it profit a nation trumpeting growing FDI figures when local industries are daily collapsing under the weight of needless operating costs? When proclaiming that more money comes into Nigeria as Diasporan remittances than anywhere else in Africa, are we remembering to ask the obvious question: Why do we have so many Nigerians abroad who refuse to return home in the first place?

If wishes were horses, Nigeria would be the greatest country in the world. Our embassies would be besieged by Spanish, Portuguese and Greek emigrants seeking a better life; and there would be a Nigerian Visa Lottery through which a magnanimous Nigerian government would issue a limited number of residency permits to jobless American citizens every year.

Thirty years ago, Chinua Achebe nicely summed up that penchant for governing-by-bombast as “the cargo-cult mentality that anthropologists sometimes speak about – a belief by backward people that someday, without any exertion whatsoever on their part, a fairy ship will dock in their harbour laden with every goody they have always dreamt of possessing.”

Our fairy ship is still on the high seas. We can see it, we know it’s coming, because Nigerian faith is the evidence of things that do not exist, and never might.

The failing is no doubt one that implicates us all in some way or the other. But I happen to tend towards the Achebe argument that it’s “simply and squarely a failure of leadership.”

If there’s one lesson we’ve learnt, it’s that Nigerians are especially gifted at rising or falling to the level of the leadership they’re offered. When slacking is the name of the game right there at the top, it filters down across the entire system. Put a “sit-up” leader in place, and, the inevitable grumbling notwithstanding, most of us manage to sit-up. Replace that sit-up leader with a slacker, and we again adapt effortlessly.

Who knew that one day it’d become second-nature for Nigerian drivers to wear seatbelts? Now, it’s mostly instinctive. In those early days of the law, it was not unusual to see drivers hurriedly retrieve their belts when approaching a police checkpoint.

And then, as human conditioning goes, it started to become a habit.

One of our biggest tragedies as a people is that most of the time we’re not even getting a chance to get used to the helpful and productive habits that will rewrite the story of our dysfunction.

Those who should be laying out the framework for reconditioning our minds are too busy over-celebrating underachievements, too busy building castles on the ground for themselves, and in the air for the people whose lives they’re supposed to be transforming; too busy assuring the world that our fairy ship, having missed the scheduled 2000 and 2010 arrivals, will now surely arrive in 2020.

The economy is faltering as a result of criminals, but the authorities appear helpless

It used to be done with some modicum of fear. Not any longer. The volume of oil theft is now so staggering that it is already threatening the national economy with the 2013 budget seriously compromised. Only last week, Minister of Finance and the Coordinating Minister for the Economy, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala said the country is losing around 300,000 barrels of crude daily to oil thieves, amounting to a loss of $1 billion per month. Yet rather than confront this growing menace frontally, the federal government seems to be throwing up its hands in helplessness, despite awarding a pipeline surveillance contract to Global West Vessel Specialist Limited, a company owned by ex-militant, Mr. Government Ekpomupolo a.k.a. Tompolo, to the tune of N15 billion in 2011.

To compound the situation, it would seem that the authorities that are charged with the responsibility of protecting our national assets have merely been playing dangerous politics with this maritime criminality. Just recently, the Director General of the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, Mr Patrick Akpobolokemi told Nigerians that he knows the people who steal Nigerian crude but would only release their names whenever he is ready; perhaps by 2015!

Yet so massive is the crime that the Joint Task Force (JTF) last week discovered another sets of illegal crude oil loading points in three communities in Bayelsa State. Such discovery explains why, following incessant attacks on its crude oil pipelines, the Nigerian Agip Oil Company (NAOC), a subsidiary of the Italian energy major, ENI, recently suspended its operations in Bayelsa State. But with these criminal cartels getting more and more emboldened, they are investing in barges, canoes and speed boats which they use in their illicit but booming business.

Bayelsa State Governor Seriake Dickson brought home the message of the impending danger rather vividly when he said last weekend: “What is going on is more of a threat to national security than even the loss of revenue that everybody is shouting about. Let me tell you that all the violence, brigandage and criminality that we experience in the Niger Delta states, particularly Bayelsa where I know more, have their roots in the activities in the creeks. It is from there they have easy funds to recruit followers; it is from these activities of crude oil theft and illegal refining that people are able to sustain such large numbers of youths and put them into various cult groups.”

We hope the authorities will pay attention to what the governor said. But since the military Joint Task Force (JTF) has been unable to match the criminals both in guile and sophistication, there are reports that a quarter of Nigeria’s crude oil production is now unaccounted for. To underscore the gravity of the situation, the Senate recently lent its weight behind those seeking capital punishment for oil thieves if that would help redress the problem. But the challenge is that you first must apprehend these people before you can put them on trial and for now, there is either a lack of willingness to rein them in or no capacity to do so by the relevant authorities.

While there is no doubt that the incidents of theft of crude oil now pose a deleterious threat to the nation’s economy and its integrity, it is evident that the problem persists because there is some form of official complicity in what has become an organised crime. It is therefore time that the federal government and its agencies took serious measures to contain the situation. Most reasonable people believe that the menace is growing in the level of skills and sophistication only because many law enforcement agents are compromised. More worrying is the fact that the trials of the few apprehended suspects are often impeded by the interference of some influential individuals who may themselves be complicit in this highly lucrative criminal enterprise.

When I thought of choosing this topic as my focal point, I was a bit skeptical because I don’t want to say one thing and Dr Okonjo Iweala who is the minister of the economy would categorically say another because of the figures involved. However, as a citizen of Nigeria who is fully aware of the benefits of the freedom of information bill passed into law, I thought to express my view demographically on the unprecedented poverty that is spreading across the zones in the country.

It is safe to say we are blessed and it is also safe to say we are cursed, the mystery surrounding our existence as a nation till this moment can be attributed to the will of God because it is hard to find any nation that has what we do have in terms of natural and human resources and it is also hard to find a nation that has abused the privilege we have. Roman Emperor, Marcus Aurelius has this to say about poverty and I quote “poverty is the mother of crime” some will argue for, and others will argue against it but in my opinion, any society that cannot provide for the poor cannot protect the rich

Nigeria is a country with 170,123,740 million people, 250 ethnic groups with abundant natural resources. It is meant to be a pioneer among leading countries in the world when it comes to anything that has to do with human and natural resources yet the country is left to battle with those that have nothing but are managing to create something out of nothing. According to research, it was found that the age groups of those between 24 to 54 years constitute 30% of the population, which represents 51,023,122 of our population, they also form our work force. The class of 0 to 14 years is 43.9%, a very high figure of 74,630,000 million children, those within the age range of 15 to 24 equals to 19.3% which is equivalent to 32, 323,510 million people, the group that should retire but wont retire as in Nigeria’s case are the class of 55 to 64 years, they make up 3.8% of our society, that is 6,464,702 million people. This class are mostly part of our problem but their colleagues from 65 years and above who represent 3% of our population have their own share of 5,103,712 million people, the likes of Olusegun obasanjo, Bamanga Tukur belong to this class yet they sometimes claim to be youths depending on how the opportunity presents itself.

Critically looking at these figures, my analysis will start with the class of 0 to 14 years, if Nigeria has a population of 170,123,740 million people and 43.9% is credited to this class, which means there are 74,630,000 million children within this age group. This figure is higher than the population of our working class all combined, those within 25 to 54 (30%) years and 55 to 64years (3.8%) respectively. With the present situation in the country, where 70% of the population are living below the poverty line, it is fair to say that most of these children do not have access to good education, safe drinking water, many are starving and also do not have good shelter. The schools are now built by the rich for the rich as the public institutions are left to decay without any other alternative for the poor. The children of today shall rise someday to be the leaders of this nation, not providing a fertile and conducive environment for these kids is equivalent to neglecting the future.

A very volatile age group is that of 15 to 24 years, any society that pays attention to this group is planning a better society. The very important factor that is needed to nurture this class is missing in our society, that factor is good institutions. There are 32,323,510 Nigerians in this age group, some are not in school, some just stepped into the college and some are about graduating into the unemployed society whichever be the case. The importance of this class cannot be over emphasized, if neglected some are forced into criminal activities, prostitution and every other menace in the society.

The working force in Nigeria is 51,023,122 million people, which is 30% of our population, this figure is less than half of the country’s population, this is to say those that are not paid or do not work are more than those participating in paid employment in the country. What this means for the economy is that; those consuming are more than those producing.

Nigeria is a country where gross domestic product is directly proportional to unemployment, our GDP rose from $223 billion (2011) to $262 billion (2012) fair enough but it is also true that our unemployment rate is increasing, currently at 23.9% as obtained from index mundi, but I do believe this figure is lower than the current unemployment rate. I do not understand the economics of Dr Okonjo Iweala, any society that refuses to engage the youths in the affairs that concern the present and the future will decay as time goes on.

The age group that has hijacked Nigeria are the class of 55 to 64 years, they constitute 3.8% of the population, that is 1.7 million people, in alliance with the class of 65 years and above, they are holding the rest of groups hostage since 1960. They are the beginning and end of our problem, holding onto authority when they ought to be preparing for retirement, and breed new leaders that will take over from where they stooped.

The bad eggs among them are more than the good eggs, recently read where the minister of petroleum during the Abacha regime said he ONLY got 39 Billion naira, from the recent Malabu oil deal. For a state that takes 4 billion naira monthly from the federal allocation, 39 billion naira will finance its affairs for nine months, yet we have an individual cashing everything into his personal account, don’t forget that it’s a stipend to him ONLY. They continue to milk the country dry as they regard themselves as youths while we continue to sink every day, they continue to promise us about a fruitful future as they harvest bad crops.

Those that ought to speak out are silent, the evil activities that are going on in the country should not be blamed on the evildoers but the good people that choose to remain silent as the events unfold. The challenges of every society lies with how to nurture the children to become better youths, providing the youths with fertile environment to become better leaders and creating a conducive environment for the retiring old age people. Nigerian leaders choose to neglect their responsibilities when it comes to these parameters. The old times are gone forever, looking into the past is a waste of time but looking into the future with not just hope and optimism but true test of patriotism will help resolve of our problems.

Nigerians are among the brilliant people in the world today, we are celebrated all over the world for achievements, some are good and some are bad. If only we can review our mindset, instill sincerity of purpose in ourselves, do away with selfishness and greed then our nation will rise to a greater height that will truly place us as giant of Africa as we are popularly known.

Looks like I’m going the “Sunday School” route on my readers again today; but for good reason.

I am a man quick to wet eyes. But those things that move me to tears are not the horribleness of life; not hardship, not pain, not even evil done to me. My emotions are aroused by the opposite of these. Beauty makes me cry, love makes me cry; kindness makes me cry.

And so I came to tears watching a video clip interview of Sidney Poitier the other day and it got me struggling to keep those waters down again.

Sidney, for those either too young or not into movies, aged 86, is one of the greatest black actors of Hollywood. He is a legend. In 1963, he became the first black person to win an Academy Award for Best Actor for his role in Lilies of the Field. Then followed in quick succession a chain of successful films, including: To Sir, with Love; In the Heat of the Night; Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner (my favourite), etc. The American Film Institute in 1999 named him among the “Greatest Male Stars of All Time!” That’s Sidney.

So much for the introduction, back to the interview in which Sidney stressed some of the values that moulded and defined his person. Importantly, growing up in an age when blacks were looked down upon and to be seen only in lowliest forms, Sidney was conscious about his place in history, about those coming after him, about uplifting the black man.

In The Heat Of The Night – 1967: Mr. Tibbs, a Philadelphia homicide detective played by Sidney was given a dirty slap by a white farmer whom he had gone to interrogate on a murder case. Poitier immediately returned the slap, dirtier than he had got to the shock and chagrin of all the white folk around, including the chief of police.

But before signing on to play the role, Poitier had asked the movie studio for a major script change to this scene which apparently had him taking the slap without daring to return it as would be expected in those days.

“I said, ‘if he slaps me, I’m going to slap him back; you will put on paper that the studio agrees that the film will be shown nowhere in the world with me standing there taking the slap.”

“You had that written into the contract?”

“That’s right.”

“And, of course, it was one of the great, great moments in all film, all film, when you slapped him back.”

“Yes, I knew, I knew that I would have been insulting every black person in the world…I did not go into the film business to be symbolised as someone else’s vision of me. If the screen does not make room for me in the structure of the screenplay, I step back. I couldn’t do it, I just couldn’t do it.”

Sidney added, “I live by certain code; I have to have a certain amount of decency in my behavioural pattern. I have to have that.”

It got me thinking: this is what meaningful life is all about. It’s not about how much money you made, not about your conquests. It is about noble character, about noble legacies.

When I look about, at many of those parading themselves today as leaders in our country I cannot but shake my head in wonder. Do these people think other than of themselves and today? Do they worry what their children and those coming after them would think of them and their deeds?

Reminds me of the film Scarface in which one of my favourite actors Al Pacino was lead. The strong native moral value incumbent on every good parent to instil in their children was forcefully demonstrated when the suddenly rich Al Pacino showed up at his poor mother’s ramshackle home to flash his wealth hoping to spoil his mother and baby sister “a little” as one Abuja hotel slogan says.

Now that he had come into money it was time to use it to transform the life of his wretched family. But the mum, knowing the sort of son she had before he disappeared from their lives – his propensity for crime – would not touch a dime of it. In a manner characteristic of those strong women of old she demanded to know the source of her son’s sudden wealth.

“Whom have you killed this time?” She sneered, throwing her son out  of her home.

Yes, his impressionable younger sister ran out of the house and followed her rich loving brother. But as often happens they both came to ruin eventually.

In our country today, how many parents are there who would challenge their children to the source of any sudden wealth? How many there are who would not be dazzled by gold, limousines, private jets, etc, knowing that they cannot come from any legitimate earnings?

I also remember a while ago when a friend’s enterprising third-year university undergraduate son came home one day confiding in his father that he had come to some sudden money in his fashion design hobby of which his father had told him to defocus upon for concentration on his studies. The son said through some client of his, a Ghanaian businessman had come to him wanting a large stock of the boy’s designer clothing for his store in Ghana. The value of the order ran into a couple of million naira. To demonstrate his seriousness the Ghanaian had given him half of the money while the rest would be paid as deliveries were made.

My friend heard his son out as calmly as he could muster. The boy had already given his poor mum some of the money to help her in her trading.

“I’ve got N800,000 left, dad,” he said, “how much of it would you want?”

My friend looked at his son in the face, his anger subdued in appreciation of the son’s loving gesture.

“No son,” he said shaking his head, “no. I don’t want any of that money. Yes, I’m broke right now, but I don’t want any money from you, not until you have completed your course and graduated. Once that is over I’ll take all the money in the world you want to give me.”

Then he added, “But I won’t stop you from going ahead with this business since you are so committed to it and fortune seems to have smiled on you. Just ensure you do the business for which you have been paid satisfactorily. Importantly, it must not be at the expense of your education. Please face your studies equally and get it over and done with. The future is yours!”

As the Bible preaches in Proverbs 22:6 (for those who think I know nothing of Christianity or the Bible, hobi!): “Train up a child in the way he should go: and when he is old, he will not depart from it.”

Values maketh not only a man also a nation! Have a nice Sunday.

The Romans were wonderful people. They were political conquerors of several territories spanning much of Europe, Africa and Asia Minor. They built roads, created political institutions, as well as spread their science and jurisprudence of public administration across the world.

They were also known for their unlimited capacity to have fun. For this they built giant amphitheatres and arenas, including those meant for gladiators who were a special breed of athletes trained to duel to their deaths, all to the amusement of emperors, senators and nobles of society.

The Nigerian political elite may not have been able to build good roads or institute an enduring governing system like the Romans did. We can at least credit with being able to replicate the martial science of gladiators in their politics. The Nigerian political terrain has been restructured into a huge arena for political gladiators who fatally entertain themselves once in a while.

Presently in the arena are President Goodluck Jonathan and Governor Rotimi Ameachi. It looks like it is going to be a real test of the gladiatorial prowess of a duo quite familiar with each other. It is probably true, as we put it in this clime, that “na who know man de kill am,” which makes the expected outcome to be a little tricky. So when these two political gladiators take to the national arena to test themselves out, it would be naive to see the contest as simply that between David and Goliath per se. In the specific context of this duel, it could actually be one that is squared between a David who knows the Achilles heels of Goliath very well.

It is also the case that, given the reality of our political process which establishes an unusually skewed allocation of state powers and resources to the federal tier within a three-tier structure, it is inconceivable that a contestant carrying the flag of a state can ever hope to withstand the tsunami encased in the federal might which a president wields; thus making any contest pitting a governor against the president a potentially one-sided affair. If you doubt this thesis, go back and check with former governor Timipriye Sylva of the sister-state of Bayelsa for validity.

Ameachi is slightly different because prior to his declaration of animus belli, he had craftily fortified himself with a semi-federal armour secured through his presidency of the Governors’ Forum. He can somehow leverage on this federated platform.

Since all is fair in war, the other side has moved quickly to pull that forum’s carpet from under his feet by breaking the bond that holds the governors’ together, which was Ameachi’s main source of strength. The result was a vicious segmentation of the forum through the creation of a rival and distractive PDP governors’ forum led by Gov. Akpabio, followed by the corrupting of the second term election of Ameachi as NGF president by fielding Governor Jang as a counterforce and ensured he “won” the election via a mathematical summersault that gave victory to the scorer of 16 electoral votes over the one who garnered 19 votes from an electoral population of 36 voters.

In the interim, several proxy combatants have entered the fray. We have witnessed an orchestrated expulsion from the host party, the PDP. We have also seen alliances building up on both sides, culminating in communal altercations and gubernatorial outbursts such as the “Wike,” a serving federal minister, being labelled “too small”. We have heard about how “people that I helped” and in particular, “my fellow Ikwerres” are involved in my “betrayals” like the old civil war “sabos” and traitors.

The matter has brought in unexpected spousal interventions such as we saw when the First Lady physically went to Rivers State on an audacious, if not indecorous, show of force expedition the other day. She arrived with the federal might and ensured it was like a bomb that hit the place. The message?  Don’t mess with my hubby!

The climax of the whole battle appears to be the shameful conflicts of protocol which took place at the Villa last week when security details physically prevented Gov. Ameachi from paying homage to Mr. President. But this was not until after Ameachi and his loyal faction of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum breached protocol themselves by coming late to the occasion due to their preference to first confer as a group before encountering the presidency.

That the ugly incident occurred in the presence of two visiting heads of state added some externality to our otherwise domestic feud. We may then ask: what it is all about? The only plausible answer is that both parties are playing out a hidden script crafted around 2015, irrespective of their strident denials. The president sees Ameachi as a domestic bug that could be used to torpedo his (up till now) stealth scheming for 2015, while Ameachi hopes to ride on the platform of the Governors’ Forum to also attempt what the president craves or something close.

The strange thing about it all is that no one is admitting anything but we can see casualties, political wastage and debris everywhere. It is on record that the aeronautic clipping of Ameachi political wing by grounding his executive jet struck the polity as an act of political intolerance, notwithstanding the official attestation of the aviation authorities that it was all due process within their jurisdiction.

Recently, governor Ameachi has been shouting himself hoarse about his life being in danger. He has gone as far as laying open what looks like a public testament when he said at a church service that certain evil forces were after him. When you add the reported crashing of a truck unto the convoy of his wife soon after, a malevolent picture of a Kudirat Abiola begins to emerge and for a diabolical society like ours, it would not be difficult to draw some conclusions, no matter how outlandish. It is a case of the witch crying overnight and the child dying the following morning. Needless to say that while all these are going on, the business of governance is put in an inevitable recess and to think that we have not achieved much on what initially brought these gentlemen to power, it becomes a national calamity of monumental proportions when they openly fight over possible political advantages in the calculus of a distant 2015.

US President Barack Obama’s three-country visit of Africa will be remembered for two things: his pledge on Africa’s economic empowerment and his gospel of gay marriage. On the first, he received an enthusiastic alleluia, it is about time. On the second, he got the equivalent of boos.

Obama’s most important speech during his visits to Senegal, South Africa, and Tanzania was about his resolve to boost US investment in Africa, especially in the most critical area of power production.

At present only about 33 per cent of Africans have access to electricity, Obama pointed out. His goal is to double that with a $7 billion initiative he termed Power Africa. It specifically targets six African countries: Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Liberia, Nigeria and Tanzania. But it is presumably just the beginning and the impact will, in any case, spill over to other African countries.

Obama’s speech was significantly delivered in the University of Cape Town, the same venue where the late US Senator Robert F. Kennedy made an impassioned attack of apartheid in 1966, following the imprisonment of Nelson Mandela. It took about 38 years before apartheid ended. One hopes that Obama’s pledge will bring much — much — faster relief.

While in Tanzania, Obama visited an American-owned electricity company that effectively generates power for that country. He noted the mutual benefit: Tanzanians get reliable electricity and the American company makes money.

It could be argued that the Tanzanians would be better off generating their own electricity. But in a globalised economy, what matters is the net benefit.

Unfortunately, Obama’s interest in Africa’s economy is quite belated. In fact, until now, the US president that Africa claims as its own has lagged behind his predecessors — George W. Bush and Bill Clinton — in extending a helping hand to Africa.

In his defence, Obama has had his hands full dealing with America’s own economic difficulties, political rascality, wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the upheavals in the rest of the Middle East and North Africa.

Meanwhile, emerging economic powers elsewhere — China, India, Brazil — were all fervently investing in Africa, realising that it could well become the pivot of the world’s economy.

But America is America. So, when Obama promised to boost U.S. investment in Africa “as equal partners,” it was a message that stirred hope anew.

It is noteworthy still that Obama’s visit to Africa didn’t begin well. He had hardly alighted from his jet in Dakar, when he ticked off the Senegalese.  The spat, if you will, was captured by a local newspaper here in the US: “Obama clashes with African host over gay rights.”

It was a reference to Obama’s exchange with Senegalese President Macky Sall, after the US president urged the Senegalese to grant equal rights to gays.“People should be treated equally, and that’s a principle that I think applies universally,” Obama had argued.

Just the day before — as Obama was airborne toward Senegal — the US Supreme Court struck down a federal law that defined marriage as a relationship between a man and a woman. And Obama hailed the ruling. His call for equal rights for gays in Senegal, a predominantly Muslim country, was in effect a call for the sanctioning of gay marriage there as well.

But in Senegal, as in most African countries and elsewhere, homosexuality is still a criminal offence. In places such as Mauritania, Sudan and our own northern Nigeria, the punishment is the death penalty.

How sensible then is it to ask for equal rights in that sense in such contexts? There is a long mile between criminality and equal rights. It would have made a lot more sense to focus on decriminalisation.

For people to be imprisoned or killed for a lifestyle that though socially deviant is not a threat to society is just illogical. Such punishments emanated from the excesses of religion and have been imposed under such inhuman ideologies as Nazism and Fascism.

Still, by waving the US Supreme Court’s decision as the model for African countries, Obama demonstrated the kind of cultural hubris that has often alienated non-Western people from the West. It is another instance of, “We are so progressive and you are not.”

The problem with such dichotomies is that they usually don’t hold up under scrutiny. In using the US Supreme Court’s decision as a backdrop for proselytizing about gay rights to other countries, Obama, in effect, suggests that Americans have indeed embraced such rights. But that is far from the case.

A majority of adult Americans still oppose gay marriage. Only American youths sanction it by a significant majority. In states where the question of gay marriage has been an issue on the ballot, it has been consistently defeated.

Even in California, one of the most liberal states in the country and home to San Francisco — the gay capital of the United States — the voters overturned a law that authorised gay marriages. A federal court invalidated the vote, and the Supreme Court chose not rule on it, in effect, allowing the law to stay.

In ruling on the federal Defence of Marriage Act (DOMA), which banned recognition of gay marriages, the Supreme Court narrowed its decision to the question of whether federal agencies should recognise gay marriages for purposes of family benefits. The court, in effect, left it to the states to decide whether or not to sanction gay marriages.

Even the Supreme Court’s decision on DOMA reflects how contentious the issue of gay marriage still is in the United States. It was a narrow 5-4 decision, which means that just one justice could have swung the opinion the other way.

Particularly problematic about Obama’s sermonising to his Senegalese hosts is that he doesn’t seem to reckon with the fact that it took the United States about 230 years of democracy before any state sanctioned gay marriage.

Even Obama himself is a late convert. According to the Daily Beast, it took him 10 years to go from an opponent of gay marriage to its apostle.

As a presidential candidate as recently as 2008,Obama would say only that his view on gay marriage was evolving. To now proselytize to a fellow head of state — of a Muslim country, for that matter — is considerably impudent.

A Pew Research poll cited by the Associated Press found that about 90 per cent of Africans believe that homosexuality should not be accepted by society. That attitude was not that different in the Western world until recently.

On such matters that are so laden with cultural sensitivity, it is necessary that Western advocates approach their counterparts elsewhere with less sanctimony and greater awareness of their own history.

The vexed issue of cultism will cease only when the authorities act decisively

In what is fast becoming an epidemic of needless bloodletting, the latest in a series of clashes between some cultists in Edo State resulted in the killing of about 20 persons. The killings were attributed to a confrontation between members of the ‘Eiye Confraternity’ and ‘Black Axe’ over some financial issues. As it would happen, the murderous activities of the cultists quickly spread to several areas of Benin City, the state capital before some of their leaders were arrested, following the intervention of the State Governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole.

Unfortunately, the present disturbances would not be the first time Edo State would experience the menace of the campus cultists whose activities have in recent times spilled over to several communities in the state. In January 2011, residents of Benin City were besieged during a similar violent clash between the same rival cult groups of ‘Black Axe’ and ‘Eiye Confraternity’ in what was described as a battle for supremacy. Over 26 suspects were feared killed during the fracas. Again in the aftermath of the July 14, 2012, governorship election in the state, no fewer than eight persons were killed in attacks and counter attacks by these two leading cult groups.

While no plausible explanations have been provided by the authorities, most people in the state believe that these perennial violent cult clashes persist because notable politicians are behind the rivalry. In fact, there have been reports that the sponsors of these criminal gangs often make their homes available as operation base for the cultists. Even though ring leaders of the groups are known to be inside the two major university campuses of University of Benin and the Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, the cultists now recruit even secondary school pupils and idle youths and initiate them into the cults.

There are also reports that some unemployed young boys who get recruited by the rival groups sometimes are forcefully initiated against their will. But in the face of the promise of huge sums of money they ultimately succumb to the initiation rites which often involve rigorous torture, wild orgies, consumption of a cocktail of strong alcohol mixed with human blood. Subsequently these largely uneducated new recruits get introduced to hard drugs and other intoxicants. Usually they are the ones considered very deadly and daring during operations.
It is unfathomable why the authorities in Edo State appear handicapped in taking on the cultists whose activities remain a constant thorn in the flesh of residents of the state capital and several other communities where they operate. Nothing can explain the apparent helplessness of the authorities other than the fact that the people behind the cultists are considered untouchable.

Speaking on the latest cultists’ menace, the state Commissioner of Police, Mr Foluso Adebanjo, who described the crisis as unacceptable, had this to say: “we are not relaxing at all. We are in search of the leaders behind these killings. Already, we have arrested some persons in connection with the crisis while others are on the run. The killings will stop because policemen are all on the alert now.”

While we commend the state police command for containing the situation at least for now, we want the authorities to go beyond merely arresting these criminals. Beyond making them face the full weight of the law for disturbing the peace of the state, it is equally important to expose those behind their nefarious activities. What that means is that all the relevant security agencies really have to wake up to their responsibilities. There is no doubt that it is their inability to take on the sponsors of the cultists that allow them to operate with impunity in Edo State.

Source: Thisdaylive.com

I don’t know about you, but I hate it when a story starts out nicely, draws me in and then poof … disappears into thin air! At best, it leaves too many loose ends and unanswered questions. One such story caught my attention this week. The headline announced that 15 lecturers at the Ebonyi State College of Education were demoted because they forged PhDs or claimed to have higher degrees that they did not. My first reaction was: “Isn’t that already ground for dismissal?” Of course that wasn’t the story.

Indeed, the full story came in the last paragraph, as an after-thought. It wasn’t that that the lecturers were so criminal minded and so uncertain of their abilities to pay the price (often in blood and sweat) to get their own PhDs. Nope, they just happened to get PhDs from universities that the Federal Government of Nigeria does not ‘recognise’. The status of the PhD-awarding institutions seemed to be the crux of the story but even that raised more questions.

The reporter obviously didn’t think the reader needed to know the names of the universities (besides implying that they were located outside Nigeria) and what the Nigerian government has against them. And, heavens forbid that the reporter would speak with the lecturers to get their side of the story. Did they know that those universities were not approved by the Nigerian government before they enrolled? If they attended the universities while in the employment of Ebonyi State College of Education, did they notify the administration prior to enrolment? If so, did their employers warn them about the status of the universities?

I got interested in the story because I was intrigued by the fact that some people would want the PhD so much that they would forge it in a society that generally prioritises material accomplishments over academic perspicacity. Why would someone brag about a non-existent PhD when ‘their mates’ are bragging about their ‘oil blocks’ (or whatever the new thing is)? One of my friends-for-before-before is a guy who can hardly string a few correct sentences together. But he’ll cobble enough to tell me about his latest acquisitions: the newest ‘Jeeps’ and his mansions in Abuja and elsewhere. To shore up my self-confidence so that I don’t feel like a total failure, I think: “Talk to me when you can speak correct English!” I know what his response would be if I dared to say this to his face: “English na my papa language? Nonsense!”

On a serious note though, the poorly written story about the non-recognised PhDs reminded me of a graduation party that I attended some years ago here in Arizona. The graduate was a Nigerian based in another state where, I understand, he was a mover and shaker in the business world. He was certainly a man with loads of money who also wanted a PhD. And so he enrolled at the University of Phoenix. For the graduation, he hired several coaches (those long buses) to bring his closest friends and employees to Phoenix, Arizona. He also brought a catering company and the event was a real fiesta, Nigerian style!

I had never seen anyone so excited about a PhD, especially one that added nothing to the graduate’s socioeconomic status. But then this man was exactly the kind of person who gets a graduate degree from University of Phoenix and similar for-profit (online) universities. The degree confers the graduate with bragging rights and two (or three letters) on a business card. Beyond that, it is basically useless, at least in the perspective of many employers.

To operate, the for-profit (online) universities mushrooming here in the United States have been duly accredited by the appropriate authorities and are kosher on paper. In practice, however, let’s just say that when these universities claim they are for-profit, they mean business! For instance, while no university will tell its faculty to pass students regardless of their abilities, some openly reward faculty on the percentage of students who pass their courses. In some of these universities, as many as 90 per cent of their faculty are part-timers who are paid very little but required to do more babysitting and spoon-feeding than teaching students. Instructors, especially those who have no other source of income, will do whatever it takes to earn the performance perks and be guaranteed future teaching contracts.

For sure, there are great for-profit (online) universities that place instructional quality above profits. In the future, these may become the norm rather than the exception and their degrees will acquire the same recognition and value as those from ‘traditional’ universities. Until then, it’s best to stay away from these universities if the goal of getting an advanced degree is employment or promotion in current positions.

Of course, we still don’t know what the issue was with the15 lecturers in Ebonyi. Perhaps, the unnamed writer of the story was a product of a for-profit online university who missed the 5Ws & H of News Reporting 101. The adjunct instructor was probably rushing through the syllabus to earn his performance pay.

The word water brings to mind different thoughts. To the thirsty, a glass of cold water comes to mind, to the farmer, thick clouds and rain on his dry farm, to a surfer, a sunny day at the beach paints the perfect picture and relaxing in a bath tub or jacuzzi best explains water to some privileged few. Mentioning water in some villages in Africa only reminds most women and children of the almost unending journeys to the faraway streams along dusty roads.

Water is one natural resource that no single individual interested in his or her own continuous existence can do without. Humans are made up of 75% water; it is only natural that we are being maintained by it. Our crops, animals, and even industries depend on it. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development OECD shows that 70% of all water taken from rivers and groundwater sources is consumed by agriculture, 20% by industry, and the remaining 10% is left for domestic consumption. It would therefore be an understatement to say that our lives revolve around it!

Water is fast becoming an issue of global concern. According to the Global Risks Report published by the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos, every year, it was evaluated that the risk of a global water shortage ranked second in terms of impact consecutively for 2 years even when it was never among the top 5 risks 5 years before.

With the world population exploding to about 7billion people, coupled with the advent of technology which brought about the creation of industries, the demand for water has escalated thereby putting a huge strain on the global water resources available for domestic, industrial and agricultural purposes. The other pressing challenge is that the limited available water resources are also not properly managed as waste generated from our daily activities and toxic effluent from industries are disposed there on a regular basis, leading to the outbreak of diseases such as cholera, dysentery and typhoid fever. Diarrhea, a symptom of water borne diseases is known to kill a child every 20seconds

Several organizations both government and non-government have initiated programs such as the Millennium Development Goals, Water Supply and sanitation WATSAN, RUWATSAN programs, to tackle issues of water supply and sanitation, and truly a significant amount of progress has been made, as the number of people without access to drinking water has been halved according to UNICEF and WHO. There is however much more work to be done because, with the world’s population growing at a rate of 1.7%, feeding a planet of 9billion by 2050 will require approximately 50% more water than we’re using presently.

It would however take more than water supply and sanitation alone to solve this inevitable water crisis, it would require awareness, more concise water policies, water conservation laws, researches and innovations on alternatives to fresh water and all our joint efforts to save the world from this impending water crisis as the window we have to solve this problem is rapidly closing.

PS: This article was first published on www.onlconstruction.com

No, not because we’re the African country with the most American visa applicants. It also couldn’t be because of our sophist terrorists. It’s definitely not over his security here. Obama has bugs even in President Jonathan’s Aso Rock. He listens in to even our President’s whisperings on telephones, and gets duplicates of every email sent and received by our President. Quote me only when I reach my man Edward Snowden. Obama couldn’t be avoiding Nigeria on moral grounds as carried by our inferiority complex-stricken media. A coward who sends unmanned drones to another man’s country has no moral right to label us. A coward whose drones kill innocent kids in his hunts for terrorists is just as guilty as our soldiers who invaded Bama. Ethical morality is the last excuse a hacker should offer in dealings with Africa’s corrupt politicians. So, let’s hang the question of morals.

The reactions of Americans to their President’s Father-Christmas junkets to Africa betray the claims that Obama brings salvation. The angry Americans, who allege that Obama’s trip cost them $100 million, while lamenting the state of their economic mess, are more deserving of Obama’s planned $7 billion charity to Africa. “How can we be feeding Africa?” One asks. This breaks my heart! I think Americans are the most untravelled people in the world; they live in amusing illusions of an Africa with half-evolved humans and poverty and barbarisms and aid-seeking governments. Perhaps Obama needs to legalise cannabis and cocaine to know the exact statistics of his subjects taken down by drug-induced mental illness. Obama can never be the saviour of a government in whose eyes a sum twice his charity was stolen in just a sector, and in a very short time of President Godluck Jonathan’s administration. Perhaps we need to send reports of General Babangida’s government to Americans. Perhaps we need to send them estimates of General Abacha’s loots. Perhaps we need to show them the extent of President Obasanjo’s financial mismanagements. Of course we must forward reports of Nuhu Ribadu-led Petroleum Revenue Special Task Force and, yes, yes, the names and thefts of the ‘poor Africans’ involved in the fuel subsidy scam.

You see, even a New Yorker who cannot afford a flight to Philadelphia is sold a lie of Africa’s reality. New Yorker doesn’t know that thousands of Africans actually fly to Dubai to hold ordinary birthday parties. New Yorker doesn’t know that the grandest house in his borough is possibly owned by a Nigerian politician. He doesn’t know that our people own estates which accommodate his middle-class countrymen. He doesn’t know that the same Africans to whom he sees himself as savior are shareholders of American corporations, where he seeks employment as labourer. I respect New Yorker nonetheless. And I’m also concerned about his welfare. I wish Obama understands that New Yorker may commit suicide if he fails to secure a job by the end of this August. It’s a good thing that Obama agrees that “Africans are responsible for Africa.” We have the resources to build a viable Africa, but the thieving politicians who invest in Obama’s America have forestalled our developments, and turned us into pitiable wrecks in the lab of international politics.

Obama avoids Nigeria not because of our misused funds, some friends vow that he does so for fear of our reactions to his actual import, same-sex marriage, which may be too chaotic even for the secret service agents in this most religious of all Black nations. The Nigerian moralists are, more than the Arab Islamists and Vatican Christians, the most fearless self-appointed litigators of God, and thus Obama must be wary of another disrespectful heckler. Our National Assembly itself is the prime champion of homophobia, which may make Obama’s attempts to sell that deviancy undiplomatically adventurous. America’s political strategy is a plainly complex exercise, I tell you.

See, Obama avoids this country simply because of me. You don’t have to wear this look, you know. You don’t have to antagonise my destiny. This is why I have been very political in my resentments towards gay rights. My marabout has predicted that I’m a potential son-in-law of this son of a Kenyan, and so it’s cruelly immature to ruin that prospect in the name of social crusade. Don’t quote me but I’m afraid that the ever-nosey secret service agents have already spied my love letters to Malia, which I hope to post as soon as she crosses into the age of American foolhardiness; it’s only outside Africa that an 18-year-old rebels parental supervision. So, the moment my Malia becomes a romantic rebel, I won’t hesitate to remind Obama that there are other deviants seeking rights. If a gay can only do with gays, addicts too deserve a right to sniff cocaine and smoke cannabis, it’s their health anyway. Until then, my in-law, your visits to Africa is simply to highlight America’s Big Brother mentality, and also to pose as the messiah, whereas you have produced more widows, widowers and orphans than any other country in this planet. Check the statistics of your many wars. And it’s quite depressing that Africans look out through the Western window to call out for help, ignoring the multi-millionaire politicians who abuse our sensibilities. We don’t need any aid; in fact it’s criminal to give us aid. What we need are stricter laws against corruptions, bigger prisons to contain small-time thieves, and politically informed and adventurous citizens to monitor the system. May God save us from us!

By Gimba Kakanda

@gimbakakanda (On Twitter). 

Between Monday and Wednesday this week, scholars from around the globe gathered at the Lead City University, Ibadan, for the third edition of that most relished intellectual feast: The Toyin Falola International Conference.

Ordinarily, Nigerian academics pay through their nose and travel thousands of miles to meet with the great names in their disciplines in the inviting atmosphere of better governed societies. But at the Ibadan conference, they had the elevating opportunity to meet with a fair representation of those academics of renown, including of course, one of their countrymen, the honouree, Toyin Falola, currently the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mosiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas, Austin and the first Nigerian to be elected to the presidency of the African Studies Association in the United States.

The theme of the conference, “Ethnicity, Race and Place in Africa and the African Diaspora”, provided the opportunity to locate Nigeria’s extant travails, its bedevilling, often murderous divisions in the global mainstream, showing how other societies and states cope with, manage or transcend racial and ethnic conflicts.

To provide rich backdrop and theoretical ammunition for the over 150 papers delivered and discussed, the conference was addressed by three keynote speakers, namely Tunde Bewaji, Professor of Philosophy at the University of the West Indies; Moses Ochonu, History Professor at Vanderbilt University in the United states as well as Ken Harrow, distinguished Professor of English at Michigan State University. Bewaji, whose address entitled, “Identity, Memory, Memorials and Development”, argues that at the heart of the country’s problems is an identity crisis triggered by the loss of our memory and memorials in the colonial and postcolonial furnace.

Bewaji suggests that we cannot develop by investing in other people’s narratives and memorials, but by spending time in rediscovering who we are as well as properly situating development aspirations in our history, culture and folkways.  To amplify the point is to interrogate our ongoing pitiful cloning of growth models borrowed from the West and the total disconnect between our traditional notions of human-centred development rooted in community ethics and the avid pursuit of harsh neoliberal economic models which enshrine the market as the all conquering god of progress.

Ochonu, a public intellectual and history Professor, spoke on the topic, “Writing for Whom? Theory, Language and the Ethical Crisis in African Studies”. Excitingly, he shows how African studies in Europe and the US increasingly develop a language and mode of reflection that separate them from African audiences and render them unintelligible to academics based in Africa.  A simple way of putting Ochonu’s query is to ask: What exactly is African about African studies processed and packaged in the Euro-American academic mills and exported globally as leading edge academic research?

Ochonu’s project of closing the gap between African Studies in the West and “African voices and systems of thought” is of course an ambitious one, considering, for instance, the rundown state of African universities which should have provided the alternatives to the dominant American version, with its dense, ‘postmodernist’ jargon.  In the 1970s and 1980s, radical academics based, for example, in Ahmadu Bello University made a point of publishing mainly in indigenous outlets as snubbing and cold-shouldering of European and American publishers. Today, for obvious reasons, Nigerian universities require academics to validate their claims to proficiency by a growing number of “international publications”.

Harrow’s address entitled, “Bitter Freedom: The Meeting of Africans and African-Americans across the Great Divide”, raises the question of the often difficult relations between Africans and African-Americans summoning as evidence the controversial remarks and documentaries of the distinguished black American and Harvard scholar, Henry Gates, on African complicity in the slave trade.  There subsists, Harrow informs, “misapprehensions and resentments on both sides.  Africans who see black Americans as violent, drug dealing thugs and African-Americans who know Africa only through the stereotyped Hollywood films”.   For all that, Harrow insists it is a “family affair”, a quarrel among brothers that leaves places for a “middle ground” and productive interfaces.

Papers were presented at the conference on virtually every facet of ethnicity and identity conflicts in Africa and in the Diaspora.  For example, stimulating submissions were made by Dr. Nelson Fashina of the University of Ibadan in a paper entitled, “Museums: Memory and Creativity for Social Change”. Fashina laments the degradation and abandonment of our museums against the practice in several nations to employ them as veritable instruments of cultural and social engineering.

A paper by Prof. Karin Klieman of the University of Houston goes beyond conventional economic perspectives in discussing oil multinationals to consider engagingly “Uses and Abuses of Race and Ethnicity in the Operations of the United States Oil Companies in Africa”.   Prof. Chinua Achebe’s controversial memoirs came alive in papers like Dr. Banire Abiodun’s “There was a Country: A Personal Account of Biafra and the Politics of Tribal Spokesmanship” while the ordeal of refugees came vividly home in Dr. Olajumoke Yacob Haliso’s “Forging Home: Local and Global Intersections in the Post-Conflict  Reintegration of Liberian Returnee Refugees.”

Nigeria’s ongoing travails in the context of religious and ethnic violence found expression in several other papers. For example, Dr. Tobi Oshodi’s “(De)Making National Citizens? Nation Building, Ethno-Religious Violence and the Tragedies of The National Youth Service Corps in Nigeria (1999-2013)”, draws attention to the recurring tragedies that befell corps members of southern origin who were posted to serve in the boiling cauldrons of Northern hotspots. He raises the paradox that a programme that was instituted to foster national unity is itself bedevilled by ethno-religious conflicts to the point that several commentators have called for its abrogation or substantial modification.  Interestingly, in the same connection, Nigerian newspapers on the second day of the conference reported with alarm the killing by Boko Haram insurgents of several Yoruba traders who were on their way to Northern markets to transact business.

Equally topical is Dr. Emmanuel Akubor’s “Nigeria and the Road to Kigali: A Historical View from the Python’s Eyes”, which solemnly warns that the escalation of current ethnic and religious hostilities in the light of the intemperate struggle for the coveted Nigerian presidency in 2015 may well lead to the erasure of the Nigerian nation state from the map of the world. That paper among several others sketches out several remedial policy prescriptions to slow down the drift to anarchy if the ruling class are listening to anyone but themselves.

It was not all heavy going academic fare. Jimmy Solanke who turns 71 today regaled conferees with lyrics of highlife music nicely recycled from the 1960’s and 1970’s at an impressively organised dinner which saw dancing styles from various continents on display.  There were occasions too to honour the deservedly eminent such as Prof. Bolanle Awe, eminent Professor of History; Chief Theophilus Akinyele, distinguished technocrat as well as Dr. Bode Omojola, renowned music professor among others.

The conference powered by generators for most of the three days show all over that there is life outside a dysfunctional state and the unproductive scheming of a visionless political class. It also foreshadows the possible revival of the Nigerian academic culture once vibrant but now in the doldrums.

“It was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness, it was the epoch of belief, it was the epoch of incredulity, it was the season of Light, it was the season of Darkness, it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair, we had everything before us,”

These lines from the opening sentence of Charles Dickens’ famous novel, Tales of Two Cities, may just be the apt description of taking up a top security job at the moment, under the present circumstances of our dear country. It is more so true for Mr. David S Parradang, a gentleman officer who was recently elevated to the position of Comptroller General of the very critical Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS). It is a moment anybody in a structured organisation hopes and waits for. The sense of fulfillment and joy in attaining the pinnacle of one’s career is unequalled. But is this the best of times? Not really. These are times of great challenges. And the NIS, as a very important apparatus in the security structure of our country is far from being immuned to the myriad of internal and external challenges bedevilling the system, largely on account of present security challenges. Taking up the NIS top job at this time comes, therefore, with enormous challenges. This, one could say, is the worst of times for it. No. It is the best of times because it is the time when true men are figured out from the summation of all men. It is when the waves are tumultuous that a master swimmer is marked from the array of swimmers at the beach. One’s ability at problem solving in a relatively short time and within a difficult situation is a marker of one’s worth.

Therefore, in spite of the bumps on the thorny path, the coming of Mr Parradang at this critical juncture is an important episode. It could not have been better time. Besides, the aphorism, God’s time is the best is time tested. The many challenges before the NIS’s new helmsman could be broadly categorised into two. First is at the organisational level, the internal cries and disconnect. It is only when one sets one’s house in order that one can tackle the other issue; the external challenges.

In keeping with the current trends in immigration work the world over, there is the need to reposition the NIS for better efficiency and to close all avenues capable of dampening morale of officers and men. In recent past, there have been cases of gross inequality and nepotism in treating officers and men in terms of postings and promotions. The evil of nepotism is rapidly gaining ground in the public sector, unfortunately. But it could be least afforded in security formations where any trace of injustice and inequality among officers could have a devastating effect not only on the organisation, but the country at large. Fairness should therefore be the first step towards building a more dedicated, more efficient Immigration Service. In a situation whereby this is sacrificed, laxity, corruption and insurbordination will find a comfort zone.

As a service that holds the key to our nation, the Immigration has to be very disciplined, corrupt-free and in tandem with global best practice. The first point of call for any visitor to Nigeria is the Immigration Desk of our foreign embassies. Any blot of corruption or inefficiency from those manning such desks would be a huge blemish to the nation. Then comes the entry points. Extortion by men in uniform, NIS personnel inclusive, has for long been a big national embarrassment. Whether under duress or by solicitation, taking money from visitors sends a terrible signal about us as a country. But this ominous culture, like all facets of corruption tearing down the fabric of the country, is too much engrained in the system. However, stopping it would not only boost confidence and respect for the NIS, it will also lessen the severity of our perception as a corrupt country by foreign visitors. Now, there is the argument of welfare which some often use, albeit dangerously, to excuse cases of corruption by public servants. While it is not an excuse for corruption, poor welfare has a way of affecting output of workers or their conduct. It should therefore be a priority for the new Comptroller General to make sure that men and officers of the Service are well catered for. Incentives for personnel on special assignments, especially at this point in time, will go a long way in gingering them up and for the country to get the best out of them.

On the other arm of the challenges for the new NIS boss is the general threat posed by the current insurgency in the north. The role Nigerian Immigration Service could play in phasing out the insurgency is paramount. Many an analyst has pointed to the porosity of our borders as a one of the major ambers fueling the flame of insurgency in the country. It will be Mr Parradang’s major test to make our borders tighter. But this too could be easier said than done as the Service is riddled with so many challenges for efficient border security. First is the paucity of personnel, in comparison with the vastness of the border. Secondly, the Service is largely analogue in the area of border security.

However, with a man like Parradang, who has demonstrated so much competence and finesse in his illustrious career, I believe all the challenges are surmountable. As someone who knows him fairly well from his days as Comptroller in Kano, I can vouch for the man’s uprightness, dedication to duty, equity and thoroughness. What he would require primarily is the necessary support from all quarters for a more focused Immigration.

  Abdulaziz is a journalist based in Abuja. Email: abdulazizfagge@gmail.com

Prologue: This article was first published on Sahara Reporters on May 6, 2012. I was one of the commuters trapped in the agonizing traffic jam caused by the “Thank You” visit of the President’s wife to the commercial city of Lagos last year. I decided to re-publish in support of Punch Editorial of July 1, 2013; Patience Jonathan’s Excesses Must Be Curbed. It is apt to note that the thoughts I shared nearly 15 months ago, are similar to that opined by the respected Newspaper.

Perhaps we would progress as a nation, if we stopped this act of braggadocio, sit down and reflect soberly on our existence, and find solutions to our challenges. What joy do people in high place derive when moving in intimidating convoy full of flashy cars, wearing clothes and jewelries costly enough to assist pregnant women, the aged, as well as sponsor hundreds of kids to school? Presently, a number of unions in different sectors have embarked (or gave warnings) on strike; three States are under Emergency Rule; education, infrastructure, security, healthcare, power, industry, are all at a status majority of the electorate regularly invoke curse on their leaders. Regardless of this, some highly placed individuals are still comfortable showing off the same wealth meant for developmental purposes.

The moment the predicted revolution commences, those it would consume already know themselves.

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“If you want to know what God thinks about money (and power), just look at the people He gave it to.” Dorothy Parker – Writer/Poet

It was one of those days you wished you were not a Nigerian. But if you were, you certainly would not fancy having Lagos as a place of residence. Lest those in the patriotic ilk demand my head on a platter, I suggest them primo interview motorists/commuters caught in the gridlock. It was a flurry scene; horns hooting ceaselessly as anger grew by the minute. The sun cares less, clutching its pride of place; its light was appreciated but not the heat-awfully unbearable. Street traders had a stupendous day, getting good bargains and making instantaneous sales, the type only dreams are made of.

The young-some underage-hustlers savoured the while, at different times playing with one another; chatting and laughing aloud; luck had smiled on them. For a bit, I forgot I was supposed to be exasperated; taking in lieu a deserved break gazing at the boys. It was a free live entertainment albeit in the harshest of conditions. I was not only the member of audience, as they attracted the attention of many others. Their sight revived the thought of the unending misfortunes of our impoverished youths. They delve the gains of the much publicized Transformation Agenda. I sympathize with them; graduates are yet employed, much less school dropouts/illiterates.

Save for occasional natural occurrences like rain and ocean surge, which was recorded many years ago, it was the first time I witnessed a sea of people trapped in a traffic jam later confirmed lasted about nine hours (8:30am-5:30pm).  One wonders the plight of those who had an emergency situation, appointment or a deadline. A caller on a radio programme narrated how he and colleagues were robbed that night by men who posed as police officers. We should not tag only the days we see or hear of road mishaps, violent disturbances, fire disasters, terror attacks as “black days”, some other days are worthy of such label. It is pathetic that the good people of Lagos who queued patiently, orderly, ignoring the scorching sun to cast their ballots for Mr. President were at the receiving end of the snarl precipitated by his wife, Patience Jonathan. I am sure the reader would have noticed that I did not use the “First Lady” appendage. It was deliberate. If I did, the anger in me may set my immediate environment ablaze; a situation one certainly forbids especially in a country where the fire service is near torpid.

That elected/appointed government officials every now and then deny us right-of-way is more than enough trauma to deal with. Now that their spouses have entered a “We block more roads than our Husband” tournament, the rest of our can as well begin to compose suicide notes. Nowadays, one thing I have observed is that more women are excited when their partners signify interest in elective posts and the reason is not implausible. The influence wives of “their excellencies” wield these days is in no small measure intimidating. You would be swimming in a pool of stupidity, if you took a bet with your life-savings that these emperors are down-to-earth; it will only take a few hours before you say hello to bankruptcy. African women in corridors of power are widely known for their habitual arrogance and luxury tastes. A shipshape example is Leila Ben Ali, wife of ousted Tunisian president. Dubbed ‘the Imelda Marcos of the Arab world’, the former hairdresser held sway while her husband reigned, importing expensive foods and ice-cream. Obsessed with mansions, fast cars, shopping sprees in Paris and Dubai, she was reported to have fled with gold bullion worth $60m! Evidently, what a man can do…

With all sincerity, I am yet to comprehend what Mrs. Jonathan’s sojourn to Lagos was about. We are made to understand it was a “Thank you visit” and launch of her peace advocacy initiative. As not so good as that sounds, let me attempt to put the theme into perspective. In the 2011 presidential elections, her husband got over a million votes in the most populous state of the federation, but the event in query was held at a venue of two thousand (thereabout) capacity. And in actual sense, about a quarter of the attendees were part of her entourage from Abuja and other states. On that account, it is safe to say she said ‘Thank you’ to around one thousand six hundred people representing 0.1 percent of those whose votes propelled her husband into office. Her handlers and co-travelers should know better. What they organized was nothing but a glorified charade. Before they rejoice too long thinking they took us on a jolly ride, may I inform them that gathering a rented crowd in a refined event centre with the entire media buzz is an affront on Lagosians. I even saw her distribute gifts to paltry handpicked women. Soon they will announce that the items were donated by ‘Committee of Friends’ or an international donor agency.

I laughed in Awori (my native language) when a friend apprised he heard that our overall madam’s visits is scheduled to take place nationwide. Nonsense! At a time we ought to devote time, energy and resources so as to ensure vision 2020-20 is met, some folks are going about having jamboree on state funds! Although Mrs. Jonathan’s intention is commendable, I think her peace campaign is at the moment exigently needed in the north part of the country where blood-letting has continued unabated. I am sure that by now, the people of that divide must be envious of the south-west region as the Lagos stop-by was sequel to the one held at Oyo state two months ago. That too was anything but decent.

During her stay there, overzealous security operatives were at their usual worst. At the entrance of the venue, they once again displayed an obvious lack of crowd control mastery, mistreating high-ranking state officials, invited dignitaries and accredited journalists. What madness! Is this all in the name of protecting the wife of the Commander-in-Chief? My mother too deserves such security as she campaigned for GEJ in our village and he won resoundingly there. It is completely repugnant that scholars and professionals are brazenly assaulted, embarrassed by a set of persons who may not be able to complete a simple sentence and till date no one has taken responsibility or apologized.  Like one of my favorites trend on twitter puts it that is “#HowToKnowGodisPunishingYou”.

But we should not stop talking about it. All citizens must be treated fairly. Even in our different religions, the teaching is that everyone is equal in the sight of the Great One above. Anarchy looms the moment a class of people in the society flagrantly subjugate others even in a sovereign nation like ours. We have to realize that power fades and as such we should do unto others what is right. Accountability in governance must be prioritized so that the outside world would seize to pore over us frivolously. Wives of public officials ought to know/be reminded that their major responsibility is taking care of the home front while offering sound advice and support where necessary.

But if they are keen on enjoying the paraphernalia of office attached to their respective husbands, they should endeavour to legalize it by sending a bill to the National Assembly for consideration and then push that it becomes a law. Pending when that happens, they should kindly spare us the executive lawlessness please!

wodunsi@yahoo.com

@WaleOdunsi

It first began like a rumour. Now, it is spreading fast and furious like a wild bush fire in the harmattan.  Before we knew it, the speculation had also gone viral on the Internet, creating an instant buzz and talking point online. It is not totally surprising though. As the race for 2015 gathers momentum, speculations about who will occupy which position have become the subject of intense public debate. Usually and as it is with our brand of democracy, they first brew like the anecdotal ‘’beer parlour gossip’’ but they soon begin to gain a life of their own over time.

But as it has often been said, there can never be smoke without fire.

Also in this clime, politicians are usually evasive in declaring their intention for public office.  Even when they so desire to run, they will still “insist on consulting with their consistency’’. And when their posters begin to appear like a thief in the night in the public space, they will lay the blame at the doorsteps of their detractors or play the ostrich altogether. It is all part of the game we have become familiar with. Expectedly, the debate about who will succeed Governor Babatunde Fashola in Lagos has begun to tread the same well-worn path. In recent times, speculations about Senator Remi Tinubu’s candidacy have begun to seep into public consciousness. Mrs. Tinubu needs no introduction. She is the wife of Ahmed Bola Tinubu, the past two-term governor of Lagos and the leader of Action Congress of Nigeria. Between 1999 and 2007, she was the First Lady of Lagos. Now, she is a Senator of the Federal Republic. In a recent newspaper interview, Mrs. Tinubu denied any interest in the governorship race. She insisted on concentrating on her charity work. Some newspaper reports had also listed the former school teacher as one of the main successors to the incumbent governor. However, in politics, nothing is certain. Intrigues, wild speculations and deliberate decoys all come with the territory.

In spite of the brouhaha surrounding Mrs. Tinubu’s rumoured ambition, I have decided, for argument’s sake, to debate in this piece, the controversies that have surrounded her political trajectory since her foray into politics in 2011. Let’s for once imagine that the speculation becomes a reality and the senator decides to run as governor; what would be wrong with her ambition? Why would her aspiration (if there was any) be so contentious? Are there factors that would make her ineligible besides being the spouse of a former governor? In 2011, when Mrs. Tinubu became a senator, her emergence was adjudged controversial. A rival candidate was alleged to have been pressured to step down for her at the party’s primary. It is thus understandable if there is a sense in which her political career has been tied to her husband’s influence.

Many people are of the opinion that Mrs. Tinubu’s foray into politics has largely been influenced by her husband’s clout. For example, the speculation about her governorship ambition is seen as an attempt to extend the leverage she has enjoyed thus far. It is also viewed in the public domain as a way to strengthen her family’s hold on Lagos politics. If truth be told, there is no denying the fact that the former First Lady had benefitted from her closeness to the party’s top hierarchy. But such manner of emergence has been the story of those that have gained political power in the party. In a discussion I had with friends recently about the propriety of siblings or spouses of leaders seeking to run for public office, I had posited seeing nothing wrong if the electoral process is not manipulated to favour ambitions. In a true democracy, candidates such as Mrs. Tinubu, must be free to aspire to any position they so desire no matter their family affiliations.  But such aspirations must not be to unfairly leverage on their spouses’ political influence. In advanced democracies, where candidates are elected on their own merit, family affiliations count for nothing. In the United States of America, political families like the Kennedys, Clintons and Bushs are known to have a political lineage that transcends generations. During elections, candidates from such families do not enjoy special advantage over other candidates.  The most recent example is that of Mrs. Dianne Rodham Clinton, the wife of Bill Clinton, the 42nd President of the United States of America. She was the First Lady during her husband’s two-term in office. She contested and became a Senator from New York between 2001 and 2009. This was after her husband left office as president. In 2008, Mrs. Clinton was a leading candidate for the Democratic Party presidential nomination which she narrowly lost to the incumbent, President Barack Obama. She stepped down recently as the 67th United States Secretary of State and an influential American diplomat of the 21st Century.

In all of her time as a politician, never for once was Mrs. Clinton’s political career linked to the influence of her husband. She has since risen from her ceremonial role as a First Lady to become a leading presidential hopeful for the Democratic Party in the 2016 election. The case of the Bush family also provides a useful example. President George H. Bush, the 41st President of the US and his son, George W. Bush, the 43rd President were both presidents at different times.  Perhaps, the most iconic is the Kennedy family. The Kennedys are prominent in American politics and government. Their political involvement revolved around the Democratic Party. The wealth, glamour, photogenic quality of the family members and their extensive and continuing involvement in public service, have elevated them to iconic status over the past half a century, with the Kennedys sometimes referred to as “America’s Royal Family”. Never for once was it reported that elections were manipulated in their favour.

Recently too, Obama’s wife, and the US First Lady, Michelle, is being touted to play a role as a future Democratic Party candidate. The example of Mrs. Clinton has shown that spouses of leaders can excel, not in the shadows of their husbands but as individuals willing to contribute to nation building. Leadership is about service. If an individual in a democracy demonstrates the capabilities to serve the people, they must be given the chance to do so. I make this case not just for Mrs. Tinubu but for spouses of political leaders. We have seen that this is possible even in the advanced democracies. But the electoral processes that produce them must be free and fair.

There are many advantages when spouses of leaders run for elective positions. Apart from being a boon to women participation in politics, it will also be an opportunity to bring their experience to bear on governance. This is because their closeness to their husbands affords them a deep knowledge of how government works. Mrs. Clinton is an example of this. Her rising political career has been attributed to how she successfully understudied her husband’s successful presidency as a First Lady. Incidentally, while many First Ladies have used their positions to perpetuate excesses and the mundane, others have impacted the society positively through social work. Those in the latter category must be encouraged to seek elective positions in a free and fair election. I absolutely see nothing wrong in this.

The British Prime Minister, David Cameron, recently hinted that his government might consider cutting aid to Nigeria over her anti-gay legislative stance. The news had barely hit the media before Nigerians shrilly reacted to the “blackmail.” Most commentators admittedly did not know what aid the UK was talking about and were too incensed to ask; they just felt the UK could “go to hell”. For their information, the UK aid consists of £102m spent on education in 10 of Nigeria’s 36 states in the past seven years and a projected spending of £126m by 2019. Nigeria is also one of the beneficiaries of an initiative that tackles malaria in Africa with more than an estimated £252m in 2011/12 and a projected £494m in 2014-15. These figures are in the public domain and I have not heard our leaders dispute their veracity.

The same UK has proposed a visa bond of £3000 from certain nations and once again, what? Drama. Unlike foreign aid, this potentially affects almost everyone directly and understandably, the outrage is amplified. Some commentators, like Hon. Abike Dabiri-Erewa, have called for retaliation, stating that the UK citizens coming to Nigeria should be made to pay more. She compared the visa bond to last year’s deportation row with South Africa in which the latter eventually apologised for mistreating Nigerians.

What Dabiri-Erewa and others forget is that South Africa is not the UK. To retaliate a country’s policies, you must have a corresponding amount of power to act. If Nigeria slams a £10,000 visa bond on the UK citizens, what other cards do we have to deal with if the country responds with another policy? Can Nigeria match them discrimination for discrimination, and xenophobia for xenophobia? Do they display as much desperation to come here as we do to their country? How many UK nationals want to visit Nigeria compared to the 180,000 Nigerians that apply to their country? Do they hold “Anointing for Visa” services in their churches like we do here? Do their citizens go to church to “praise God” and testify that they had been offered a visa to abandon their own country? We have been too true to Nietzsche’s observation: no one is such a bold liar as an indignant man.

The solemnity of fact and tact is lost as mass outrage rends the air. The bond is for first time visitors who are deemed high-risk individuals. A choice destination for illegal immigrants, the UK policy when signed into existence –it’s still a plan, any way — aims to contain abuse. The message is: If you want to abscond, you might as well put up a deposit for your repatriation. In our fury, however, we forget that many governments, Nigeria inclusive, are tightening the loopholes of illegal immigration. (On the heels of the incessant terrorist activities in North-East Nigeria, the country’s security agencies rounded up some nationals of Niger and Chad deemed to have entered the country illegally and deported them) My cards tell me that we merely huff and puff; if the bond comes into effect, we will pay. Yes, we all will pay. And that includes the muckraking lawmakers themselves. For a would-be illegal immigrant, £3,000 is just another hurdle to scale to El Dorado. People have paid more to visa touts, so, why won’t they pay the UK?

To be sure, some form of retaliation is proper but the trouble with Nigerians’ reaction is that it obscures serious issues. Rather than ask why things are the way they are, we raise our Black Power fists while chanting the worn mantras of “neo-colonialism,” “imperialism” and the whatnots. Thereby, we let off our leaders gently by dancing to their populist drumming. To be labelled potential illegal immigrants demands deeper introspection than fuming. It neither resolves the smearing itself nor changes the fact that international insurance companies already classify Nigeria as “high security risk” and “extreme medical risk.”

Did the Nigerian drama queens and kings who want blood read the recent report of a 19-year-old woman,  May Brown, who drugged herself into a coma to avoid deportation from the UK, claiming death awaits her back home in Nigeria? Did they see the video of a certain Okpegwa Benson caught with forged documents at a UK airport and then resorted to the most self-denigrating act in an effort to convince immigration officials not to deport him? There are lots of stories of Nigerians desperate to migrate, what do we do about them instead of resorting to the very easy non-solution that merely counteracts the UK?

Personally, I wish Nigerians redirected their mass outrage from the UK to our thieving leaders. Merely raising our black power fists and trumpeting large vuvuzelas allows our leaders to get away too lightly without proper accountability. It allows them to evade responsibility, and cheaply too. If, for instance, the UK stopped the foreign aid, how would our leaders make up for the shortfall? If the UK reacts to our retaliation, what measures do they propose to protect Nigerian citizens from the fallout of such diplomatic row? Those, for me, are discussions that should accompany their righteous indignation, not merely mouthing off that the UK has a lot to lose; a threat that sounds very empty, by the way. When the Minister of Aviation, Stella Oduah, huffed and puffed over the extortionist airfares charged by British Airways between Nigeria and Britain, how many Nigerians supported her by boycotting the airline? Rather, the airline had advance bookings for months ahead.

These Oyinbos are not fools, they know our social and economic situations and they will milk them to death. The UK sends its education officials to recruit Nigerian students into their universities at a massive cost but cannot wait to drive them out of their country as soon as their education is over. This same UK employs people who can speak Yoruba and Hausa at their malls so they can cater to the hordes of Nigerians who go to shop in their country but cannot communicate in English Language. Yes, the UK likes – and wants — our money but they don’t want to deal with our animal presence.

It is quite gratifying to rave and rant against the UK. As the various strikes we have witnessed this week have pointed out, we are a nation of outraged nationals. But in our outrage, we should acknowledge that the UK, like any serious nation, will make policies for its political, economic and social wellbeing. Our own problems are our leaders’ and when we allow them to shift attention from their failings, we — the people — become the ultimate losers.

Sometime last year, I wrote in one of my articles that one of the reasons why I will always love and pledge allegiance to the Federal Republic of Nigeria is because, no day ends without at least one hilarious situation going on record. Whether in the creeks of the Niger-Delta; a hut in the violence-ridden North-Eastern region; the jungles of South-West or suburbs within Igbo land, a rib-cracking situation occurs hourly. It comes as no surprise; the ever-fortitudinous citizenry have adapted to the harsh reality of existence and as such, they just live life. Oh yeah, we are actually the happiest people on the globe despite our challenges; Good people, Great Nation!

Initially, I didn’t see the entertainment in the latest headline-grabber which played out within the walls of highly fortified and expansive Presidential Villa, so I went to bed that night with the memory of a witty spectacle I witnessed forenoon.  Two commuters – a man in mid-forties and a lady in early-twenties – had engaged in a quarrel following allegations by the alluring lassie that the fellow fondled her breasts while struggling to board the already packed high capacity bus, commonly called El-rufai (He introduced the fleet during his tenure as FCT Minster). It was a funny scene really; other passengers and I burst into peals of laughter as the strangers ceaselessly hurled insults at each other. For those familiar with the city, do a quick calculation of the time it takes a slow moving ‘El-rufai’ to get to Setraco bus stop (the defendant’s destination) from Kubwa Second-Gate. Taking into account the stops in between, you’d say twelve, may be fifteen minutes right? Trust me, the argument was that long.

The above is just one of the many squabbles residents currently face under the latest transport policy. These days in the territory where the seat of power is situated, women usually don’t mind “accidental touch” on the chest while men care less about their shirts getting torn; so long they don’t get robbed by bandits who now take advantage of the new order. The bad guys simply pose as commercial vehicle owners, dispossess you of belongings and speed off. Lobatan! This is the level an astute thinker and visioner, Bala Mohammed, has put us. A man who chose to punish Abujarians for being poor, restricted the operations of mini-buses (Araba in local parlance) and substituted with a miserable 400 high-capacity, when least required is 1000. On my radar, Bala is reportedly on the verge of ordering cabs out of motorways this July. Sigh. ‘God dey’, like the common man says.

Apologies I digressed and back to the matter. So I woke up the morning after the fondling incident to the vivid imagination of the Aso Rock imbroglio. It goes thus: On the nightfall of June 26 2013, a stubborn governor in the person of Rivers helmsman, Rotimi Amaechi and his supporting colleagues attends a dinner called by our dear President Goodluck Jonathan. He takes his seat, subsequently arises, and makes his way to where the Oga at the Top is seated in company of Madam President of Malawi, Joyce Banda and as well as Liberian counterpart, Hellen Johnson Sirleaf.

As the People’s Democratic Party rebel, who is on suspension, as he plans to reach out to Mr. Jonathan, a stern-looking Presidential Bodyguard blocks him with his huge chest. “I’m sorry sir, can’t let you pass” he said, a pronouncement that leads to a round of dilly-dally the BG eventually won.

However, I deduced a comic from that encounter; what if the President was scared that Amaechi might have some portion of Juju (Voodoo) with him? Probably rubbed on his palm, or swallowed or laced on his eye lashes, same way our women apply mascara. I may be wrong though, but hey, we cannot rule out that possibility. As a Yoruba, a number of our people still believe in voodoo, including some of those that claim they no longer indulge in traditional things due to modern day religious beliefs.

The 2015 general election is less than two years and no one should blame Mr. Jonathan for being careful. According to his Political Adviser, Ahmed Gulak, Ameachi was prevented from advancing further to forestall breach of security. “The President was already on his seat. It would have been a breach of protocol and security for any security person to allow the governor access to the President. Such a security person would have been sanctioned if he had done that.” Although I take his explanation with a pinch of salt, knowing fully well of recent circumstances, his defense was the best available.

Well, protocol or coltopro, our leaders should for goodness’ sake bury the hatchet and work for the overall good of the country. Failure to do this will only worsen the present state of development which is still far from the promised “Promise Land”; still far from the “Breathe of Fresh Air” and certainly still far from the “Transformation” millions of the electorate desired.

wodunsi@yahoo.com

@WaleOdunsi

One of my mentors (Ann Gates) loves to use the term ‘EXERCUSES’. Exercuses is not a real term but it simply means excuses for not exercising. These excuses are numerous, and a common one is; I am too busy with work to have the time for such frivolities. My dear, exercising can never ever be frivolous. It is a LIFE-SAVER! It has been proven to be effective in the prevention and treatment of non-communicable diseases (NCDs), such as hypertension, obesity, mental health problems, musculoskeletal problems (Check my blog for more on Exercise as a medicine) and even the Bible in 1Tim 4:8 alludes to its importance to one’s health.

Before I digress further, this article is geared towards helping those who experience muscle and joint pains at their workplace. Many jobs especially the office types involve little movement nor repetitive motions. Neither of these sits well with your health and well being. Our body is designed to move, hence the niggling pain we experience in certain joints when we sit for long periods without stretching. In the next few paragraphs I will be talking about few exercises which can be performed on a daily basis to prevent our joints and muscles from becoming stiff, numb or painful while at the work-desk.

1. Neck pain: Working in front of a computer screen all day will lead to pain in the neck from time to time. One of the ways of combating this is to carry out regular neck stretches which can be done in your chair at work. Slowly bring your head down so that your chin touches your chest. Apply a small amount of pressure to the back of your head using your hands and hold this position for just 30secs. This should be repeated several times a day. This same technique can also be used while moving your head in a sideways motion. Be careful not to apply too much pressure, just enough to stretch out the muscles in your neck.

2. Back pain: The number one cause of this in the workplace is bad posture leading to straining of the back muscles. To counteract this;

– You need to make sure that the chair you use at work supports your posture whilst sitting down. So CHANGE your chair NOW!

– Exercising of back muscles is of utmost importance. Make sure each morning/evening, you lie on your back and pull your knees up towards your chest. Hold your knees to your chest for about 30secs and repeat several times with one leg at a time. This allows the muscles in your back to de-stress.

3 . Joint pain: If your work involves sitting for extended periods, you are likely to find your joints becoming painful, particularly in your legs. Ways to prevent or alleviate the pain is to take short breaks from work and walk around the office (not to go and gossip o!). You can also do what is called a range of motion (ROM) exercises while at home. This involves slowly moving the relevant part of the body through its entire range of motion…….for example extending and flexing of the knee while lying on your back….. ROM has been found to combat joint-related problems at the root thereby preventing them from occurring.

So, when your work does not provide you with the opportunity to be active, it is important you take the initiative during working hours as stated above, and also after working hours by joining a gym if you can afford to do so. Alternatively, walking briskly for 30minutes everyday around your neighbourhood is cheaper.

I am @DAlawode

This article was first published on YNaija Y superblogger series

Of all walks of life, if there is anything that Nigerians are unanimous about, it is the fact that Nigeria has a stunted growth. Countries such as Malaysia, Indonesia and many others that were at the same development level with her in the 60’s during the peak of decolonisation process have since gone ahead on the human, material and infrastructural development scales. In contrast, Nigeria, the most populated black nation in the world appears to be on a steady declines and decay.

Leadership style plays a key role in uplifting any human society or holding down the wheel of progress.  It is the foundation that determines progress or the absence of it.

Indeed, this may as well be a true statement on ‘servant leadership’; applying the instruments of authority for the benefit of the down-trodden and weak as well as taming the excesses of the powerful individuals, and establishing institutions in order to bring about a just and balanced society.

What are the philosophical/ideological basis and the manifestations of the dominant leadership style in Nigeria? Do they conform to the leadership style and the world view of a man who can be honourably referred to as being truthful and trustworthy? The answer is NO.

In Nigeria today, leadership across the board from local to national level is all about the well-being of the leaders and their cronies and the entrenchment of their rules by crook means. Their misrule is also manifested in the spate of onslaughts against perceived opponents while in this process, the interests and well-being of the society is undermined or even ignored. This ought not to be so, as the purpose of leadership is about the well-being of the society.

Service has thus taken the backstage and the motivation for a spring to the public offices, both elective and opponent appears to the craze for ill-gotten wealth. Today, the most lucrative vocation is politics. It is also the easiest means of making money. If anyone doubts this, such person simply needs to go through our daily newspapers as well as weekly magazines to read about the large-scale looting of the treasury by those entrusted with the leadership of this country, past and present. It is necessary for our public officers to take a cue from this and re-dedicate themselves to the nation and the people. The negative image of Nigeria amongst nations as having rogues and corrupt people will not abate until the leadership leads the way of living a life of transparency.

Several years after the advent of the civil rule, institutions of government in Nigeria are still in the hands of the rich and the powerful. The weak are left in the cold unprotected by government. This ought not to be so if we are really desirous of building a just society. It is important to note that late and former President Umaru Yar’adua was a ‘servant leader’ when in office and this is beyond the realm of slogans. We also hope that leaders at the lower level will henceforth have it in mind that out of millions of qualified Nigerians, they are in the position of authority by the permission of God. They should therefore fulfil their aspect of the social contract by giving selfless service in accordance with their oath of office. Nigeria has been stagnated for too long and it is high time we all, and particularly those in leadership turned a new leaf so that the country can take its rightful position in the comity of progressive and forward looking nations of the world. When that time comes, Nigeria will be proud of their nationality unlike the current trend which breeds delusion.

Olaoye Dorcas wrote in from HighQue Secondary School, Isolo.

Lagos State Governor, Babatunde Fashola, turned 50 last week. Not unexpectedly, it went without fanfare, in keeping with the man’s character.

What better time than now – on the occasion of his 50th birthday, and midway into his second and final term as Governor of Lagos State – to reflect on his impact on Lagos, and on the place of the city in the Nigeria of the 21st century.

Lagos is Africa’s second most populated city – estimates range from 12 million to 18 million, depending on who you’re asking – and one of the fastest growing “megacities” in the world; expected to add another five million inhabitants by 2025.

It remains Nigeria’s commercial hub, two decades after the relocation of the seat of government to Abuja; according to the Central Bank of Nigeria, 50 per cent of the cash in circulation in the country is in Lagos.

I’ve seen two different figures for the size of the Lagos economy; The Economist magazine, in a 2011 article, quoted $45bn. Renaissance Capital, in its most recent Nigeria report, put the Lagos economy at $32bn – the equivalent of the entire Kenyan economy, and larger than Ethiopia’s. (It is important to note that most of the Lagos economy is informal; artisans, market women, taxi drivers, domestic servants, and hawkers, among others whose financial transactions take place outside of formal banking and taxation systems).

Lagos is also the only state in Nigeria whose Internally Generated Revenue about doubles its allocation from oil earnings, and is the model every other state is copying in the drive to improve tax revenues.

But Lagos is also a deeply dysfunctional city – the accumulation of years of government neglect, while the city grew like a cancer. Someone pressed “Pause” for infrastructure and did “Fast-forward” for population, creating a 1970s’ city expected to cope with the challenges of a 21st century world.

Sometimes, one needs to listen to foreign commentators to get a sense of the intensity of the city’s malaise. Lagos conditions us to no longer notice these things – a classic case of familiarity breeding a false, dangerous, and strange comfort.

Of the city, a visiting foreigner said (quote taken from “Diary of a Bad Year: Confessions of an Anonymous Hedge Fund Manager” – a 2010 book inspired by the global economic meltdown):

“Lagos looked to me like a city where aliens had come and built the city and then left, and then just sort of let it decay […] You’d go one block off a main thoroughfare and the road is dirt.  You go to a nice neighbourhood, all the houses are behind walls and outside the walls, there’s somebody cooking on a garbage fire, right outside the walls of some big house. It’s like nothing I’ve seen anywhere else.”

That aptly summarises the Lagos that exists – a city of paradoxes best explained in the startling, random, insistent juxtapositions of wealth and poverty.

It is this sprawling, festering metropolis that Fashola is expected to manage, and transform. As he himself acknowledged in a 2010 interview: “The deficit of infrastructure of about three decades can’t be turned around in just two years or eight years.”

Fashola himself brings to governance an intensely cerebral air (he seems more suited to a university classroom than an assembly of political chieftains), an understatedness that we do not typically associate with public office in these parts, and a knack for creatively talking and thinking about the solutions to the city’s problems (he has himself said all he’s doing is implementing the manifesto of his party. And indeed, many of his achievements should be seen in the light of structures rising atop foundations laid by Bola Tinubu, his predecessor).

Sometime in 2008, a year after he was first elected Governor, I happened upon his official SUV at the Civic Centre in Victoria Island, and caught a glimpse of a pile of books and newspapers on the back seat. I was able to make out three titles:

“Planet of Slums” (by Mike Davis), “Giving” (by Bill Clinton) and “Economics For Dummies” (by Sean Masaki Flynn and Peter Antonioni).

I found the choices of the books instructive. Take “Planet of Slums” as an example – the message I got from seeing that book in the Governor’s car was this: An administrator concerned by the reputation of his city as a slum-factory (according to the Social and Economic Rights Action Centre, there are 120 different slum communities in Lagos today, a 3-fold increase from 30 years ago).

The Economist magazine’s 2011 profile of Fashola is titled “A rare good man”. It’s hard to disagree. But dogging that good man is an albatross, and quite a big one at that: The outlook of his government on Lagos’ poorest people – the “Bottom Millions”, to use the term made popular by Prof. Paul Collier.

It’s not that the governor has a pathological dislike for the poor – at least, I don’t think so. Listen to him talk about his realisation that there’s a place in the Lagos he envisions, for the not-so-well-off (in the 2010 interview quoted from above):

“I don’t see how we would have a Lagos without the man selling meat by the roadside. All we insist is that he cleans it up. I cannot imagine Lagos without those women peeling their oranges, that’s also part of the character of Lagos. You cannot imagine Lagos without the suya man at night, in Obalende, if you want to go there to eat barbecue meat.”

Alas, the road to the actualisation of that vision has been paved with broken dreams and lives and shattered hopes. Let me share a true story – an encounter I had a year ago, somewhere on Ahmadu Bello Way, Victoria Island, as I waited to be picked up by a friend. This is how I narrated it in a column I published shortly after:

“Last week, I stood under an umbrella in Victoria Island, watching Lagos rush beneath a rain that couldn’t make up its mind whether it wanted to stop or not. Next to me were two elderly women, petty traders from what I could see. They were discussing Fashola, in Yoruba.

‘Fashola is wicked,’ said one. ‘He terrifies me.’ They shared stories of the state government’s sustained assault on the city’s poorest; the demolitions and evictions everywhere from Oshodi to Amukoko. They compared it to the wiping out of Maroko (in the early ‘90s). ‘When this rain is done, ‘they’ will find fresh victims, claiming that the houses are sitting on drainage channels,’ one of them lamented.”

Since that encounter, the Lagos demolition train has moved on to Ijora Badia, and who knows where else? In its body language, the Lagos we all know advertises and represents itself as “No Place for Poor People”.

From street hawkers consistently terrorised by Kick Against Indiscipline operatives to taxi drivers priced out of business by the government’s decision to phase out the trademark yellow-and-black taxis in favour of brand new cabs, to dumpsite dwellers at the mercy of a government that has no plans for them, to the multitudes forced out of the city into the hinterland under a puzzling ‘deportation’ programme. Are we asking ourselves this troubling question: All those former okada riders now out of work – where are they; what are they doing; how are they surviving?

There is what seems to be a disproportionate government focus on the wealthier sections of the city, at the expense of the poor, which disregards the fact that twice as many Lagosians live on the Mainland as on the Islands. On the low-income mass housing front, it doesn’t seem that the government is doing enough, compared to the attention being focused on developing, say, Eko Atlantic City. The impressive bid by architect Kunle Adeyemi to regenerate Makoko through innovative housing solutions is now in limbo, threatened by a state government that has declared it “illegal”. Yet, this is perhaps the only state government in Nigeria that can boast having an “Innovation Advisory Council”.

There’s also the fact that Lagos is not the most transparent of state governments, fuelling suspicion that there’s much more that the state could be doing with the resources it has. And then I don’t think the state government is putting enough pressure on the local government(s) – who are grandmasters of revenue collection but utterly hopeless at governance – to justify their existence.

I acknowledge Fashola’s dilemma. On the one hand is the vision to speedily subvert the decay and dysfunction that have long plagued the city, and set it on the path to becoming a city that stays ahead of its needs; on the other hand is the need to ensure that the envisioned Lagos is not leaving anyone, no matter how poor, behind. Fashola needs to temper the “Eko O Ni Baje!” vision with a “No One Left Behind” philosophy.

It’s very tricky, no doubt: On the one hand, Oshodi needed to be sanitised; on the other hand is the fate of its displaced masses; they can’t simply be wished into oblivion.

It’s a fine balance, and the way Fashola handles it will go a long way towards determining his lasting legacy when he steps down as Governor about 700 days from now.

People of purpose respect each other. Looking for respect? Find your purpose.

A great many don’t know why they are on Twitter, the result which is waste of time and energy.

People these days don’t want to associate with mere men; they want to be associated with men of purpose. When you are a man of purpose, you will naturally have followers. This is whether or not you are willing to follow back.

In my early days on Twitter, I always unfollowed certain handles, because I felt they irked me.
Guess what?
I followed them again. They were men and women of purpose, and knowing that, I had no choice but to identify. Thing is, you might not love a man of purpose but trust me, you’ll respect him!

After reading this, many whose purpose aligns with mine; or who want to think like me, will naturally follow me without any second thoughts!

Life is all about finding purpose. That is where the work is; looking into the sea of activity and finding and doing that very thing you were born to do…even on Twitter.

When you find your purpose on Twitter, time spent there becomes meaningful. You gain satisfaction after every activity there. The thing you do, however little, begins to count. Works like magic, I tell you.

However, leading a life of purpose will certainly get you enemies.
I will never forget this quote by Rick Renner, which says something of this nature: “Any Christian who is walking according to his purpose in life will be hated by those who are too weak to follow theirs.”

So when it appears that people do not like you or what you do, trust me you are doing something and you better get organized because that is going to blow up to greatness sooner than you think.
In order words, find your purpose and stick to it, as that is the only way to be happy on Twitter.

It is okay to not have discovered your purpose on Twitter, which is why you must follow a man of purpose like me. Firstly, you are safe. Yes, safe from having to waste your time reading junk; safe from having to read things that comes from a bored mind.
It took me quite a while before I discovered what it was I was doing on Twitter. Time is money, and if I am to be on Twitter, I will need to be able to account for the time spent there. Finally, I figured out why. But I wasn’t idle, I was doing something!

What you benefit by being a man of purpose.

You are easily recognizable; easily identifiable. You are not random. Again, people are safe around you. They know to go to you if they need something they know you offer.

Now imagine if everyone on Twitter is a man/woman of purpose. Twitter will be a very organized place.

There is no rush to greatness. Find your purpose!

Are there not people with several thousands of followers whom you don’t know what they do or represent? I might not have as many thousands of followers yet, but those who follow me know what I do on Twitter! This, my dear, is the power of purpose.

If you properly digest the above principles, and apply them in real life, you’ll see how more beautiful your life will become.

Next week, I’ll be talking of what leading a life of purpose can do for you. Watch this space.

Ike Amadi

@ikeamadi on Twitter.

Ike Amadi is the Author of Do Something! He blogs at www.ike-amadi.com and currently co-ordinates a bible reading program cum family on Twitter, Whatsapp and facebook under the #la187 umbrella.

“…the NGF was based on the United States of America, USA’s constitution…the committee had told us that they just copied the American Governors’ Forum constitution with very little amendment.” – Jonah Jang, NGF Faction Chairman

I was reading through a recent interview granted by a factional Chairman of the Nigerian Governor’s Forum, Governor Jonah Jang of Plateau state to the National Mirror, and what I read was disheartening. Perhaps he is ignorant of what his comment means.

He said:
“…the NGF was based on the United States of America, USA’s constitution…the committee had told us that they just copied the American Governors’ Forum constitution with very little amendment.”

To me and to every right-thinking Nigerian, the questions that should be on our lips are: Are we not mature enough as a nation to make our own rules? At 53, should we still have to copy from other nations? At 53, should we still have to grovel at the feet of other nations? At 53 and with the number of SANs that we’ve produced, are we not ‘learned’ enough to draft our own constitutions? At 53 and with our false claim of independence, should we still run after other nations like dogs and have their laws shoved down our throats?

When we say it that the Nigerian government is a pawn of western nations, some people are prepared to go to war on it. That is why the US will ask Nigeria to either implement this policy or that policy or risk having some diplomatic ties severed. That is why they want us to legalise homosexuality against the wish of common Nigerians. That is why the UK can slam a £3000 bond on Nigerians before entry and our government can only grope and beg to have it stopped. That is why we can all be sad that President Obama has cancelled his trip to Nigeria, as if his coming will suddenly alleviate poverty in the country and provide jobs for the countless unemployed youths in the country. That is why we need the US to tell us that the 2011 elections were free and fair for us to believe it. That is why they can tell us that our union as a nation won’t exceed 2015 and we’re running helter skelter.

Whoever said Nigeria had gained independence must be one of the funniest comedians and this must be his funniest joke ever. We are not yet free; economically, we are still in chains. Democratically, we remain as enshackled as ever. We claim to be free, yet at the slightest sign of trouble, our leaders run to their imperialist masters to grovel in the dust. When it comes to policy implementation, our leaders are slaves of the IMF; they prefer a pat at the back from IMF than a full embrace from Nigerians.

The very concept of independence is an illusion in Nigeria; we are not yet independent as a nation, and we can never be as long as our leaders continue to bow their knees in order to get crumbs from their imperialist masters.

Nigerians must collectively demand for a Nigeria of Nigerians, a Nigeria that makes policies to favour Nigerians. A Nigeria that caters for the need of Nigerians. A Nigeria whose leaders are answerable to Nigerians and not to some western masters. A Nigeria where the voice of Nigerians count. A Nigeria that makes its own laws. A Nigeria where the people are the masters and the elected officials are truly the servants.

God bless Nigerians!

Ogunjimi James Taiwo

E-mail: hullerj@yahoo.co

 “What counts in life is not the mere fact that we have lived. It is what difference we have made to the lives of others that will determine the significance of the life we lead…”

– Nelson Mandela

This saying by the great Mandela is exactly what the responsibility of government is and should be about.  As we all know, it should be about improving livelihoods and safe guarding lives and properties, through the provision of basic education, healthcare, uninterrupted power supply, good transport systems amongst other things. This is what the government should always strive to achieve, with ours being no exception. Objectively, we assume that the Nigerian government’s mandate is no different from the aforementioned. But why do we feel let down?  Setting aside the obvious challenges we face in corruption and the misappropriation of public funds, the answer is simple. There is no way we can achieve sensible development when we spend heavily on maintaining our government rather than on these critical sectors.

Recently, the House of Representatives passed a bill for second reading that makes it mandatory for the executive to allocate 40 percent of the country’s budget to capital projects over the next decade. This is undoubtedly an improvement from what is on ground presently, where capital expenditure barely gets 30 percent of the annual budget. Unfortunately, the proposed 40 percent is still inadequate to improve the lives of Nigerians. No country in the world can see serious development when it allocates as little a percentage of its budget to capital projects. In actual fact, despite welcoming the decision by the legislature to increase capital expenditure to 40 percent in the next ten years, we simply cannot afford to wait a decade before allocating more to capital projects. Our population is continuously growing and in the next decade, the proposed 40 percent will still be insufficient. We have to act NOW by cutting the cost of running our government and subsequently diverting the savings to capital expenditure. It is paramount that we invest in our future rather than investing in the pockets and accounts of the people that are supposed to serve us.

The truth of the matter is that our elected officials at all tiers of government, (federal, state and local) and both executive and legislative bodies are performing so badly that many doubt whether democracy is the solution to Nigeria’s problems; and rightly so. However, Alexander Woolcott answers that perfectly when he said, “ I’m tired of hearing it said that democracy doesn’t work.  Of course it doesn’t work.  We are supposed to work it.”

It is the responsibility of the people giving the task of leading us to make it work, to be transparent, to be fair, and to put the interest of the people they serve and represent before their personal interests. Sadly, that’s not the case in our country. Personal interest comes first before that of the people. By allocating more to capital expenditure, we can invest more in critical sectors that will better the lives of ordinary citizens. Budget discipline is equally as important because allocating more only to capital expenditure without discipline and proper management will not yield the required results. It will only lead to the execution of substandard projects.

Kano and Lagos are example of two states that have the right balance of not only allocating more to capital expenditure but also laudable fiscal discipline. This is evident as both states came first and second respectively on the list released by TIN, an affiliate of Transparency International against corruption as the two most budget disciplined and fiscal responsible states in Nigeria.

Based on this evidence, it is clear that performance and good leadership knows NO party and tribe as some people of interest want us to believe. The part of the country you come from is not a determinant of whether an elected official will serve the electorates as he is elected to do whether in the executive or legislative branch of government. Gov. Kwankwaso of Kano State and Barrister Fashola of Lagos State are examples of governors that run a government of the people, a government whose main and only aim is to better the lives of its indigenes. It is safe to say that they are doing a pretty good job at it.

Kwankwaso was able to turn the fortune of his state around in just two years of governance, bringing back lost glories. In his second coming, Kano has witnessed gigantic strides which include; development of 3 new cities, expanding the main road leading into Kano City, opening 20 new institutes and another new state owned University, establishment of Kano Geographical Information System (KANGIS), construction of flyovers to ease traffic, building an Independent Power Plant (IPP) among others.

Likewise, Fashola did achieve a lot in his 6 years on the mantle of leading Lagos. His administration constructed drainages in Agege, Babs-Animashaun, Somolu, Lekki, Ijora, Ilasamaja and other parts of the state to reduce the severity of excess rainfall and reduce environmental effect, developed the Lagos State Geographical Information System (GIS), constructed the Lagos-Badagry Expressway into a 10-lane high way and created the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) System. Fashola recently commissioned Nigeria’s first cable bridge funded by the state government and much more.

Both governors improved their Internal Generated Revenue (IGR) so as to have more funds available to better the lives of the people they serve. Lagos internal generated revenue grew from N600 million to N20billion monthly while Kano State generates around N2 billion monthly, from an initial N400 million in 2011. Both Fashola and Kwankwaso are from different parties and tribes but both have the will, zeal and vision of taking their respective states to greater heights, trying to leave a lasting legacy and that is exactly what Nigeria needs now more than ever from our elected officials.  Mahatma Gandhi said “A man is but the product of his thoughts; what he thinks, he becomes.”

Imagine what is being witnessed in Lagos and Kano happening on a national scale. If other governors will perform at the same level, the kind of development and transformation our country will witness in a short period will be unimaginable.

In conclusion, Nigerians should be reminded that we have an obligation to demand for our rights through peaceful and constructive means. Criticism should be constructive and should give possible solutions or recommendations to our leaders on way to move our country forward and as achieve a more prosperous and better Nigeria. Government should not only be able to accommodate the views of the people, but should also be able to use the suggestions of the people if it offers  better solutions to our challenges. Our leaders should stop regarding criticism as personal attacks or vendettas against their person or administrations. Rather, they should encourage every Nigerian to tender his/her contribution in any way possible to make our country better. All we well meaning Nigerians want is for our elected officials to perform, to better the lives of the people that voted them into office.

Fahad Garba Aliyu

Dubai, United Arab Emirates

fahadaliyu@yahoo.com

Each time I decide to write on subjects that are miles away from politics, I feel this internal joy; the type I am sure my father felt the moment I emerged from my mother’s womb.

The burden of regular commentary on national issues is copulated with headache – sometime acute – and my senior colleagues can attest to this. Writers on national issues always want to hit the nail on the head, so hard that the topic itself left crying out for help, while the readers armed with their personal views take on each other.

Over the years, I have seen films and read stories about how the softer sex are raped, beaten, relegated to the background and even killed for no just reason except being feminine. That apparently is their only sin, same way Amaechi’s wrongdoing is his victory at the Nigeria Governors Forum. There again; politics will never leave you even if you decide to.

Womanhood can be defined as the period in a female’s life after she has passed through childhood and adolescence. However, the word has different meanings to different people. In some cultures, once a girl clocks 18, she is automatically a woman, while some regard you as a woman with the understanding that you are married. To others, the ability to make money and take care of family members qualifies that person to bear the title. Yet to another segment of the society, a girl is ranked a woman the moment she starts having sexual intercourse.

In spite of the several delineations, there is no gainsaying that this set of humans makes our world. They are readily available to share the pain of others, whether relatives/friends or not. An average woman even in her toughness is kind hearted, strong and never-relenting in her day to day activity. Here in Africa, the percentage of the Renaissance woman – the type well educated, sophisticated and knowledgeable in many fields – may fall short of other continents’, however, she can do more even with the very little at her disposal.

As tender as they are, it is horrendous that there exists “Monsters” (emphasis is mine as they are not fit to be called men) in both high and low places, who engage in routine battery of their relatives, colleagues, girlfriends, wives and even strangers! Although some later regret the act, to many others, “It’s not a big deal”. I am no preacher but I think those that unrepentantly indulge in such despicable conduct are doomed for life.

For instance, why would someone rape an underage girl, an elderly woman or any age bracket of female for that matter? Some blame it on civilization and all manner of excuses but scratch that; our ancestors’ sexuality was way higher due to their healthy lifestyles, but they controlled themselves, except of course the very few bad eggs. Placing then and now in context, the spate of physical and sexual assaults stand worlds apart.

A few days ago, precisely June 18 2013, two condemned men in Kuwait – one of them Hajjaj Saadi – were executed for crimes said to have shook the nation known for moral decency.  Authorities say the 33 year-old man abducted and raped young children (mostly girls under the age of 10). Also known as ‘Hawalli Beast’ (the name of the district where he perpetrated the crimes), Saadi would lure the kids onto rooftops in the area then forcefully rape them.

To send a warning message to those contemplating or carrying out such act, the bastard and the other guy were both hanged on a gallows set up in a car park outside the country’s main prison. Here, Governors shy away from signing the death warrants of men found guilty of committing heinous crimes against women, but rush to sign cheques for their concubines as well as rogues they use as front to siphon public funds.

To the Men folk, it is high time we desist from raising our hands on these valued creations. If only we reflect soberly about the pains our mothers, sisters, wives, girlfriends, neighbours et al., go through during menstruation or childbirth and how weak they become after losing pints of blood, perhaps we would appreciate them more than we do at present.

“The history of every country is carved by the hand of man, while the hope and love of humanity is born of a woman’s soul” – Joe Fazio

wodunsi@yahoo.com

@WaleOdunsi

On Thursday, 20 June 2013, the National Human Rights Commission will launch an initiative against electoral impunity in Nigeria. This is an overdue idea. It deserves the support of all politicians, citizens and friends of Nigeria.

The modest progress in 2011 notwithstanding, we have, as a country, historically struggled in Nigeria with organizing elections and counting votes credibly. In its December 2008 report, the Presidential Committee on Electoral Reform led by former Chief Justice, Lawal Uwais, described elections in Nigeria as historically “problematic”, complaining that “hardly any elections conducted in the country has been completely free of charges of irregularities, electoral malpractices, violence and various degrees of disruptions.”

Nearly a quarter of a century earlier, the Bolarinwa Babalakin Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO), in its report submitted in 1986 had equally complained of “corruption in high places” and noted a litany of state conduct that “encouraged lawlessness both in 1979 and 1983 election periods.”

In the 2007 cycle of elections alone, at least 11 governorship election results and those of many elections for other offices across the country were struck down. Yet no consequences were levied on anyone. It is as if election rigging is an act of nature or procured by the gods for which human beings have no responsibility.

Addressing the 52nd Annual Conference of the African Studies Association in New Orleans, USA, in November 2009, current Ekiti State Governor, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, described elections in Nigeria as involving idol worship of “five gods and the Godfather”, in which shamans, brigands, and an entrenched coalition of public and private interests conspire with impunity against the will of the people.

Notwithstanding this clearly established pattern of complaints, impunity for electoral crimes remains the norm. In 1986, the Babalakin Commission “strongly recommended that criminal cases connected with the registration of voters and election offences should be given priority of attention by both the police and the office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP).”

Yet expertise in election rigging is considered essential for some careers associated with our political, electoral, and party systems.

Thus, over the years the habit of doing elections badly has become institutionalized. Politicians do not seek to appeal to the people with programmes that can receive our support; they develop “structures” to “capture” power and then look to run out the clock in post-election dispute resolution using every technicality in the book and worse.

Yet, under our Constitution “sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria from whom government through this Constitution derives all its powers and authority.”

The right to effective participation in government and public affairs is a human rights fully guaranteed by our constitution as well as by the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Electoral impunity violates these guarantees of our constitution, hollows out our international obligations and tarnishes our country before the world. Additionally, it diminishes public service and promises ruin on a country with tremendous potentials.

Few human rights violations, therefore, rival the theft of the will of the people in the scope or effect of their consequences. This is why human rights institutions, like the National Human Rights Commission, must address it as a major human rights challenge that it is.

The National Human Rights Commission Act requires the Commission to “on its own initiative….report on actions that should be taken by the Federal, State or Local Government to comply with the provisions of any relevant international human rights instruments.”

This is why, on 20 June, 2013, the Commission proposes to launch an initiative against electoral impunity in Nigeria. The initiative will begin by compiling evidence on electoral crimes based on existing public records, of those who have been named in judicial proceedings in Nigeria of complicity in overturned elections. We will seek around this to encourage initiatives aimed at sanitizing the electoral process in Nigeria.

To lead this phase of the initiative, the Commission has constituted a reputable Technical Working Group (TWG) of impeccable integrity led by Professor Nsongurua Udombana, former Dean of Law at the University of Uyo. Other members of the TWG include Professor Yemisi Bamgbose, Dean of Law, University of Ibadan; Professor Tawfiq Ladan of the Bayero University, Kano; Dr. Abubakar Muazu of the University of Maiduguri; Professor Ifeoma Enemo, Deputy Vice-Chancellor, University of Nigeria, Nsukka; Dr. Solomon Ukhuegbe of the University of Benin; and Professor Mohammed Akanbi of University of Ilorin.

The TWG will issue a final report in the first quarter of 2014 with an interim progress report expected in November 2013. These reports will be made available to election administrators, law enforcement agents, political and legislative leaders and the Nigerian people. They will invite us as a people to fight a scourge without whose defeat the progress of our country along the path of accountable government cannot be assured.

In support of this, we will build and sustain participation through community outreach and electronic communities. Within the next month we will roll out a dedicated website for this initiative. We invite and seek for this the support of and participation from all who wish our country well.

By providing authoritative information and evidence to all those implicated in acting, the Commission hopes to inspire committed and joined up action by institutions, political leaders and civics. We have no illusions that it will take one report or two by a group no matter how impeccable, to accomplish this. But doing nothing is no longer an option.

Odinkalu Chairs the Governing Council of the National Human Rights Commission

And God is able to make all grace (every favour and [a]earthly blessing) come to you in abundance, so that you may always and under all circumstances and whatever the need [b]be self-sufficient [possessing enough to require no aid or support and furnished in abundance for every good work and charitable donation]. 2 Corinthians 9:8 (AMP)

Religious organisations in Nigeria have come under fire, some of it deserving while some of those are just a form of misplaced aggression. Many have designed the craft of abusing religious bodies, saying they are the bane of the society. While that is increasingly a popular path to take, it will never be the right path. The purpose of engagement is productivity and if we cannot say or do the things that’d make these organisations get better, we’d indeed be wasting everyone’s time by just blowing hot air without adding value. This piece is about how religious organisations can raise the ante and help bring about the much-needed change our country craves. I’ll be speaking mostly about what the church can do hoping that a reading Moslem or other believers can find a place for their beliefs in my ideas. This is for those genuine religious organizations that are interested in doing things better and improving on the good they already do. It is unfortunate that bad eggs in the midst make all the eggs look bad but the reason we have adulterated forms of anything is because the authentic forms thrive.

Contrary to some opinions, the Nigerian church has indeed done a lot! Many have had their lives transformed by choosing to apply some of the principles they picked up in church. People say they teach about prosperity but I’d rather that than poverty. People say churches collect people’s money but can we sit down and think; if the members had no money to give, would these churches be sustainable? That people give and give every week says something about the church and its style; it works! The church creates millionaires and billionaires who in turn give back to it. Like everything else, there’d be those that make money illegally who’d give to the church. I don’t think the church would start dividing its members into those who make legal money and those who make illegal ones. In my opinion, everything rests on what the church does with what it gets. That is the essence of this piece.

More often than not, those who knock the church are not those who make contributions to it. I am a Christian http://omojuwa.com/2010/09/god-does-not-exist-the-complete-edition/ and I believe I have earned the right to say some of the things I’d be saying because I am a Giving Christian. I do not give because I want God to bless me, God does not bless me because I give. I give because that’s who I am. God blesses me because that’s who He is.

The Nigerian church is doing a lot but the church is not doing anything near enough. Compared to its potentials, the church could start a revolution in this nation. By revolution I do not mean that of bullets and blood, that’d never work and Nigerians will never agree on those to kill anyway – federal character will end the debates about who to kill first (1966?). I expect the church to start a revolution of wealth creation and the development of education.

It is not always about the big system and its macro solutions, there is a lot the microcosms of the system can do in making the society a better place. In Germany, 25 per cent of the nation’s energy supplies come from renewable sources, while 51 per cent of the said renewable sources come from private homes. These are citizens essentially powering the nation from their homes. These numbers are expected to rise decade upon decade till the nation gets to source 80 per cent of its total energy needs from renewables. Citizens can indeed start revolutions and until we understand that the best revolution is that that places the responsibility of development in the hands of every citizen, we’d not have even started our march forward.

What if each religious organisations – in this sense I mean specific churches and mosques – have institutionalized systems of giving to the society? By giving I am not talking about the conventional ones that are often cosmetic in nature. We give clothes and food to the poor but as long as these ones remain in a position where we’d have to give them the same thing the following year nothing would have been done. We need to do better. We need to give in such a way that those who receive from us will not need alms again. A friend of mine told me of how her dad said and I will paraphrase “you should give so that they can come again tomorrow, if you give them too much they will grow wings and you will not see them again.” Our job is to give in the opposite sense of these words; give so that others can have enough to fly themselves. Give to productive activities.

What if we had a LIBRE Foundation dedicated to Education, Women and Entrepreneurship by a church called LIBRE? There is the Real Woman Foundation http://therealwoman.org/index.html that provides shelter and rehabilitation for abused women and the orphaned children. Projects like these should not be outliers; they should be the norm. The work starts from within. There are dedicated members who are able to attend University but are indigent. We can create an Education Fund for dedicated members in this situation. There is a chance they will stop attending your church/mosque after such benefits but you have to understand that you are doing this for the society and not your church. Nigeria has the world’s highest number of children out of school. If we reduce this by half, we would have reduced by an even more percentage the number of armed robbers, sex workers, potential terrorists that’d be unleashed on the nation in the coming years. If churches build schools, they should have a dedicated admission percentage slot for indigent church members. It is essential to charge the rich while building world-class self-sustaining institutions but what is the essence of a church that does not give back?

What if we had a fund for small businesses to grow bigger after training the owners of these businesses? Imagine the revolution. When businesses grow, they engage more hands and more hands mean more productive activities. The engaged hands even save enough to start their own businesses. You eventually have a domino effect of productivity and job creation. We can decide as a church to grow a particular number of businesses to a certain size per year. The funding could be in form of single digit loans – for sustainability – and in some cases even equity funding.

What if the church had a food bank where at least indigent members of the church can access food in times of food shortage? Where other members who have “more than enough” can give of their abundant food, new clothes and what have you. I once attended a church during my University days where everyone was allowed to come for food if in need during the examination period. I knew I’d never need such but I felt glad knowing that whoever was in need of such would find a way out because the church made a way. I know Nigeria’s Lagos based Daystar Christian Centre does this.

What if each religious organization reduced poverty in its midst to say less than 10% of its membership? Yes Jesus Christ did say the poor you will always have in your midst but He never said “the poor shall be the majority in your midst.” The most important thing is to start. How many poor people do you have in your church? How many of them have jobs? How many of them can be empowered to start businesses? We cannot reduce the numbers effectively if we don’t know exactly how many people are in the poverty box we need to lift out. When your members succeed, your church succeeds!

Considering the number of Nigerians that go to church and the mosque every week, we can go beyond the promises of the intangible. I know these promises of Heaven are real but we need to attend to the issues of today. If we could do this, we will bring back the souls lost to the world that felt the church was too big but too big for nothing. We would win even more souls for the Lord because it is easier to convince a man you’ve just fed to “come to the House of the Lord” than it is to convince a hungry man. He is angry. It is also easier for cynics to see the essence of the church beyond promises of Heaven. What is the purpose of a church without earthly relevance?

We need a revolution in Nigeria, no not a revolution of guns and bullets – we will never be united enough to have a nationwide revolution of this kind – but we can always be united to fight against poverty.

What if we sold the private jets? Would the monies be useful to educate more children? to help more mothers? to make the society a better place? Yes religious fathers need private jets, only that need is not as needful as the fact that the brethren is hungry, angry and needs convincing that this service to God is not about a few fathers instead of being about the children of God. What is the beauty of a Limo-stretch riding pastor’s wife in a church of mostly poor people? Do not be deceived by ceremonial Sunday attires, there are more poor people in your church than you’d imagine. We have competed enough on who has got the most beautiful church and the most modern backdrop, it is time to compete on who has lifted more people out of poverty. This would be a holy competition indeed!

The giving of the church should not be about giving for the recipients to return for another morsel tomorrow, it should be about giving to empower the recipients to survive on their own and become givers themselves in a matter of months – the 8th level of giving. We’d not have fake pastors if there were no original ones, we’d not have fake churches if there were no original ones. We’d not have the adulterated version of anything if there were no original ones. I believe there are true men of God and I believe it is time these ones shine the light on this country’s seemingly perpetual darkness. Thank you for the prayers, it is time to work!

The purpose of being blessed is to bless. Blessings are designed to flow not to be stagnant. It should flow from the blessed to bless others and the flow must never stop. Blessings should not be destroyed by being hoarded; we can create even more by blessing others. The symbolism of Jesus feeding 5000 is that He cares about the tangibles of this world. It matters to him that stomachs are filled with food, as it matters to Him that our spirit is filled with Him. He gave examples of giving clothes to the naked, food to the hungry etc these examples even came in parables concerning the way to Heaven.

For Christians, the fundamental part of our faith is the tangible reality of a gift: God gave His only begotten son and that son gave His life. There’d be no Christianity without giving and it is time we use this to address Nigeria’s unwholesome socio-economic realities. The church has the powers to raise men, women and resources to help lift more Nigerians out of poverty than any system in Nigeria apart from may be the Nigerian government.

PS: I’d be willing to partner any organization that intends to follow this piece up with tangible projects. We are trying but Nigeria’s situation needs for us to do more than try, we must see tangible results. I can be reached on omojuwatv@gmail.com Thank you

Do me a favour, print and share this with your religious leader or forward as a mail.

My father was not a perfect man; he had his flaws ad his excesses, but he had one thing that many lack today – compassion. They say every rich man in Nigeria has a story; perhaps, this is true, but his is one that anybody at all in Abeokuta can confirm. My father sold firewood to make ends meet, he beat drums and sang at corners, he borrowed textbooks because his parents couldn’t afford to buy, committed them to memory, then went on to excel beyond his peers.

In Yoruba language, ‘Kashimawo’ can be roughly translated as ‘let’s wait and see’; he was thus named because dozens of children born to his father died before him, and his parents were unsure as to whether or not he would survive. My father was a child of destiny; the same way that he brought relief and joy to his parents, was the same way in which he touched lives and put smiles on the faces of thousands. Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola was a rare kind; a fine blend of human flaws and divine compassion.

My father was not without his flaws; with twenty-seven women listed in his will, and about a dozen others forming an association, it is very safe to say that he over-indulged especially where women were concerned. However, if he hadn’t married so many, I definitely would not have been born, and he could have paid lip-service and resorted to hypocrisy like many do today by denying these women and refusing to take responsibility, but my father was too honourable for that – he took care of the children they brought forth, even when he knew fully well that many of them weren’t his.

In Islam, it is a heinous sin to severe the bond of kinship – there was no relative, no matter how distant, that father ever turned away. Not one even remotely related to the Abiola clan could ever complain of not being granted audience.  That some would betray his memory now and go cap in hand to beg for alms from the same people who betrayed him is a real shame indeed – in every family, there is a black sheep, and that is exactly what happens when people refuse to strive to make something of themselves and choose to depend permanently on others. However, as the Yoruba would say, elders are to be respected irrespective of what they do, but for the purpose of clarification, I would like to state here clearly that Alhaji Abdulateef ‘Kola Abiola is the first son and head of the Bashorun MKO Abiola family, and is the ONLY person with the right to issue a statement on behalf of the family. Mubashiru Abiola is an uncle – my father’s younger brother – the type of uncle who wouldn’t be able to tell his brother’s child apart from a total stranger, the type who only affiliates with those of his brother’s wives who have money to give him, when in fact, he should be the one trying to ensure that his brother’s children are well taken care of. Mubashiru Abiola is the head of HIS immediate family, Brother Kola is the only recognized MKO Abiola family head that I know, and the only person that I, personally, have ever approached for assistance (and contrary to the opinion that many have of him, he did help). Brother Kola was the one who ensured that school fees were paid. There are other elders within the extended family, of course.

They say my father was a Northern apologist; I say that he was a Nigerian as much as he was a global citizen. He had friends from all over the world, and refused to play to ethnic or religious sentiments. If he had chosen to play ethnic politics, he would not have attained the height that he did, and eventually, those who campaigned against him and even sponsored advertorials seeking to incite the South-West against him had to lend their support or risk losing their relevance. That’s the kind of enigma my father was; the type of man that you just could not bear to stand against, the type that melted hearts with his eloquence and conquered hate with his wit and compassion.

My father was a businessman – never have I heard of one who attained success by having a standoff with government officials. Accusing him of aiding corruption is akin to accusing Dangote of being a criminal for trying to protect his investment. The most important thing remains the fact that when he was entrusted with the mandate of his people, he fought these same soldiers to a standstill, and lost his life in the process.

Those who insist that his motives were self-serving have refused to be objective, in my humble opinion. When given the option of freedom with the condition of giving up his mandate, he refused. He refused, not because he did not want to be at home with his wives and children or revive his many businesses, but because he cared too much about those who put their trust in him, those who had lost their lives, and those who were fighting for his sake. My father sacrificed his personal comfort, his fairytale life, because he had too much honour to be selfish. He could have chosen to return home, he could have chosen to go on exile – a man who could travel to any country at all without his passport would have been more than welcome in ANY country of the world.

Some acclaimed heroes have been known to leave their people in the middle of battle and take their families to safety – my father refused to do that. What could being president possibly have done for a man who had more money than some actual countries? What could being president have added to a man who received honours that actual heads-of-state were not privy to? What could being president have done to a man who was renowned globally for his philanthropy, who people turned to for succor despite having a government that was meant to provide for them?

If my father thought about himself at all, he would have gone to the UK and run his business from there. Everything would have moved on smoothly and he would have amassed an even greater fortune.

I dare those who point accusing fingers at my father to name just one more person – in their opinion – who stole so much, who was so corrupt and greedy, that he chose to give out of guilt. Just one. If being corrupt truly triggered a wave of guilt in people, then why do we still have poor people in Nigeria? If that were the case, most government officials would be shamed into dropping bags of money for the poor on a daily basis.

 It is understandable that with the level of poverty in the country, people readily doubt every wealthy person and believe that something impure must have been involved. The fact remains that this is not always true. My father was hardworking, and this is a trait that many of his children have inherited from him.

My father’s deeds are more than enough to speak for him. To begin listing all those I met – even while in Enugu – who had a kind thing to say or a story (of how he helped them) to narrate would make this a thesis. I have been overwhelmed so many times and been helped by total strangers just because of the name that I bear. I owe this to a great man, the type whom my people say are only born once in a thousand years, and today, I celebrate him.

Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, Happy fathers’ Day. May Allah’s Mercy be upon you, may your good deeds outweigh the bad, may your incarceration and persecution and the malicious falsehood that some have chosen to circulate serve as a source of expiation of sins for you, may the children you’ve left behind do you proud, may those who seem bent on embarrassing the rest of us fail at it, and may Allah reward you with Aljannatul Firdaus. Your death could not have been postponed or hastened by a second, and so we take solace in the fact that you lived to fulfill your destiny, just as Allah ordained it. Your shoes are too big to be walked in, your shadow is like a mountain that provides shade – I may walk for miles and never escape it, but instead of feeling choked, I will draw strength and courage from you. From you, I have learnt that humility is a virtue, that no sacrifice is too big to give for what I believe in, and that I should take responsibility for my actions. If you could achieve the things you did despite your humble background, then I have no excuse to fail. I have learnt to give even when I have little with hopes that someday, someone may treat my child with kindness too. You were a leader even before June 12, and you continue to be a source of inspiration today.

Rest in peace, daddy. I love you.

‘Rinsola