Governor Amaechi and His False Impression of a Revolution by Abubakar Usman

If you have ever wondered why our so called leaders treat us with so much disdain and neglect, the statement credited to Governor Rotimi Amaechi of River state at a public function recently should give you an idea of what is behind it.

At a symposium organised by The Future Awards, TFA to brainstorm on how to find solutions to some of Nigeria’s problems, the governor was quoted to have said that there could be no revolution in Nigeria because we are too timid. Whatever reasons he has for making that statement can simply be described as the cause of irresponsible leadership we have had to contend with for years now. The situation has become so bad that a U.S. Based Nigerian writer and teacher described the scenario saying “one of the greatest crimes of which the Nigerian state is guilty of is a failure to take the Nigerian state seriously.” True to that word, when the people you empowered to administer on your behalf do not take you serious, how can anything good come from them?

Governor Amaechi said we are too timid, but despite our timidity, it didn’t deter him and his likes who are occupying public offices at various levels across the country to go about with battalions of security men, ride in bullet proof vehicles, live in houses with high walls and employ a retinue of aides who stand between them and the people they claim to represent, all in the name of seeking protection; protection from the same people who placed them in such positions.

Amaechi’s thinking and by extension the thinking of people in his class is that they can and will always get away with their actions in office no matter how unfavourable it is to the populace. What they failed to realise is that patience is exhaustible and when it happens, reaction that are never expected occur.

Amaechi should be reminded that it is the timidity he associated Nigerians with that the people of Romania had when they revolted and ousted their communist dictator, Nicholae Ceasuscus who had the people of Romania under his whims and caprices for years. All that was needed is for an unknown woman to shout “liar”, “liar” in an apparent and unsolicited response to a statement made by Ceasuscus while delivering a speech at a public square in Romania on December 24, 1989. That famous “liar” was what gave the people courage to stage a revolt that later consumed Ceasuscus, his government and family.

If 1989 is too far for governor Amaechi to remember, I will cast his mind back to what transpired a few years ago in Libya. Libya under maummar Gaddafi was a country that had only him calling the shot. Nobody could go near him or challenge whatever decision he makes, but the very people whom a huge wall of separation existed between them and Gaddafi were those who revolted against him. If most Libyans were to be asked a few years to 2011 when the Libyan revolution began, many of them would have sworn it will never happen, but it did eventually and all that was required is the bravery of a few men who gathered and organised a protest that soon spiraled into a bloody revolution.

If governor Amaechi has forgotten so soon, let him be reminded that we were still timid in January, 2011 when Nigerians poured into the streets of Lagos, Abuja, Ibadan, Ilorin amongst many others to protest government’s arbitrary and unjustified hike in petroleum price. The protest may not have achieved much of what was envisaged, but the mere fact that a protest of such magnitude never happened in the history of this country is enough to tell “Doubting Thomases” that the status quo cannot always be the same. It may only not come at a time that many expect, but conditions call for a revolution, it is only a matter of time before it happens.

Governor Amaechi must be told that the length of years it takes to oppress the people and take them for granted does not determine whether or not a revolution is possible. All it takes is for the elastic limits of the people’s patience to be stretched to the end. Nicholae Ceasuscus ruled Romania for about two decades, Maummar Gaddafi held sway in Libya for forty two years, Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak was in power for thirty years, exiled Tunisian leader, Zine El-Abidin ruled Tunisia for 24 years. These people were dictators during their reign in power. They could have sworn that remaining in power till death is a guarantee, but when the patience of the people got exhausted, they were consumed by the revolts organised by the people they considered to be timid. They were not just removed from power by force; some of them got killed in circumstances that are unbefitting even for animals.

Rather than governor Amaechi basking in the euphoria of our timidity with the false believe that a revolution is far from happening in Nigeria, himself and other public officials saddled with positions of authority should concentrate their efforts, energy and time in providing the dividends of good governance for the people. Nigerians are hungry, they want to eat; Nigerians are dying every day, they want security for their lives and properties; Nigerians want good schools, hospitals, good roads and jobs for the teeming youths. It is with the availability of such needs that a revolution can be expressly dismissed.

The Nigerian people must not be cowed and intimidated by governor Rotimi’s false believe that Nigerians cannot revolt because they are timid. We shall continue to engage our leaders with utmost civility and within the tenets of democracy in matters that concern us; because an act of revolution leaves grave consequences in material and human lives, our leaders must however not be deceived that it is the only option available to the Nigerian people. If we are pushed to the wall, we shall revolt and that revolution shall consume them all.

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Abubakar Sidiq Usman is an Urban Planning Consultant; Blogger and an Active Citizen working towards a better Nigeria. He blogs HERE and can be engaged directly on twitter @Abusidiqu

Agriculture: Hunger In The Midst Of Plenty By Nasir Ahmad Elrufai

Elrufai

A good proportion of young people today were taught from primary school that agriculture is the mainstay of the Nigerian economy. Agricultural Science as a subject is part of our educational curriculum and therefore taught at all levels of education. In spite of the constant emphasis on agriculture as a core aspect of the Nigerian economy in paper, the sector long since ceased to be the main revenue source since the oil boom of the 1970s.

Agriculture is extremely important for the sustenance and development of a nation. Apart from its subsistence uses, it is potentially a huge employer of labour for a country as Nigeria which is blessed with abundant arable land. Agriculture is a means of boosting the GDP and export profile of a nation thereby also contributing to its foreign exchange reserves. The advantages are innumerable; it is therefore atrocious to know that this sector of the economy is not given the priority it deserves.

Israel is the poster child for a nation that has turned the odds in its favour agriculturally. More than half its land is desert and the climate is unsuitable for agriculture, yet, it is a world leader in agricultural technologies and a major exporter of fresh produce. Only 20% of Israeli land is arable yet it produces 95% of its nutritional requirements.

Nigeria on the other hand, according to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) 2011 statistics, has a total land area of 91,077,000 Hectares with an agricultural area of 76,200,000 Hectares. In simple terms, about 83.7% of the land in Nigeria is arable, out of which less than half is currently under cultivation. Not only do we have vast amounts of arable land, we also have favorable weather for year-round cultivation of crops.

In spite of the foregoing, Nigeria does not produce enough food for internal consumption. In fact, 2010 FAO statistics placed Nigeria as the 5th highest importer of rice in the world, 10th highest for wheat and 18th highest for sugar. Sadly, these are all products that can be grown locally and if managed properly, can be exported in the near future.

It is more saddening to know that Nigeria once shone in its agricultural sector around the post-independence era right before the oil boom. This was the period when agriculture was not as mechanized and technologically advanced as it is now. All these factors notwithstanding, Nigeria competed satisfactorily in world exports. The only produce which is still being exported reasonably and which Nigeria has consistently remained in the top five of world exporters is cocoa.

Nigeria was also the largest exporter of groundnut between the early 1960s and 70s. Devastatingly, there was a decline from around 1974 till date; these days, Nigeria does not feature among the top 20 groundnut exporters. The story of palm oil and kernel exports is not much different. Nigeria, which used to be the largest exporter, has hardly appeared among the top 20 exporters since 1980.

For a country blessed with so much food production endowments, the 2012 Global Hunger Index (GHI) scored Nigeria at 15.7. This index assesses all available data on hunger, undernourishment and the pattern of food consumption within countries, and the higher the score, the more serious the nation’s hunger challenges. According to the ranking, the score of 15.7 for Nigeria therefore indicates a ‘serious’ hunger problem in the country. Ironically, nations like Iran, Libya and Jordan which are substantially desert nations scored less than 5 on the GHI, indicating the near absence of hunger and malnutrition.

What exactly is the problem with past and current governments that the issue of food security – the adequate production and availability of food within the country is treated with such levity? Could it be that the daily provision of about N1m for each of the three square meals in the villa has deluded our leaders from the hunger that abounds just outside the walls of their abode? Are our leaders so disconnected from the citizens that they do not appreciate the hunger and malnutrition problems that many households face daily? Let us look at the 2013 federal budget for some answers or lack of them.

The 2013 federal budget makes a total provision of N81.68bn (1.7% of the total budget sum) for agriculture. Our previous analyses of states’ budget indicated that their typical budgetary provisions are only slightly better than the federal government’s – ranging from 1% to 7% of the total budget. Consequently, whatever we can deduce from the federal budget also largely applies to the states, and the federation as a whole.

In the 2013 federal budget, the sum of N48.73bn (about 60% of the total agriculture provision) is proposed for capital expenditure while N32.95bn is earmarked for recurrent expenses. In 2003, one of the most prominent decisions arrived at during the African Union (AU) Maputo Declaration on Agriculture and Food Security in Africa was the “commitment to the allocation of at least 10 percent of national budgetary resources to agriculture and rural development policy implementation within five years”.

Ten years after that declaration, Nigeria’s federal budgetary provision for agriculture is less than 2%, while the state’s average about 4% nationally. This is simply outrageous and unbelievable! While the agricultural sector’s contribution to GDP is laudable at N13.41 trillion in 2012 (the highest non-oil contribution to our revenues), the latent unexplored endowments indicate that slightly more attention given to the sector will restore it to its pride of place in the economy.

Scrutinizing the budget further, it is worrying to see how the largest proportions of the funds are earmarked for recurrent spending. This column believes that the agricultural research institutes ought not to be federal responsibilities even in distorted federalism – they properly belong to the state governments or in some cases under the relevant geopolitical zone, and not the federal government. The spending patterns of these institutions only confirm that position. For instance, the Rubber Research Institute of Nigeria (RRIN) has a total allocation of N1.16bn; its capital expenditure is N92.88m while the recurrent cost is N1.06bn. In other words, the capital expenditure of RRIN is about 9% of its recurrent expenditure. Fortunately, we ranked 14th in the year 2010 in terms of global rubber exports. In spite of this, we believe that if the funds were tipped more in favour of capital expenditure on research and development, extension and technical support services, we may just move up to be among the top five sometime soon.

Many more of these lopsided expenditures abound within the Federal Ministry of Agriculture. The National Institute of Freshwater Fish has a total allocation of N845.7m. Its recurrent expenditure gulps the bulk of the amount at N649.13m while the capital expenditure is N196.6m. Nigerian Agricultural Quarantine Service’s total allocation is N1.2bn, N275m of which is capital while recurrent is N918.93. One wonders what deliverables accrue to the nation and citizens from all the huge recurrent spending!

One MDA stands out for being different – the Cocoa Research Institute of Nigeria (CRIN). This MDA further buttresses our point that more spending in favour of capital expenditure improves the performance of the sub-sector. Out of its N1.74bn budgetary allocation, CRIN intends to spend N973.56m on recurrent expenses and N765m on capital expenditure – a more sensible ratio. While the recurrent expenditure is still higher than the capital vote, the difference is modest and the percentage of capital expenditure is higher than most of the other MDAs. The likely outcome of this focus on capital investment (supplemented by better quality governance at states’ level in the geopolitical zone) is that Nigeria is still a top ranking cocoa exporter today.

For the agricultural sector to be restored as the mainstay of our economy, the spending priorities of the federal and state governments must genuinely reflect a national commitment to the sector. At the federal level, allocating less than 2% of the budget to agriculture, while the best states are allocating some 7% of their budgets for the same, is insufficient to enable us attain the food sufficiency we direly need, much less position us to be a major exporter of cash crops. The AU target of 10% of budget applies particularly more to the state governments where most of the actual cultivation and production of crops take place. Agriculture must be made a priority bearing in mind that our oil is a non-renewable, finite resource that will be exhausted sometime in the future, or replaced by greener or cheaper alternatives.

The budgetary allocation figures also need to be tilted sharply in favor of capital expenditure. Agriculture is a practical and ground-based profession. The enormous personnel costs incurred on redundant government employees add little or nothing to the development of our agricultural sector. Those monies budgeted for the research institutes need to be invested on the real or pilot production sites (farms) and the acquisition of the seedlings, fertilizers, chemicals and equipment required to make them boost crop output. Better coordination with infrastructural MDAs, aggressive investment in storage capacities, low-interest loans and greater extension and support services should command the attention of agricultural policy makers at states’ and federal levels.

Studies indicate that every US dollar spent on agricultural research produces nine dollars’ worth of added food in developing countries. Agricultural research which successfully drove the first Green Revolution in Asia can also do same in Nigeria. Obviously this does not refer to wasteful expenditure on personnel cost, engaging in excessive domestic and international travel, purchase of un-needed SUVs and other pea-brained budget heads that constitute the bulk of typical MDA recurrent expenditures. Worthwhile investment in biotechnological hardware, software and attracting the best and brightest minds to agricultural research will pay off in the medium to long term. Nigeria must attain food sufficiency so that the paradox of hunger in the midst of plenty will no longer apply to us.

Abimbola Adelakun: Between Amaechi and Ceausescu

Nicolae Ceausescu, the communist dictator of Romania — for the better part of two decades — got high on whiffs of his own importance like all dictators are wont to do. On December 24, 1989, he stood in a public square and, surrounded by a mammoth crowd, amidst the smouldering ruins of the country’s economic and social infrastructure, exhorted them about the good of his regime.

There was nothing unusual about the day. All listened. None moved. Suddenly, an unnamed woman shouted, “Liar!” It was shocking she dared because he wielded much power over Romanians. Ceausescu continued his speech but the woman shouted again, “Liar!” A few others took up the refrain and before long, many more joined. They not only shouted, they grew restless. Ceausescu realised that the crowd was going out of control. He fled.

It was the beginning of the revolution that consumed him and his wife.

When I heard a former US secretary of state, Condolezza Rice, tell this story, she described that encounter as: “The Ceausescu Moment.”

Revolt happens at that moment of encounter when the wall of invincibility that surrounds a leader falls and citizens see the banality of power. In that instant, they develop a if–I-perish-I-perish attitude and move to topple the statue with the feet of clay. I believe one of the reasons Nigerian leaders hide behind a retinue of aides and security men, bullet-proof vehicles, siren-blaring convoys, high fences, or prefer flying in acquired private jets is to prolong this Ceausescu Moment. They don’t for nothing create endless bureaucracies to sustain the veiled curtain that separates them from those they pretend to lead. Nobody needs the aura of power more than an inept leader. Distancing achieves this.

The irony of political office is that it needs a measure of mundane to forge its mystique. When President Barack Obama hangs out in pizzerias or children chase him around in the Oval Office, or the British Prime Minister and his wife take the tube while carrying their own bags, or an image of David Cameron opting to stand inside a train while other citizens sat down and close enough to him, it’s a demystification that re-mystifies them.

The Governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Amaechi, recently said there could be no revolution in Nigeria because people are too “timid”, and I am reminded of the “Ceausescu Moment”, how leaders in the past had been deceived about the elasticity of people’s patience. By the way, Nigerian people are not the only “timid” ones; if our leaders were not timorous, they would not hide behind the paraphernalia of office to shield themselves from we-the-people.

Amaechi, unfortunately, is not the typical politician whose tongue runs faster than his brain cells can catch up but in this instance, his mockery of Nigerians betrays his attitude. I have previously written to question the desirability of a Nigerian revolution, yet, I will not write it off entirely as impossibility. That the idea of a revolution has been banalised in Nigerian public discourses does not erode the fact that at least, a revolt –or maybe just the fear of one- is necessary for Nigeria to upset the status quo of blatant irresponsibility in leadership, break the jinx of directionlessness and, galvanise social change.

To, however, say it can never happen is taking the unassailability of leadership too far. The French Revolution, the cardinal theme of Charles Dickens’ A Tale of Two Cities, blind-sided the aristocracy when it berthed. Like Amaechi, the French royals were convinced that the people were timid and would live with whatever was handed out to them. But then, the masses proved them wrong. The slave revolution of Domingo was unthinkable to the slave masters until it hit them and from there, changed the course of history. The question, for me is, “How long will it take before peoples’ patience is exhausted? How much more can they take before they decide that everyone’s cup is full and it is time to start pouring them out?”

Violence, as Frantz Fanon tells us, is necessary as a social purifier. Without uprising of some sorts, the society can hardly witness serious social change. But then, because such acts of revolts hardly ever come without human and material costs, they must never be treated flippantly. The most spectacular regime change of the Arab Spring occurred, in my opinion, in Libya. Moammar Gaddafi was a leader who loomed large in the imagination of the citizens of Libya and other countries of the world but when his Ceausescu Moment came, it was youths who could go nowhere near him in his days of power who literally and practically poked a stick into his anus! That would have been unthinkable a year earlier. Like Saddam Hussein, he was caught hiding in a hole like a rat; like Benito Mussolini in Italy, Samuel Doe in Liberia and Adolf Hitler in Germany, he died like a dog.

Does Amaechi and, perhaps, others who have written off the possibility of an upsurge know how long Ceausescu took his people for granted and had got away with it? Do they know how long black people sat at the back of the bus before Rosa Parks decided she had had enough? People spend years collecting angst on their bodies until one day, they snap. When the woman who shouted “liar!” at Ceausescu left home that morning, maybe, the last thing on her mind was that she was going to galvanise a revolution. It “just” happened; sometimes it is planned ahead, and other times, it is spontaneous like the Tank Man of the Tiananmen Square massacre. There is always that moment when things slide out of control because someone shouted “liar!” or a frustrated youth sets himself on fire; a moment when a state agent refuses to obey orders, or someone just decides that his life is no longer worth living and he would die with as many people as possible. This Ceausescu Moment is a reason Amaechi should improve his attitude or, at least pray that when the walls come crashing, he is able to get behind the wheels of his bullet-proof jeeps quickly enough. With the way things are going in the country now, with youth unemployment and poverty at an explosive level side by side a sickening thieving and corrupt political elite, I will not bet with my kobo that “that moment” is not in the horizon in Nigeria. The thought, however, is gripping as it is disturbing.

 

Abimbola Adelakun (aa_adelakun@utexas.edu)

Article culled from Punch

The Parable of Twelve Elders and a Leaking Umbrella – Ogunyemi Bukola

 

For observers of Nigeria’s political space in the build-up to the 2015 general elections, the merger of some major opposition parties to form the yet-to-registered All Progressives Congress and the crisis rocking the ruling party, the People’s Democratic Party, are two events, from opposing ends, which are prone to daily twists and turns, worthy of paying close attention to.

The crisis in the PDP started when the governors elected under the platform of the party were reported to have demanded for better involvement in the decision-making process of the party at the national level, a move which pitched them against the party’s National Chairman. Their request was not granted, but it led to a polarisation of the party’s National Working Committee.

This led to a cascade of events and further division within the party which culminated in the sack of the party’s National Secretary, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, who apparently was the choice of the governors and is loyal to their cause. His removal from office so riled the governors they started putting pressure on the party’s national leader, President Goodluck Jonathan, to dump the National Chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, who they believe orchestrated Oyinlola’s exit. That was one request President Jonathan was not willing grant, thereby losing the support of the governors.

Then there is the widely rumoured rift between the president and the party’s former Board of Trustees Chairman, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. Also, there is an alleged rift between the Chairman of the party’s Board of Trustees, Chief Tony Anenih, and the National Working Committee led by Alhaji Bamanga Tukur over claims that the newly elected BoT chairman has usurped the functions of the party’s NWC.

As if these are not enough, the Independent National Electoral Commission on Tuesday in a report by its 12 member committee chaired by Colonel M. K. Hammanga (retd.) cancelled the election of 12 members of the National Working Committee of the party. The committee argued that the party violated paragraph 6.5 of the guidelines used for conducting the 2012 congress and national convention which brought the affected NWC members into office.

Those whose elections were annulled by INEC are  the Deputy National Chairman of the party, Sam Sam Jaja; the National Organising Secretary, Abubakar Mustapha; the Deputy National Organising Secretary,  Okechukwu Nnadozie; the  National Publicity Secretary, Chief Olisa Metuh; and the Deputy National Publicity Secretary, Binta Goje;

Others include the National Youth Leader, Garba Chiza; his Deputy, Dennis Alonge Niyi;  the Deputy National Auditor, Senator Umar Ibrahim; the National Woman Leader, Kema Chikwe; her Deputy, Hannatu Ulam; the Deputy National Treasurer, Claudus Inengas; and the National Legal Adviser, Victor Kwon.

The committee rather curiously however saw nothing wrong with the election of the National Chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur and the Financial Secretary, Bolaji Anani, and in a move which surprised many, the committee upheld the election of Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola and Chief Bode Mustapha, both of who were removed in February by the party, which based its decision on court judgments against both men.

While the party has reportedly referred the matter to its legal team for advice, the party’s leadership is said to be at loss at what about how to handle this latest snag in the wheel which could lead to the dissolution of the 16-man working committee before the expiration of its tenure.

In his reaction to the commission’s report, PDP’s National Publicity Secretary, Chief Olisa Metuh, who is one of the affected NWC members, accused INEC of plotting to destabilise  the PDP and pledged to resist any attempt by the enemies of the party to use the regulatory body against it.

Metuh’s assertions raise more questions than answers. Who are those he accused of trying to use INEC to destabilise the party? Is this a new twist to the Tukur vs governors power tussle? Or the man from Ota is just showing the party’s leadership who is in charge? Has Oyinlola gone through the backdoor to reengineer his way into the party’s hierarchy? Or is this the handiwork of opposition parties who have all to gain from the death of the mammoth standing in their way to 2015?

Whatever led to this, the timing couldn’t have been worse for the PDP. It will be interesting to see how the party negotiates this latest bend in the race to 2015, but what is obvious for all to see is that the party’s umbrella is leaking, and it actually seems the PDP has grown so large, conquered all its enemies, and is now turning on itself. For the first time in as many years, Nigeria’s ruling party seems to be in real danger of a total disintegration.

 

–          Ogunyemi Bukola is a writer, an editor, and a social media strategist.

 

Sabella Abidde: MEND, Boko Haram, and Presidential Amnesty

In the summer of 2009, when the idea of a presidential amnesty for the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta was brought to my attention, I railed against it. I was vehemently against it for several reasons — including but not limited to the fact that MEND, at that time, had the upper hand.  Consequently, the group was in a position to dictate the terms of engagement, or, at the very least, to secure more meaningful concessions from the Federal Government and the multinational oil corporations. Sadly, some self-serving individuals within the region talked sections of the group into accepting an amnesty that was essentially pitiful, hollow, and meaningless.

Events in the intervening years have borne me out: Much of the region is still in a Stone Age condition; the ecology worsens every month; youth restlessness has remained unabated; and there is anxiety and fear in many enclaves. Anyone who thinks, or believes there is peace and stability in the Niger Delta presently is mistaken. This is a region waiting to explode again. The amnesty programme is nothing but a money machine for a select few. The programme spends $100 for what could have been got for $15. And the goods and services they render and or receive are, for the most part, inferior. Until the state and federal governments, along with the various oil firms that operate in the region do what is right and proper, there will never be real and tenable peace.

Four years after the late President Umaru Yar’Adua amnesty, the Jonathan administration is considering offering the Boko Haram sect a presidential pardon. But this time, I make no judgment as to whether or not President Goodluck Jonathan should offer the terrorist group a new beginning — or whether or not the group should accept or decline it. But one thing is clear: no policy in very recent years — calculated or brash–is likely to be as defining as what is being considered. Yes, we have issues relating to corruption, poor governance, weak institutions, terrible economic conditions and malfeasance in our private and public spaces, but this – amnesty for Boko Haram – will have a far-reaching implication for this President and his Presidency.

Four years ago, the Yar’Adua government knew MEND’s leadership (and many of its foot-soldiers). Second, the raison d’être of the group was within international standards. Third, except perhaps on three occasions, civilians were not targeted. But instead, it was the Nigerian government, by way of the Joint Military Task Force that killed scores of innocent civilians; sacked many villages in the Niger Delta; and in some cases, dehumanised traditional rulers.

The bonafide MEND was a movement: a justice-seeking group. And what it wanted was simple: Laws to adequately control the activities of oil companies; proper cleanup of polluted land and rivers; befitting compensation for oil-producing communities whose land and rivers had been wasted and or destroyed; just distribution of earnings from oil; state control of resources; the creation of three or more federating states in the region; the provision of basic amenities, and the infrastructural development of the region. There was no unreasonableness to its demands.

In addition, the group wanted the Nigerian government to convene a Sovereign National Conference so as to, amongst other matters, address issues relating to governance and governing institutions, and the question of true federalism in the country. When you take these and other factors into consideration, it becomes clear why the offer of an amnesty by the Yar’Adua government was in order.

Now, fast-forward to 2013 and to a very simple question: What does Boko Haram want? And why is it going about its demands the way it has in the last 18 months or so – with more than 2,500 innocent civilians killed; hundreds of houses and places of worship destroyed; and causing the desertion of many neighbourhoods. The group is indiscriminate, and with no method to its extralegalities. It has also rubbished security and intelligence agencies in the country.

Bearing in mind the mayhem Boko Haram created, why is the Nigerian government considering an amnesty? Did the group ask for it, or does the government simply want to shove it down its throat? Or, perhaps President Jonathan is bowing to pressure from the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Sa’ad Abubakar III, and from the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Mr. Aminu Tambuwal. While it is true that peace is cheaper and more desirable than war, what manner of peace are we talking about here, and at what cost?

It is the President’s prerogative whether or not he should offer Boko Haram an amnesty. Not mine or yours. But he should tell us why he thinks a presidential amnesty is the correct and most sensible call. What are the benefits that are likely to accrue to the nation? He may also want to tell us why, in spite of the billions of dollars and millions of manpower that have been devoted to the challenges of crime and insecurity in recent years especially under his administration, there has been no measurable and significant progress. Is this an admission of ineptitude and failure on his part, and on the part of his national security team? An admission that they are not up to the challenges posed by Boko Haram and others?

While anything is possible, I cannot imagine Boko Haram asking for a pardon. For the group to ask for political and legal forgiveness, it means – at the very least –that it has decided to give up on its various demands, and ready to rejoin Nigeria as it is. But of course, it is more complicated than that: Is the group willing to confess its sins; give up all its ammunition; name its ardent supporters and financiers; agree to government’s command to assemble at a given location to fill out surrender-forms; and agree to re-enter and conform to the dictates of a society it considers too western, too pagan, too secular, and utterly degenerate?

It’s been alleged in many quarters that Boko Haram – at least its post-2010 version – is being sponsored and supported by private and public individuals who swore to make the country ungovernable for Jonathan. Assuming this is true, would these individuals — ghosts, as the President calls them — come to the market square and admit to their offences? If they refuse, what recourse does the President have? After all, the continuity of his government, and the survival of the nation, are at stake, here. This cannot be an easy undertaking. Not at all, I tell you!

 

Sabella Abidde (sabidde@yahoo.com)

Article culled from Punch

#AwakeningYou: WE NEED MORE THAN A DREAM… ~ @StevenHaastrup

 

It’s been a long time away from writing… I have missed writing, sharing and getting your feedbacks. I inevitably couldn’t help it but take a break from writing as my schedule was tighter than ever. Never mind, I am back, better and fitter.

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Good day and welcome to #AwakeningYou, a Tuesday weekly script of #StartupNigeria. My name is Haastrup Steven.

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I will be running a 4 week series beginning from today; we will be looking at how bold you should be in acting on your dream.

 

It was Robert Greenleaf that said, “Nothing much happens without a dream. And for something great to happen, there must be a great dream. But much more than a dream is needed to bring it to pass.”

 

Are you genuinely concerned about making the difference to the society? And do your hearts resonate with a vision to achieve this concern? Then you must be determined to put the vision to work. As vital as a dream is to the transformation of our society, we need more than a dream to actualize it. Concerted action must back up a dream to give it the wings on which it can fly.  A dream without concerted action is a mere wishful thinking.

 

I remember the story of my mentor and boss who told me how he learnt this in a hard way as a little child. He shared his mom’s room with my three siblings. There was only one bed, which his mom obviously took. The rest of them slept on mat. He further told me of a dream he had on one cold night. He was on a big stage receiving an award for an achievement that He couldn’t now remember. It must have been an Olympic year or something he said and must have been impressed by the medal presentation ceremonies he heard on the radio. They had no television back then. As he took his seat on the well upholstered seat, He had a gentle pat on my back. Well, He thought it was the kind of pat you receive from a friend after a brilliant performance. He changed his mind when the gentle pat gave way to a slap. He was dazed. In this state of daze, He heard a familiar voice. He could not believe it at first. It took another heavy slap to jolt Him out of his daze. He opened his eyes slightly and took in the ceiling of his room. Then his eyes caught the sparse furniture and lastly his mom standing determinedly over him, a bowl of water in hand. Whatever doubt He had about that fizzled away as she attempted to pour water on his head. She said… “Son, if you don’t stand up right now, I will empty this bowl of water on your head.”

 

He said… I hated my mom then for scuttling my dream and looked forward to another night of dream without mom’s intervention. It was a luxury I never had. Today, looking back, he was glad he woke up from that dream and he put His dream into action as his dream has come to pass in more than 4 continents of the world.

 

The truth is, no matter how great your dream is, it stands no solo chance of helping you make that significant contribution you desire to make to your person and the society, until you roll out of your bed and go to work.

 

In fact, our talks, craves and dreams would end up so beautifully in our minds and words if we don’t sincerely get to work. Transforming your dreams to reality might seem hard, you will face constraints at every turn but always remember the beautiful world you want to create within you… the turns, twists and norms might stand on our way but they are the real mapped out path to living the dream.

 

Be determined to do that today and give momentum to your dream.

 

Meet me again next Tuesday for another edition of #AwakeningYou as we continue on the Acting on the Vision-series.

 

Be nice now that I am back and don’t go off this page without sharing this article with a friend! It might just be all they need to become the solution we all search for! Just a few clicks will do.

 

Thank you for reading through.

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Haastrup Steven is the Executive Director of Startup Nigeria; He is a freelance writer, Impact public speaker, a startup trainer and a lover of God. He is a fan of technology and its influence over our lives and the society.

 

Follow me today on twitter  @StevenHaastrup

Email: haastrupsteven@gmail.com

Niyi Akinnaso: Hugo Chavez’s message to Goodluck Jonathan

Semiotics teaches us that not all messages are conveyed through verbal or symbolic signs. There are messages, like photographs, which are conveyed through iconic signs. Unlike a verbal sign, which has an arbitrary relationship with its referent, an iconic sign directly corresponds to its referent: a photograph is an image of the object it depicts. There are yet other messages that are conveyed through deeds, rather than verbal or iconic signs. Such messages reside in actions rather than in words or images. In the South-West, for example, we continue to speak fondly of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, not so much for what he said as for what he did, especially in improving education, agriculture, and infrastructure in the old Western Region. Such deeds, often labelled as “legacies”, convey eternal messages.

Such messages were embedded in the legacies left behind by the late President of Venezuela, Hugo Rafael Chavez Frias (simply known as Hugo Chavez), who died on March 5, 2013, after a protracted battle with cancer. The messages contain important lessons for President Goodluck Jonathan and other African leaders. Without a doubt, Chavez’s legacies were a mixed bag. To the average Venezuelan and his global network of admirers, he left “good” legacies. To political opponents and international detractors, his legacies were “bad”. Such is the interpretation of the legacies of controversial leaders like Chavez. My focus here is on the messages embedded in his good legacies.

The first message is about transparency. Unlike Jonathan, who has never been straightforward with Nigerians about his wife’s ailment, or his predecessor and boss, the late President Musa Yar’Adua, who concealed information about his illness till death, Chavez quickly went on TV to tell Venezuelans and the world that he had been diagnosed with a cancerous tumour. We subsequently followed his ordeal as a cancer patient, who underwent chemotherapy, radiation, and multiple surgeries. We also knew that the surgeries led to respiratory infections. He left no one in doubt about Cuba, where many Venezuelans are undergoing medical training, as the location of his treatment. The transition of power was never in jeopardy as Chavez always transferred power to his Deputy, Nicolas Maduro, whenever it was necessary to do so. As his illness intensified, he made it clear that, should the need arise, Maduro would succeed him as stipulated by the constitution.

Chavez was also transparent about his political and economic programmes, even when some of them earned him negative branding. He said what he wanted to do and went ahead to do it. He also was always clear about his disdain for Western capitalism, democracy, and governance culture, which many development agencies and donors often present as a precondition for development. As a counterpoint, Chavez first developed his brand of socialism, which he later refashioned into localised participatory democracy.

To be sure, he was blameworthy for abolishing term limits in order to stay in power indefinitely. The excuse that he needed more time for his reforms to take root is the staple of sit-tight presidents. He nevertheless deserves credit for domesticating democracy in a way that enhanced the participation of more Venezuelans, and for sharing the dividends of democracy across the population.

Chavez was also transparent about his intension and opinion. Rather than speak through aides or other third parties, he spoke directly to the people through his weekly live TV programme, Alo Presidente (Hello President), in which he expressed his opinion on just about anything and anyone. Rather than offer them protection, Chavez accused the political class of corruption; oil executives of profligacy; and church leaders of defending the rich, while neglecting the poor.

His second message is about the need to take bold and decisive steps in maximising profit from oil revenue and in using it to benefit society at large rather than the political class alone. Chavez’s anti-imperialist moves might have been excessive, but he succeeded in taking control of Venezuela’s vast oil wealth and other mineral resources, and canvassed for higher oil prices in OPEC. He also disregarded with impunity the free-market advocacy by the World Bank, the IMF, and even his country’s financial establishment and business elite. He fixed the prices of essential commodities, where necessary, and subsidised others for the poor. These moves were controversial and attracted a lot of criticism, especially from the West. Those criticisms were, however, assuaged by what Chavez did with excess oil wealth.

This leads to the third message — the redistribution of wealth to benefit the poor and the underprivileged. True, some economists disagree with Chavez’s policies, but many others and several international agencies agree that he successfully reduced the poverty level and death rates in his country.

His first move was to spearhead constitutional reforms that gave more rights to marginalised groups and communities. He also relaxed bureaucratic red tape in order to facilitate access to state resources, including land. More than 100,000 state-owned cooperatives were formed throughout the country with the assistance of government start-up credit and technical training, while thousands of communal councils were established to function as localised participatory democracies. Finally, he established the Ministry of Communes, which funded and oversaw all communal projects.

His second move was to take full control of oil production in his country, and then ploughed previously squandered oil revenue into various social programmes. Large state-funded projects that uplifted some of the poorest neighbourhoods were established. Housing projects were established for the poor and supplemented with subsidised food and free health care. He pumped money into education across the board, including an outreach-style literacy campaign to improve adult education. He also invested heavily in capacity building, including programmes designed to get long-term unemployed people back to work.

Chavez was exemplary in ensuring not only food security but also food sovereignty for Venezuela. During his tenure, milk, rice, and soyabean production increased by 50, 84, and 858! per cent, respectively. Rather than depend on foreign companies like Shoprite in Nigeria to distribute food products, Chavez established a national chain of supermarkets with nearly 17,000 outlets and over 85,000 workers to distribute food products at subsidised cost. Within a decade, food consumption in Venezuela increased by 95 per cent, while malnutrition-related deaths fell by 50 per cent. Finally, because oil production was fully controlled from drilling to refining, the fuel pump of petrol in Venezuela fell to about N9 per litre! As a result of government intervention programmes, poverty rate was reduced by over 50 per cent during Chavez’s tenure, while per capita spending on health nearly tripled from $273 when he took office to over $700.

Nationalising oil, gold, trade, and large parts of the food industry may not have been the best method of redistributing national wealth, eradicating poverty, and achieving food security. It is at least a sure way to reclaim national wealth and the exploitation of natural resources by expatriate companies, and to end the corrupt practices of African leaders who collude with them and sell out their people’s land. Even more importantly, Chavez showed that elegant speeches about transformation mean nothing when not backed up by good policies and successful implementation.

Against the above background, Jonathan’s condolence message to the people of Venezuela is not as important as the lessons he should have learnt from the good legacies Chavez left behind for his people. Nigerians have a right to such legacies and a duty to demand them of their leaders.

 

 

Niyi Akinnaso (niyi@comcast.net)

Article culled from Punch

Technocratic Vacuity: Time For Change – by Eze Onyekpere

Nigerians by now are tired of empty sloganeering, promises that are never kept and experts who have failed to deliver in their areas of expertise.  We have been inundated with all kinds of mantras and development stories, from the Millennium Development Goals to National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy, Vision 2020 and now the Transformation Agenda. Instead of going forward to improve lives and livelihoods, the implementation of these plans and strategies by our experts has put the nation, instead, in the reverse gear. Like the reggae musician, Ras Kimono, sang, these are empty promises to the masses which are a legacy of our colonial masters!

From the days of the Obasanjo administration till the present time, it has become fashionable for the President to constitute an economic team. Members of this team are supposed to manage the economy in such a way that meets the constitutional requirement of harnessing the resources of the nation, promoting national prosperity and an efficient and dynamic self-reliant economy. Many of the members and the leadership of the team are supposedly technocrats. Beyond the economic team, a good deal of the ministers, aides to the President and other appointees claim to be technocrats.

A technocrat, according to Wikipedia, is defined and regarded as a technical expert, especially one in a managerial or administrative position; an expert who is a member of a highly skilled elite group – a group or class of persons enjoying superior intellectual or social or economic status, persons with special knowledge or ability and who perform skillfully. But, can the various group of persons who have been in charge of our economy in the last decade qualify as technocrats? Do they qualify to earn that appellation based on their performance? If yes, how many new jobs have they created? How many Nigerians have they rescued from poverty? How many new roads, bridges, airports, power stations and megawatts of electricity have they delivered to Nigerians? Have they been able to maintain existing infrastructure?  The scorecard of these technocrats has been poor in major aspects of our national life.

Make no mistakes about it; there is a huge difference between having a first class in a university and performance in the field after graduation. There is also a wide gulf between academic theorising and management of men and materials to produce improvements in the living conditions of people. In many universities around the world, the ability to memorise the lectures and textbooks and pour it out to the lecturer during examination earns students a good degree. Thus, the student will simply be replicating existing knowledge and adding nothing new. But in the real world, the first class graduate will be tasked with finding solutions to real life problems which will then task his creativity and ability to adapt received knowledge to the practical world filled with challenges. This is the difference between science and technology, backward and progressive nations. Yes, we have many men who have read and memorized the basic and complex principles of science but we have very few men and women who can use these science principles to solve our existential problems in Nigeria – to build washing machines, electrical gadgets, cars, trains, areoplanes, power stations, etc.

Clearly, we have a demonstrated case of technocratic vacuity on our hands. A few examples will suffice. The Jonathan administration promised to build refineries but lacks direction and seriousness of purpose to think outside the box on how to proceed. The administration is fixated with the pump price of fuel and sees nothing wrong with wasting over N1.5tn every year in fuel imports. And the leadership of the economic team keeps recycling 18th – 19th Century economic orthodoxy on fuel pricing as a strategy for running modern Nigeria. The foreign exchange to be saved and the new jobs to be created from local refining are not issues for the administration. Over 10 years of power sector reforms including new policies, laws, a road map and over $15bn investment, we are still regaled with stories of gas powered generating stations built without thinking through their source of gas. We cannot afford to supply meters to electricity consumers so that the business-as-usual estimated billing system will continue. Nigeria has achieved the magical feat of having a procurement regime that has no policy council driving it and procurement in Nigeria, despite the pronouncements on paper, have not been directed towards building local capacity and creating jobs. 45,000 ghosts drew over N100bn from the treasury and our technocrats have no answer to the fraud, no one is being investigated and no one will be prosecuted.

Year after year, our technocrats receive all manner of rave reviews and dubious awards; from Man of the Year, Central Banker of the Year and all kinds of accolades which, in saner climes should be reserved for those who have contributed substantially to the economic development of their nations. Yet, the economy they preside over here is not working and they even admit that much and still fail to disqualify themselves from such awards. The fallacy of mistaking the form for the substance and the first term for the conclusion is so self-evident in the way these so-called technocrats carry out their functions. It should be clear to all who are discerning that the word “reforms” has been abused and there is nothing like reforms for the sake of reforms. Reforms must be tied to some higher ideals which improves society. We have even reached the stage when individuals who contribute to the economic stagnation of the state have been honoured as reformers while individuals who can make critical contributions are yanked off the stage.

It is possible for Nigeria to run a government where key officers are tasked with not only proposing sectoral targets but held to account for the methodology of achievement. The “how” needs to be rigorously interrogated since everyone agrees on broad developmental goals and targets. Can we have a Minister of Industries or Trade who will give us a blow-by-blow account of how to deliver a truly Made in Nigeria car or increase the local content of available products? We need a procurement regime that will increase the patronage of suitable locally made products. We need ministers who will not raise their hands in the air in despair pleading lack of funds for infrastructure projects when public private partnerships have not been explored. The Nigerian who receives less than five per cent interest rate from his money in a typical bank account may prefer to invest in infrastructure projects. We need leaders who see opportunity in every challenge, with a robust and rigorous “can do spirit”, who can think outside the box and able and willing to carry the populace along the contours of true reforms.

It appears from the way our technocrats carry on, they may have good and noble intentions and objectives. But the knowledge and experience available to them can only produce the extant reverse gear scorecard. The experiment has gone on for too long. It is not working and has no proven capacity to have worked elsewhere. We need a change in the hands that manage our economy.

 

Eze Onyekpere (censoj@gmail.com)

Article culled from Punch

Frozen in Mediocrity: A Nation’s Dithering Work Habits – by Ayo Olukotun

No one who can rise before dawn three hundred and sixty days a year fails to make his family rich Chinese proverb

 

Nigeria continues to astound the world by its amazing waste of opportunities, the bare-faced graft of its leaders and the low grade output of its policy decisions. A widely referenced article by American journalist, Joel Brinkley, published in a recent edition of the Los Angeles Times laments that a country which takes home close to $225m daily from oil sales, is rated by the Economic Intelligence Unit as one of the worst places to be born on earth in the year 2013, on account of distressingly poor quality of life.

Brinkley, who called for the impeachment of President Goodluck Jonathan in the wake of the Diepreye Alamieyeseigha state pardon saga fingers corruption as Nigeria’s number one woe and robber of opportunity. This is of course correct; but we must not lose sight of other contending national infirmities such as a remiss and self-indulgent work culture about which comparatively little attention has been paid by our leaders and the civil society. For example, we must be one of the countries with the highest number of officially declared off work days in the world. Bear in mind, too, that before every holiday, work shuts down a couple of days before and does not commence until a couple of days after the state declared holiday.

Competing with the “not on seat syndrome” especially in the public sector, is the phenomenon once alluded to by Godwin Sogolo, Professor of Philosophy, whereby workers increasingly spend the first few hours of their working day doing their “quiet time”, an otherwise edifying religious practice of praying and reading the holy books which is however better reserved for the privacy of one’s home. Factor too, in this connection, that when labour upsurges break out, ‘warning strikes’ can run into a whole week of shutdown by workers, while strikes have been known to lengthen into months virtually paralysing vital institutions such as those of health care or education. Let me state for the avoidance of doubt, that strikes are legitimate weapons of protest especially in situations of dialogues of the deaf such as we often encounter in our labour-management relations. Protracted strikes however, tend to redefine the concept of strike and to raise questions as to the interface between strikes and a national culture of indolence.

Globally, nations especially those in top league positions tend to take their work culture and productivity seriously, as they obviously relate to their high standards of living and economic output. Ever since the German scholar Max Weber published a seminal book on the linkage between protestant values such as diligence and thrift and the rise of capitalism in Europe and America, scholars have continuously addressed themselves to the effect of an efficient work culture on individual and national greatness. Much was heard in recent years, about the rise to industrial prominence of some Asian countries in the context of religiously derived Asian work values. Today, on American and European campuses, Korean and Chinese students are often seen staying in the library for longer hours and undertaking rare feats of diligence. Pushed to extremes or oversimplified, the linkage between hard work and impressive achievement breaks down; it nonetheless contains more than a kernel of truth which a nation like ours ignores at its own peril.

Political leaders, if they are of the right mettle are especially placed to inspire their citizenry to better work ethic, through the force of personal example. A recent article in the Business Insider lists two respected leaders, President Barack Obama of the United States and Ma Ying-Jeau President of Singapore as belonging to “the sleepless elite”, a group of high flyers who work long hours and do with far less sleep than most of us. Obama reportedly goes to bed at 1am and rises about 7am if there are no emergencies; while Ying-Jeau renowned for legendary work ethic sleeps only five hours a day and rises habitually before daybreak to jog. To that list must be added the famed work ethic of Hillary Clinton, the most travelled secretary of state in American history, whose self-punishing work schedules were interrupted by her doctors who forced her to slow down.

We know little about the work habits of President Goodluck Jonathan and members of the Federal Executive Council; but the President has so far been silent about ways of getting Nigeria back to work. After a much celebrated signing of a performance contract by ministers, nothing further has been heard about the matter and no minister has been disciplined as a result of laggard performance. Matters are no different at the legislative institutions of government where absenteeism has been a decided feature for many years. Happy exceptions to this dismal trend occur however at the sub-national levels of government. On a visit to Akure, the Ondo State capital last week to attend a governance seminar organised by the Adekunle Ajasin University, a colleague and I, as we went around Akure town, spied the low key convoy of the state governor, Dr. Olusegun Mimiko, leaving his office around 11pm as we sat down to a meal of pounded yam and bush meat. My colleague narrated that the governor whose day begins quite early often works into the wee hours of the next day; there must be a relationship between this herculean work pace and the clutch of modernising activities increasingly evident in the state. Other state governors in the southwestern part of the country associated with edifying work habits include Governors Ajimobi of Oyo State and Babatunde Fashola of Lagos State. It is also the case however; that those leaders have yet to translate their work habits into a mobilising creed which will galvanise the citizenry into the kind of improved work culture associated with political entities bent on setting a pace for others.

In general, the political leaders of an earlier generation were noticeably workaholics – Awolowo, Azikwe and Ahmadu Bello — leaders of the First Republic, were reputed for the knack of sitting for long, uninterrupted hours at political strategy sessions. Overtime, however, and with the advent of windfall earnings from the oil boom, an earlier work culture reflected in the Yoruba philosophy Ise logun ise (hard work is the medicine for poverty) was overturned and replaced by a bonanza mentality also captured in Yoruba popular culture ise kekere owo nlanla (little work, plenty of money) imbibed by leaders and followers alike. To be sure, long hours of work is not always the same thing as increased productivity as the latter is often a derivative of better technology, conducive work and policy environment, as well as improved capital intensity; but the two concepts are often related. For example, it is difficult to sustain healthy work habits in the face of infrastructural deficiencies such as erratic power supply and run-down work settings.  However, no nation can make a headway with the kind of slouching and laggard work ethics which currently prevail in the country. It is time to restructure our work culture and the decadent values that promote indolence and laxity in high and low places.

 

Ayo Olukotun (ayo_olukotun@yahoo.com)

Article culled from Punch

 

Abimbola Adelakun: No Country For Nigerian ‘Unbelievers’

In my national youth corps year, I got a job offer with a woman who was a magistrate but also ran a private school by the side. One day, she asked me to show up for an interview with her but when I did, it turned out to be a chat. Actually, she did the talking and I, not sure if I was being tested, listened. She narrated stories that ranged from crime cases she had dealt with to marital infidelity. She asked which church I worshipped. I told her.

“That church?” She said. “The pastor lives in South Africa and his wife somewhere else. What does he do when he has to have sex?”

I responded that I had no way of knowing. She provided the answer herself, saying she knows what men do even when their wives were around. She went on criticising churches, including the one she attended, in really strong words. When it was time to thank her for offering me the job, I asked why she still goes to church despite her antagonisms.

I have not forgotten her response:

“My dear, I have to. I am a magistrate. If our people see you as godless, they will think your judgment is influenced by the devil and not by the law. Here, you must be seen believing in something.”

There are people out there who, for one reason or the other, base their religion on the principle of you must be seen believing in something. Social appearances count for everything and therefore, the profession of faith is primarily to keep up pretenses. They do not give a damn about faith, and neither fear God nor regard man. They will hardly recognise their own God if he passes them in a mask at a market square. But to declare yourself as an atheist, agnostic, freethinker or even non-religious in Nigeria is to open up yourself to suspicions by people who cannot deal with your neutrality. It is easier for them if everyone is either a Muslim or Christian.

It gets worse in Nigerian political spaces because practically everything is designed for these two religions. Politicians are either Christians or Muslims and are paired to reflect a so-called balance. We still talk about M.K.O. Abiola/Babagana Kingibe’s unprecedented Muslim/Muslim ticket as if it is some life-changing scientific discovery. Because we hardly demarcate between religion which should be a private affair, and politics which should be public, politicians go over the top to be seen believing in something.

In 2011, after the Action Congress of Nigeria governors were voted into office in the South-West, one of the first things they did was to go to Saudi Arabia. A friend told me that in one of the states, in the governor’s pictures placed on billboards, he was wearing overtly religious costumes and his hands clutching prayer beads. To contest as governor in a Muslim state, a female candidate has to quickly put a hijab over her head even though other images of her show she is different from what she portrays. They all have to make a show of their religiosity because it comes down to one thing: Religion in Nigeria is more theatrical than a personal conviction.

In the final analysis, there is little space left for those who are not into organised religion. Rather than be disadvantaged, people hide their true selves and pretend they belong to either Islam or Christian faith. I must add that this phenomenon is not exclusive to Nigeria. Elsewhere, people sell their candidature by showing they have certain social and moral values that could either be religious or non-religious-based. In the case of Nigeria, however, we have majored so much on this that the religious space has become an extension of the political.

And if there is any leader who has consistently manipulated the religious space to derive political gains, it is President Goodluck Jonathan. Many of the dramas about his Presidency have occurred in a church. When his wife, Patience, unwittingly confessed what she had been up to in Germany as regards her health, she did so in a church. Recently, when Jonathan himself was giving a speech about electricity supply and power cut, it was in a church. You wonder why he had to talk about his agenda in a church at all. Why not simply worship and go home? Again, when he and his ex-godfather, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, had to stage their reconciliation, the church was a veritable platform. At least twice now, Jonathan has gone to a prominent Pentecostal church located on the ever-busy Lagos–Ibadan Expressway to kneel before its General Overseer and beg for prayers. The first time, it was shortly before the 2011 elections and the image it produced turned out to be an iconic one; it shows in a simple but powerful manner, the dynamics of the politics of religion in Nigeria. When Jonathan gave his famous I-am-not-a-lion-not-a-Nebuchadnezzar-not-the-Pharaoh-of-Egypt-and-I-cannot-figure-out-I-am-supposed-to-be speech, it was still in a church. It was also in a church that he announced he was not the best but God chose him. When he spoke about fighting corruption, his efforts second only to the US, and which threw people into laughing fits, it was still in a church!!

As if those were not enough, he recently presided over a fundraiser that got a whopping N6bn for his hometown church. One would think that with all the hoopla generated when an Italian construction firm donated a church to his village, he would go easy on his churchy activities. In a country where there are no basic educational facilities, where schools are worse than pig stys, the best he and his coterie of friends could do is to build one more church. At least, Obasanjo, with all his “defects”, raised funds for a library. And to top it all, this week, the President travelled to Enugu to inaugurate, not a specialist hospital or cancer research centre, but a church built by the Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu.

It is high time somebody told the President he is overdoing things. We know he must be seen believing in something, regardless of how antithetical this is to his stance on issues such as corruption but as the President of a country that recognises no religion, he needs to deemphasise his religiosity. When he goes to church, he should limit his engagements to worship and when he comes out, he can resume talking about his policies. And politics too.

 

Abimbola Adelakun (aa_adelakun@utexas.edu)

 

Article culled from Punch

Chinua Achebe: A Non-Romantic View (Part II) – by Ibrahim Bello-Kano

The Anthills of the Savannah has other defects as well: The author’s heavily moralised, didactic view of life repeatedly intrudes in the narrative, and, in particular, in the facile and tired representation of the military ruler, the Head of Sate. Ikem and Beatrice’s romanticism, their romantic view of social relations, is clearly the real author’s because the entire drift of the narrative is towards a heavily moralised view of life (Light versus Darkness; Enlightenment versus Ignorance; Diligence versus Parasitism).

Yet, it is in Achebe’s essay, The Trouble with Nigeria (1983), that his romanticism comes full circle. In that book, Achebe argues that “the trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership… the unwillingness and inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility, to the challenge of personal example” (p. 1). This postulation of Achebe’s ignores the deep structural constraints on human action and psychology. It is pre-critical to ignore the complex ways in which social structures mediate, modify, condition, and constrain human choices. Leadership works within institutional, historical, cultural, and economic contexts which place limits on what human agents can and cannot do. This notion of the structural determination of leadership means that a leader has inevitably to work within, and exist in, a system and a political logic whose proper system, laws, and operation his or her “leadership” cannot, by definition, dominate absolutely. The leader, despite his having a certain measure of freedom, has inevitably to be governed by the system within which he or she exists. And although men and women make their own history, they clearly do not make it as an act of will, or in their own freely-chosen circumstances, but under the structural constraints of the accumulated past and inherited traditions. This is what The Trouble with Nigeria has missed: Nigerian leaders cannot be the miraculous changed men or women of their country but the changed men and women of their country’s changed circumstances. This is the truth of the time-honoured liberal credo that the educator herself needs educating and that if leaders are educators, who will educate the educators?

From this perspective, Achebe’s conception of leadership may properly be called “voluntarism”, even a form of messianic thinking: on Achebe’s flawed logic, all a leader needs do is become, by the force of sheer will power, a morally good person, who has only to lead by example rather than by veritable political principles. Achebe’s position is another way of saying that Nigeria needs a strong leader, one who has miraculously escaped all the cultural and historical pressures of his community or country; in effect, a messiah. This dubiously Christian view of leadership is a convenient way of avoiding the complex problem of institutional, cultural, and historical constitution of subjectivity and moral choice in a multi-ethic, multi-religious country, one with a large, primordialist, backward-looking civil society. Indeed, one reason for the failure of Achebe’s little book to capture the scholarly or popular imagination was its threadbare romanticism and an un-modern (a feudal and mystical) vision of political leadership.

Perhaps, Achebe’s most disappointing book, or to phrase matters differently, his most inferior work, is There was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra (2012). As a personal testament, the book vindicates the time-honoured dictum that “the personal is political”. Perhaps, we need not be critical of Achebe’s passionate defence of his ethnic group, or of the short-lived Biafra, and his role in it. Yet, there is something distasteful about open myopia of blind ethnic solidarity or communal jingoism. What is striking about the book is its complete lack of a keen political insight, its petty romantic vision of Nigeria’s political history. For example, consider the book’s astonishing claims, namely, that the Igbo wholly deserved their entrenched positions in the military, economic, and bureaucratic structures of pre-civil war Nigeria (“… the Igbo led the nation in virtually every sector— politics, education, commerce, and the arts”, pp. 66-67); that all non-Igbo Nigerians are united by their hatred for the Igbo ethnic group; and that British rule in Nigeria and elsewhere was not, as popularly assumed, an unmitigated disaster. According to Achebe in There was a Country, the British government ruled the Nigerian colony “with considerable care… and competently… British colonies were more or less expertly run” (p. 43). In the same book, however, Achebe accuses British colonial officials of rigging the election and the population census in favour of conservative elements such as Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, from the “Islamic territories” (p. 46; Achebe does not say that the Igbo were from the “Christian territories”), people who “had played no real part in the struggle for independence” (p. 52). In addition, for Achebe it was the behaviour of the British that sowed the seeds of Nigeria’s eventual descent into civil war. If indeed Achebe has this rosy view of colonial rule, then his entire corpus of anti-colonial polemic and cultural nationalism has been in vain, or, in a way, a hypocritical effort at self-publicity.

Worse, Achebe argues, in an astonishing moment of historical revisionism, that the originators of the very idea of one-Nigeria were “leaders and intellectuals from the Eastern Region” (p. 52). This may explain why he credits Nnamdi Azikiwe with the enviable position of being “father of African independence” (“There was no question at all about that”, (p. 41). In sum, then, there are many instances of sloppy argument and poor judgment in the book, as, for example, Achebe’s claim that Nigeria failed to develop because the Igbo, despite their “competitive individualism” and a unique “adventurous spirit”, were excluded from Nigerian economic, social, and political life. Examples of Achebe’s unsophisticated political perception of things are, first, his lack of political sensitivity concerning non-Igbo political leaders such as Obafemi Awolowo, Ahmadu Bello, and Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. The first two are seen by Achebe as ruled by inordinate ambition (“resuscitated ethnic pride”) and conservative traditionalism respectively. The latter Achebe almost casts into the role of a lackey of the Western world, which, he claims, turned (“built up”) Balewa through flattery into a great statesman (p. 51).

It is thus fair to say that, in There was a Country at least, Achebe is an overwhelmingly “ethnic nationalist”, an “Igbo-phile” (or a philo-Igbonis, to coin a new term), and a Biafra apologist to boot. He is, in this book at least, a homo duplex, the Double Man, in effect, both Biafran and Nigerian; Igbophile and Nationalist; Anti-colonial Writer and a Post-colonial Apologist of Expert British Rule. This should explain why the book has a schizoid thematic orchestration and its claims pressed within a phlegmatic stylistic mode, which, again and again, has proved incapable of sustained irony. Surely, then, There was a Country is a patchwork of Achebe’s deep, even unconscious, prejudices. In one moment after another, the book fails to offer a finely integrated presentation of a realistic historical, geographical, economic, and culturally diverse, though troubled, country.

So, while I pay tribute to this important novelist and essayist, I should remark, at the same time, that we should not, in our romantic rush to venerate our little (culture) heroes, forget earlier illustrious and master English-speaking storytellers such as Amos Tutuola (1920-1997) and Cyprian Odiatu Ekwensi (1921-2007). Their books, The Palm-Wine Drinkard and his Dead Palm-Wine Tapster in the Deads’ Town (written 1946 and published in 1952) and People of the City (1954), are two outstanding pieces of literature and narrative self-assertion that blazed the trail in modern, English-speaking African fiction writing. In the same manner, while we pay tribute to Achebe and his literary legacy, let us not also forget great post-colonial African storytellers such as Ayi Kwei Armah, Sambene Ousmane, Ngugi wa Thiog’o, and, not the least, the incomparable Kenyan writer, Meja Mwangi, the author, in my opinion, of the finest African novel ever—Going Down River Road (1977).

As for Achebe, I say “goodbye”; for there was indeed a great novelist, but who, tragically, had to write the greatest anti-novel of his career—There Was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra.

 

Concluded

Culled from PremiumTimes

 

•Prof. Bello-Kano  is of the Department of English and French, Bayero University, Kano

NECO and JAMB: The End of an Era and The Future of Nigeria’s Educational System

 

Apparently the Federal Government has concluded arrangements to scrap and merge some agencies and parastatals in line with the recommendations of the Stephen Oronsaye-led Presidential Committee on the Rationalisation and Restructuring of Federal Government Parastatals, Commissions and Agencies. The committee, which submitted its report to President Jonathan in April 2012, had recommended the scrapping of 38 agencies and merging of some 52 others.

There have been calls from well-meaning Nigerians and civil society groups on government to implement the widely acclaimed recommendations of this committee in a bid to bring down the cost of governance in Nigeria and reduce the overheads of ministries and agencies to free up much needed funds to drive the nation’s infrastructural development.

However, this commendable move by government comes with serious implications for the nation’s educational sector as two key national examination bodies are to be overhauled.

According to reports, the National Examinations Council is to be scrapped, and its functions and infrastructures handed over to the West African Examinations Council (WAEC). Under the new arrangement, WAEC would be expected to hold two external examinations every year (January and November) and still continue with its internal senior school certificate examination (May/June).

It is hard to disagree with the decision to scrap NECO; if anything I think it’s a decision that should have been taken yesterday. NECO has not outlived its usefulness; it never had any in the first place. NECO was established in April 1999 by the Abdusalami Abubakar administration, in line with decisions reached at the 49th meeting of the National Council of Education, in an attempt to break WAEC’s monopoly over the conduct of external examinations for secondary school leavers in Nigeria. It has since proved to be one of the most retrogressive decisions in the history of Nigeria’s education sector. NECO has proved to not be a better alternative or a cheaper option (for parents laden with the legendary WAEC exam fees) and it has failed completely in what is arguably its biggest objective: the conduct of reliable examinations that could command widespread national and international respect and acceptability.

It is easy to fall into the trap of the kind of pseudo-patriotism which evokes sympathy for a product because of its indigenous appeal, but we cannot afford to allow such sentiments override our sense of judgment in the call for the abolition of a national examination body whose certificates were forced down the throats of some of the nation’s best universities.

The second Steve Oronsaye hammer about to be wielded by the Federal Government in the education sector comes in the form of restructuring the Joint Admissions and Matriculations Board (JAMB), in a move which would lead to the scrapping of the Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME), give individual universities in the country the freedom to conduct their own admission examinations and admit students while JAMB will set and ensure compliance to standards as it acts as the clearing house.

JAMB was established in 1974 in response to the untidiness in the uncoordinated system of admissions into the nation’s seven federal universities at that time so the plan to restructure the body into a central clearing house for admission into tertiary institutions is in tandem with the objectives of the body and this move couldn’t have come at a better time. However, scrapping UTME and giving universities the autonomy to conduct entrance exams appear a tad irrational for a number of reasons.

I understand the attempt to model the admission process after the United Kingdom’s Universities and Colleges Admission Service (UCAS), but ours is a peculiar system with its own unique challenges. Even at that, the UK still has a central A level exam model through which all applicants are assessed while the United States have SAT. As such we cannot do away with a central assessment examination to provide minimum benchmark for suitability for university education.

The woes plaguing JAMB which have made a mockery of UTME and indeed the entire university admission process in Nigeria are vices which have eaten deep into the fabric of our society as a whole: corruption, nepotism, bribery and fraud. The slant you observe in a half-crippled man’s load emanates not from the top.

If all the universities in the country are to conduct independent admission exams, the financial burden of paying for the different exams will be too enormous for the families of candidates in a nation in which the majority are befriended by poverty. And there are questions as to the preparedness of many of these universities to conduct standard admission tests if the poor conduct of the post-UTME exercises are anything to go by.

The UTME should be retained and restructured while universities should be fully empowered to conduct elaborate screening of the successful UTME candidates while JAMB acts as the overseer of the admission process to ensure that due process is followed. Government should focus on expanding the capacities of existing universities and create new ones to absorb thousands of qualified candidates who are denied admission yearly and are at the risk of been driven into criminality and other social vices.

 

–          Ogunyemi Bukola is a writer, editor and social media strategist.

Jonathan, Boko Haram And The Ides Of March

In the wake of the clamp down on the insurgents in Kano and other parts of the north and the President’s insistence that the sect must be confronted for who they are, the presidency is subtly sounding a note of warning that, with ethnic and religious sentiments being weaved into the fight against terror, Jonathan could as well beware of the Ides of March, GEORGE AGBA reports.

Last month which ended on Easter Sunday, the country was drenched in a national debate over the amnesty demanded by prominent northern leaders for members of the Boko Haram sect. This culminated in an intrepid confrontation between President Goodluck Jonathan and elders of Borno State in Maiduguri. It was the month of March which literally makes it instructive.

The month of March has come and gone; so, is also the Easter celebration, marking the resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ. But this particular month of the year 2013, unlike those of previous years, cannot be wished so soon away by the presidency.  It was a month in which some issues of national interest evoked the most tremendous controversies- from the encounter President Goodluck Jonathan had with elders of Borno and Yobe states respectively when he embarked on a two day working visit to the epicenters of the Boko Haram insurgence to the public outcry that trailed the state pardon granted former Bayelsa Governor, Diepreye Alamiyeseigha, among other nerve cracking matters arising. It was in the month that Jonathan’s anchor man and chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governors’ forum, Governor Godswill Akpabio of Akwa Ibom State, felt the first double impact after boldly stepping forward to hold up the president’s hands, like Aaron and Hur did to the biblical Moses, in the battle against internal forces within the ruling party.

Appeal by northern leaders that Jonathan should grant amnesty to members of the Boko Haram sect, which reached a crescendo at the meeting between the president and the elders of Borno and Yobe, states featured prominently above other contending issues in the land last month. The debate for and against amnesty for the sect continued unabated all through the month of March, with frantic calls by eminent sons and daughters of the north that the president should heed to the plea by the Sultan of Sokoto, Abubakar Sa’ad and Speaker Aminu Tambuwal, for the cloak of grace for the insurgents the same way it was extended to the Niger Delta militants.

In March, emotions were high; apprehension saturated the ambience of articles and press statements that tripped into the media by individuals and groups on the amnesty matter, struggling to secure a space on the pages of newspapers. In this regard, Emma Onyilofor wrote in his article on Monday: “I think it is pragmatic for Mr. President to reconsider his position on granting amnesty to Boko Haram for the simple reason that Islamist terrorism is a war that we cannot win through military might. Besides, the most respected voices in the north have requested amnesty and turning it down can only strengthen the resolve of the Boko Haram to continue fighting and encourage many northerners who have been sitting on the fence to join the struggle”.

He further argued that if military might was a deterrent, the United States and its allies with their vast military superiority would have since won the global fight against terrorism, adding that curiously, America and its allies who have consistently maintained that they cannot negotiate with terrorists, are today beginning to talk of winning the hearts and minds of communities where Islamist terrorists have their havens; hence considering the possibility of negotiating with the terrorists because they cannot contain the war. Two things are, however, clear from Onyilofor’s contention here. First, President Jonathan should grant amnesty to Boko Haram or else the north will turn against him. Secondly, the president has to chicken in to the demands for amnesty because military might as demonstrated in the past few days by security forces in the country cannot work on the grounds that if world powers like America could not contain terrorism with military expertise, then Nigeria is in the shadow of its goal post for its government to imagine that it would surpass America by doing to terrorists what the world power could not do.

What this public commentator ended up achieving in the aforementioned is to follow the crowd just because everybody is getting on the band wagon. He is one among the set of Nigerians who have attempted to slant and skew religious and ethnic sentiments into the amnesty debate. Since the Sultan, Speaker Aminu Tambuwal and the Borno elders insisted on amnesty for Boko Haram, religious and ethnic bigots have tendentiously painted a picture of President Jonathan as a sectional leader. With brazen mendacity, they continue to juxtapose the amnesty for Niger Delta militants with the current terrorist activities that have claimed thousands of lives in the northern part of the country. If Jonathan is not an unhealthy subject to tribalism, they argue, he should grant amnesty to Boko Haram.

As parochial as this contention tends to be, there is a growing concern in the presidency that it may work out for those throwing it up for political gains. A top official in the presidency has called on President Jonathan to beware the Ides of March. The thinking is that, just like Julius Caesar failed to heed the warning of the soothsayer and fell cheaply into the hands of the conspirators, the president might just dismiss the amnesty demand as a mere political propaganda and realise later that what started like the ranting of disgruntled elements would soon turn out to be Brutus’ dagger which dealt Caesar the unkindest cut of all. Just like Onyilofor wrote, those opposed to his 2015 presidency are making the amnesty demand a ready tool to appeal to sentiments and swerve sympathy from the northern electorate in their favour ahead of the 2015 presidential poll.

But the president, it seems, is aware of this. Throughout the Easter period, he took time himself to spread the message and clarify why he talked tough to the elders of Borno State at a town hall meeting over the demand for amnesty for Boko Haram. While security forces were mercilessly dealing with the insurgents in Kano and other places in the country, Jonathan was busy sermonizing the need for Nigerians to collectively tackle terrorism in the country.  After praying for peace in a service at Aso Villa Chapel on Good Friday, the president declared in his Easter message to the nation that members of the Boko Haram sect were not members of Islam or any religion in the country as they claim to be. This was apparently in response to those who are trying to weave religious and ethnic sentiments into the amnesty debate.

In his Easter message made available by presidential spokesman, Dr. Reuben Abati on Saturday, the president said, “Those who mindlessly and indiscriminately attack churches, schools, health workers, motor parks, banks and ordinary road users must be seen as they truly are: the brainwashed pawns of international terrorism. They do not represent any true religion or section of the country and we must never play into their hands by succumbing to their nefarious ploys to incite religious, ethnic hatred and division among us.

“It follows, therefore, that to successfully achieve our vision of becoming one of the most dominant nations on the global stage in the short possible time, we must stay together as a people and continue to effectively resist by all possible means, the evil machinations of global terrorists and their misguided domestic accomplices who seek to provoke turmoil, hatred and harmful divisions among us. I assure all Nigerians that our security agencies, armed forces and I, will continue to fully discharge our constitutional responsibilities to protect the unity and territorial integrity of this country with all the powers and forces at our disposal”.

With these words, skilfully wrapped up, Jonathan may have dashed the hopes of the amnesty crusaders confining them to utter despondency in their bid to coerce him to submit feebly to their demands, using religion and ethnicity. But how the president intends to create the awareness and sensitise Nigerians, particularly those from the North that his reluctance to grant amnesty to the unrepentant Boko Haram members is not borne out of sectional interest but is what those considerate to his presidency are waiting eagerly to see. The Catholic Bishop of the Diocese of Sokoto, Mathew Kukah, was apparently agreeing with the president that amnesty should not be granted to ghosts who have failed to come forward remorsefully to identify themselves when he stated in his Easter message that, “no one receives amnesty for nothing without surrendering something in return. That is, renouncing their moral perfidy. A sense of remorse, an assurance that one will get a hearing, that a prodigal son might even be considered for the role of a servant by a benevolent father. All these are conditions that we must create as we search for the lost sheep”.

 

via Leadership

OPINION: Jimoh Ibrahim And His Unholy 2016 Ambition – By Kikiowo Ileowo (@ileowo4ever)

 

Nigeria, when will this madness stop? From the local governments to the presidency, we are daily greeted with absurdities and the unusual. Or what else can we call the quest for a non-vacant seat by a failed politician and shrewd businessman?

 

For those who don’t know, the sacking of Ondo State Government headed by Olusegun Agagu by the Governorship Election Petition Tribunal seating in Edo State in February 2009 has caused a permanent shift in the dates of gubernatorial elections of the sunshine state to differ from all of the states in Nigeria.

 

The Last gubernatorial election of my state of origin was held on the 20th of October, 2012 which saw the present governor Mr. Olusegun Mimiko of the Labour party re-elected for a second term.

 

I was therefore surprised to wake up midnight of 19th March 2013 to receive a request from a  random friend on facebook asking that I ‘like’ a page called JIMOH IBRAHIM 2016.

 

At first, I felt I was dreaming (it’s just five months after the last election which produced the current governor), I probably was mistaking.

 

To further satisfy my curiosity, I clicked on the link and there it was, staring at me. It was his last  post for that day which reads:

 

“I don’t have to hide the fact that I have an ambition to be governor of Ondo State. The president knows that I have that ambition; God knows; everybody knows.”

 

The said page was opened on 24th February, 2013, just four months after the last gubernatorial election in Ondo State.

 

Now, we have to understand that it is not a bad idea for anyone to have an ambition, in fact, most  reasonable people do. Neither is it a crime for Mr. Jimoh to follow in the footstep of his mentor (President Jonathan) in deceiving his friends on facebook and writing a book about the propaganda. But, we need some perspective into how many lives this man has ruined for us  to understand the evil behind his unholy agenda of seeking to lay his hands on the public till of Ondo State.

 

A man I respect so much once said “politicians think about the next election, statesmen think about nation building”. The Mr Jimoh Ibrahim we all know is a typical politician whose only interest is the next election and not the development of Ondo State. I think he his even worse than a politician, because a serious one would have started laying out his policies, vision and goal for the bitumen rich state.

 

What we have Mr. Jimoh doing is ‘settling scores’ with perceived enemies and critics on his page.

 

In several posts on his facebook wall, he gave lame excuses, chief among being  ‘disloyal staff’ -whatever that means – has the reason for closing down Air Nigeria, blah, blah, blah. He has also been ranting on how he gave scholarship to some poor people in his community some 10 years ago.

 

Well, the Mr. Jimoh Ibrahim I know is not one with good judgment. A quick look into the way he  runs his companies shows that he is not a good manager of human and financial resources. Mr. Jimoh has been tested in the corporate world and has failed serially. He pays his staff peanut, allegedly diverts company resources for personal use, wrecks whatever business entity comes his way  and basically runs every organization he heads like a dictator.

 

Personally, I have nothing against the Igbotako native, but a lot is at stake here. We can’t allow  the indigenes of Ondo State suffer the same fate his staff at companies like Air Nigeria, EnergyOil, Nicon Hotels, Newswatch and several others that he wrecked suffered.

 

And it may interest Mr. Jimoh to note that staff CANNOT be disloyal if you treat them well; if you are honest to them and, if you don’t treat them like trash.

 

Finally, my heart breaks for this country, seeing that he has above 1,145 likes already and comments on his post are so appalling like one from Seun Oscar which reads ‘Keep it up’, yet another from one Honourable Otikunrin Idowu ‘Jimoh Ibrahim is an Icon’ and several others will only keep Mr. Jimoh Ibrahim on the track of delusions.

 

May God deliver him from praise singers and make him renounce his ‘unholy’ ambition before it  is too late.

 

***

Kikiowo Ileowo is a public commentator and the Editor of  The Paradigm.

You can follow him on twitter via  @ileowo4ever

Chinua Achebe: A Non-Romantic View – By Ibrahim Bello-Kano

Indeed, we cannot help wondering if the recent insensate massacre of Chinua’s people in Kano, only a few days ago, hastened the fatal undermining of that resilient will that had sustained him so many years after his crippling accident.

 

— Wole Soyinka and J. P. Clark. “Chinua Achebe Death: We Have Lost a Brother”. The Guardian (UK), March 22, 2013.

 

There is no doubt that Chinua Achebe, who died last week in the United States after a long residence there probably because it was better for him to live there than in Nigeria, was, by many accounts, an outstanding writer. His first novel, Things Fall Apart (1958), received wide critical acclaim soon after its publication, which came in the wake of the great wave of decolonization. A year before the publication of the novel, Ghana became the first independent African country, in 1957. Things Fall Apart  was published at a time when non-Western but Western educated intellectuals and cultural nationalists were looking around for indigenous cultural documents that could vindicate pre-colonial African cultures, in what the British-Indian writer, Salman Rushdie once called, in memorable phrase, “writing back to the Centre” (the West).

It was arguably in that context, the urgent need, by the African literati, to produce an African narrative that would vindicate indigenous African cultures which were heavily denigrated by centuries of Western writers, priests, and colonial administrators, rather than the novel’s intrinsic literary merits, that brought Things Fall Apart to prominence, at least within the post-nationalistic African intelligentsia. The same may be said of Achebe’s other novels: their timing, 1960-1966, was fortunate because there was, then, a large literate international English-speaking reading public eager to get access to the new African writing, not to speak of publishers such as Heinemann which were looking to cash in on it all. Again, it was in that context that Achebe’s works were appropriated for all kinds of culture wars, especially within the ranks of militant post-colonial intellectuals.

Achebe’s collection of essays on literature, cultural politics, and colonial history, from the early Morning Yet on Creation Day (1975) to the later Hopes and Impediments (1989) and Home and Exile (2000) sealed his reputation as an African or Black cultural critic, activist, and nationalist. His other novels, No Longer at Ease (1960), Arrow of God (1964), Man of the People (1966), not to mention short stories and poems such as Girls at War and Other Stories (1972) and Beware, Soul Brother and Other Poems (1971) were widely admired by critics and literary historians for their “realistic” and, some would say, vivid, subtle, and complex portrait of the African, or, at least, “the Nigerian condition”, which, to this day, has persisted in more complicated forms.

Achebe was also the influential editor of the Heinemann African Writers Series, between 1962 and 1972. Under his direction, the series published some of the most canonical of African writers such as Alex La Guma, Taha Hussein, Ngugi wa Thiong’o, Doris Lessing, Ayi Kwei Armah, Tayeb Salih, Bessie Head, Cheik Hamidou Kane, Okot p’Bitek, and nationalist intellectuals such as  Amilcar Cabral, Nelson Mandela, Kenneth Kaunda, Jomo Kenyatta, and Kwame Nkrumah.

Chiefly because of his first novel, and his pioneering role as the editor of the African Writers Series, many have considered Achebe as the “father of African fiction” (or the founding father, even the grandfather, of modern African literature), a dubious claim that Achebe himself could not accept, since, as he knew in his lifetime, there were many African writers of fiction and non-fiction that wrote compelling accounts of African cultural and social life well before he was born. Claims for Achebe as being the “father of African fiction or literature” are based on a partial and reductive view of Africa’s literary history, or a diminution of African writing to a minor position within the Western literary tradition.

Yet there had been indigenous African writing in native languages. Consider, for example, the case of the Basotho (Lesotho) writer and novelist, Thomas Mopoku Mafolo (1876-1948), the celebrated author of Chaka the Zulu (1912-15?), which many literary historians have called a masterpiece, an epic tragedy, and, in the words of a reviewer, “the earliest major contribution of black Africa to the corpus of modern world literature”. One could cite the example of the celebrated Yoruba writer, D. O. Fagunwa, author of Odo Ninu Igbo Irunmale (1936), or the works of the Arab writer, Naguib Mahfouz, and countless other writers who wrote in Hausa, Tamashek, Amharic, Wolof, and so on. Indeed, no one author or person could have begun what we call today “African writing”. The African literary tradition is far older, more enduring, and more complex than the alleged effort of a single author, however gifted. In any case, the idea of Achebe being the “father of African fiction” is not a scholarly argument but a romantic and naïve one because it ignores the major contributions of pre-colonial African authors and a huge corpus of African writing in Arabic, French, Portuguese, and Spanish.

But whatever the artistic merit of Achebe’s work, which is considerable to say the least, it is in his novel, Anthills of the Savannah (1988), that his literary-story-telling skills began a terminal decline. Indeed the novel marks a notable decline in his liberal vision and creative acumen. The novel is, by any standard, a trivial thriller and is uneven in linguistic and literary quality. Arguably, large parts of Anthills read like pulp fiction, or a crudely crafted political thriller. The storyline is fragmented; the attempt at covert plotting is unsuccessful; the narrative exposition is slow and cumbrous; the style of representation is too thin and shallow; the plot is threadbare and thin, perhaps even superficial in many instances. The dialogue is unconvincing, heavy, and tedious, and the characterization is one-dimensional. For example, neither Ikem, Beatrice, Abdul on the one hand nor Professor Okon, Sam, and Osodi on the other has any emotional and psychological depth. Indeed no character in that novel has convincing uniqueness of character, and none is admirably individuated. Moreover, the characterization and dialogue are stagey, as can be seen in the first person account of the First Witness, Christopher Oriko (Chapter 1) and the dialogue in the opening section of Chapter 2. Anthill is also marred by obliquities of narration and an undisciplined, un-integrated multiplicity of viewpoints: the novel’s attempt at an epic-scale representation of a dystopian land and its failure to offer an intensely imagined, superbly coordinated narrative irony are telling. Yet all this may be accounted for by the novel’s melodramatic structure and the poor quality of its speech representation.

Frankly, Anthills of the Savannah is a disappointing work; little wonder it failed to win the 1987 Booker McConnell Prize, Britain’s most prestigious literary award. For example, the novel combines melodrama with a political roman á clef, as can be seen in the closing section of the narrative, the journey on the “Great North Road” (Chapter 17). Indeed, this chapter presents a veiled dystopian narrativization of northern Nigeria, which is variously called “the scrub-land”, “the scorched landscape”, “another country”, “full of dusty fields [and] bottomed baobab tree[s] so strange in appearance”, etc. In this novel, the rainforest (“the rain country”) of the South is favourably contrasted with the “parkland of grass and stunted trees… of mud walls and reddish earth”, the North. One conclusion, which, of course, may be problematic from a strictly literary-critical perspective, is that unlike the Exceptional Southerners, the Northerners don’t know how to make the North “prosperous” (the roads are full of pot holes) so that all the talented, intelligent, hardworking, economically gifted, and industrially-savvy Southerners could migrate to the North (perhaps in the mode of mission civilatrice), which is, as of now, wallowing in economic and social desperation (see the opening pages of Chapter 17).

The novel has other defects as well: the author’s heavily moralized, didactic view of life repeatedly intrudes in the narrative, and, in particular, in the facile and tired representation of the Military Ruler, the Head of Sate. Ikem and Beatrice’s romanticism, their romantic view of social relations, is clearly the real author’s because the entire drift of the narrative is towards a heavily moralized view of life (Light versus Darkness; Enlightenment versus Ignorance; Diligence versus Parasitism).

Yet it is in Achebe’s essay, The Trouble with Nigeria (1983), that his romanticism comes full circle. In that book, Achebe argues that “the trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership… the unwillingness and inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility, to the challenge of personal example” (p. 1). This postulation of Achebe’s ignores the deep structural constraints on human action and psychology. It is pre-critical to ignore the complex ways in which social structures mediate, modify, condition, and constrain human choices. Leadership works within institutional, historical, cultural, and economic contexts which place limits on what human agents can and cannot do. This notion of the structural determination of leadership means that a leader has inevitably to work within, and exist in, a system and a political logic whose proper system, laws, and operation his or her “leadership” cannot, by definition, dominate absolutely. The leader, despite his having a certain measure of freedom, has inevitably to be governed by the system within which he or she exists. And although men and women make their own history, they clearly do not make it as an act of will, or in their own freely-chosen circumstances, but under the structural constraints of the accumulated past and inherited traditions. This is what The Trouble with Nigeria has missed: Nigerian leaders cannot be the miraculous changed men or women of their country but the changed men and women of their country’s changed circumstances. This is the truth of the time-honoured liberal credo that the educator herself needs educating and that if leaders are educators, who will educate the educators?

From this perspective, Achebe’s conception of leadership may properly be called “voluntarism”, even a form of messianic thinking: on Achebe’s flawed logic, all a leader need do is become, by the force of sheer will power, a morally good person, who has only to lead by example rather than by veritable political principles. Achebe’s is another way of saying that Nigeria needs a strong leader, one who has miraculously escaped all the cultural and historical pressures of his community or country; in effect, a messiah. This dubiously Christian view of leadership is a convenient way of avoiding the complex problem of institutional, cultural, and historical constitution of subjectivity and moral choice in a multi-ethic, multi-religious country, one with a large, primordialist, backward-looking civil society. Indeed one reason for the failure of Achebe’s little book to capture the scholarly or popular imagination was its threadbare romanticism and an un-modern (a feudal and mystical) vision of political leadership.

Perhaps Achebe’s most disappointing book, or to phrase matters differently, his most inferior work, is There was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra (2012). As a personal testament, the book vindicates the time-honored dictum that “the personal is political”. Perhaps we need not be critical of Achebe’s passionate defence of his ethnic group, or of the short-lived Biafra, and his role in it. Yet there is something distasteful about open myopia of blind ethnic solidarity or communal jingoism. What is striking about the book is its complete lack of a keen political insight, its petty romantic vision of Nigeria’s political history. For example, consider the book’s astonishing claims, namely that the Igbos wholly deserved their entrenched positions in the military, economic, and bureaucratic structures of pre-civil war Nigeria (“… the Igbos led the nation in virtually every sector— politics, education, commerce, and the arts”, pp. 66-67); that all non-Igbo Nigerians are united by their hatred for the Igbo ethnic group; and that British rule in Nigeria and elsewhere was not, as popularly assumed, an unmitigated disaster.

According to Achebe in There was a Country, the British government ruled the Nigerian colony “with considerable care… and competently… British colonies were more or less expertly run” (p. 43). In the same book, however, Achebe accuses British colonial officials of rigging the election and the population census in favour of conservative elements such as Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto from the “Islamic territories” (p. 46; Achebe does not say that the Igbo were from the “Christian territories”), people who “had played no real part in the struggle for independence” (p. 52). In addition, for Achebe it was the behaviour of the British that sowed the seeds of Nigeria’s eventual descent into civil war. If indeed Achebe has this rosy view of colonial rule, then his entire corpus of anti-colonial polemic and cultural nationalism has been in vain, or, in a way, a hypocritical effort at self-publicity.

Worse, Achebe argues, in an astonishing moment of historical revisionism, that the originators of the very idea of one-Nigeria were “leaders and intellectuals from the Eastern Region” (p. 52). This may explain why he credits Nnamdi Azikiwe with the enviable position of being “father of African independence” (“There was no question at all about that”, (p. 41). In sum, then, there are many instances of sloppy argument and poor judgment in the book, as, for example, Achebe’s claim that Nigeria failed to develop because the Igbo, despite their “competitive individualism” and a unique “adventurous spirit”, were excluded from Nigerian economic, social, and political life. Examples of Achebe’s unsophisticated political perception of things are, first, his lack of political sensitivity concerning non-Igbo political leaders such as Obafemi Awolowo, Ahmadu Bello, and Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. The first two are seen by Achebe as ruled by inordinate ambition (“resuscitated ethnic pride”) and conservative traditionalism respectively. The latter Achebe almost casts into the role of a lackey of the Western world, which, he claims, turned (“built up”) Balewa through flattery into a great statesman (p. 51).

It is thus fair to say that, in There was a Country at least, Achebe is an overwhelmingly “ethnic nationalist”, an “Igbo-phile” (or a philo-Igbonis, to coin a new term), and a Biafra apologist to boot. He is, in this book at least, a homo duplex, the Double Man, in effect, both Biafran and Nigerian; Igbophile and Nationalist; Anti-colonial Writer and a Post-colonial Apologist of Expert British Rule. This should explain why the book has a schizoid thematic orchestration and its claims pressed within a phlegmatic stylistic mode, which, again and again, has proved incapable of sustained irony. Surely, then, There was a Country is a patchwork of Achebe’s deep, even unconscious, prejudices. In one moment after another, the book fails to offer a finely integrated presentation of a realistic historical, geographical, economic, and culturally diverse, though troubled, country.

So while I pay tribute to this important novelist and essayist, I should remark, at the same time, that we should not, in our romantic rush to venerate our little (culture) heroes, forget earlier illustrious and master English-speaking storytellers such as Amos Tutuola (1920-1997) and Cyprian Odiatu Ekwensi (1921-2007). Their books, The Palm-Wine Drinkard and his Dead Palm-Wine Tapster in the Deads’ Town (written 1946 and published in 1952) and People of the City (1954), are two outstanding pieces of literature and narrative self-assertion that blazed the trail in modern, English-speaking African fiction writing. In the same manner, while we pay tribute to Achebe and his literary legacy, let us not also forget great post-colonial African storytellers such as Ayi Kwei Armah, Sambene Ousmane, Ngugi wa Thiog’o, and, not least, the incomparable Kenyan writer, Meja Mwangi, the author, in my opinion, of the finest African novel ever—Going Down River Road (1977).

As for Achebe, I say “goodbye”; for there was indeed a great novelist, but who, tragically, had to write the greatest anti-novel of his career—There Was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra.

 

Professor Ibrahim Bello-Kano  is of the Department of English and French, Bayero University, Kano

Article culled from Vanguard

Tips for a Fabulous April – Ifeanyi J. Igbokwe @igbokwe_ifeanyi

One of the greatest mastery possible in the lifespan of a man is that of time, surprisingly it often seems the most difficult. Far easier it is to guide, direct and most of all discipline other people than applying those selfsame principles to oneself, that being the most difficult. Not much people have come to the realization of the demographics of this simplistic fact that time is the key ingredient of life and so should not be used anyhow.

I remember with some keen sense of interest as if it were yesterday that I was appreciating my Christmas break. I had taken my time to make plans for the on-coming year while pointing out errors I made the previous one but here we are, April seemed to have crept in on us as if we weren’t expecting it. January is gone and February and March too.

Below are a few info that would help make your April a fabulous one.

Never Spend On Anything You Don’t Need. One mistake you must be more careful to avoid is spending more than you need this month. A popular saying goes ‘if you spend get the things you don’t need just to impress, you will soon sell the things you have to get what you need’. We live in an age and time where the younger generation is always tempted to believe a lie. We are tempted to believe that the worth of an individual is directly proportional to the kind of apparel he puts on, the kind of watch, phone, tablet PC or the car he uses. Somehow howbeit unconsciously, we have learnt to keep up with the Joneses. I need to get this new blackberry phone ‘cause it is the latest in town. I need to change my car ‘cause a newer model is in town. I need to get that gown ‘cause it’s a little better than what Jenifer wore yesterday. Not because I need it, but because I want it. Not even because I want it but because others have it and so, I must have it too. So people whose salary towers somewhere around half a million Naira see themselves broke at the end of each month. They are already in debt and would even borrow from the youth corper in the office. That is the reason why you get a brand new car on a loan plan that would make you still be paying for the car years after you have disposed of it; not because you don’t have a good car but because the other guy in the offer got a Honda car and you want to show him that you are not in the same class with him so you buy a BMW on a loan plan whose compound interest alone would buy the same car five time but you weren’t aware simply because you have to be like Jimmy.

BE PRODUCTIVE. Don’t be deceived, activity doesn’t necessarily translate to productivity. A thousand and one people out there are simply busy, but just a handful are productive. They hardly have time to attend to other people and things. Many think that all that is required is that they are busy. It can often be annoying to realize that you have worked all day but at the end of the day have not achieved twenty percent of what is expected of you. I will tell you why, it is because you have left the most important things and faced the unimportant. No sane man would argue that you had not been busy, but when your productive co-workers submit their work, your barely-scratched workload will pale excessively when placed by their side to bear comparism. To avoid this, simple make a list of what has to be done starting from the most important, then begin your work starting from the most important. Don’t come to work in the morning and the first thing you do is to check your personal mail, attend to twitter, update ‘Another day at work’ on Facebook and ‘Its gon be a long day’ on BBM. Then you keep going back and forth to check if anyone has commented so you reply, already, your day is almost half messed up, because you may not be able to disentangle yourself from the incessant chatting and disturbances that would bring, well except you work as a social media expert. If you use a blackberry or an i-phone or any smart phone and you are allowed to take calls at work, please change the ringing profile to phone calls only, so your phone would only ring when you have phone calls alone, so you can concentrate on your job.

Don’t wait for anybody to motivate you. Motivate yourself. America uses a phrase I like so much, they would always say, ‘Pull yourself up by your bootstrap.’ Somehow I have fallen in love with that phrase. The day that maturity begins in any being is the day that he or she begins to understand that in reality, you are on your own. Please do not get me wrong, I am not trying to deny the significance of the God factor. If you don’t motivate yourself, I wonder who will. Truth is, except in very few cases of mishap where we may need to be assisted by another, everyman is expected to be up and doing at work. A thousand and one people work at jobs they out rightly hate but sometimes you ask yourself why do they still stick to it for one, two , three, four, five and more years? It is because the desired is not available, the available becomes desirable. They had to motivate themselves to carry on. A man can survive almost any tragedy provided the spirit in him is still encouraging him to hold on, the day his spirit should let go, that would be the end. So pull yourself up by your bootstrap, don’t wait for your boss to serve you a memo or a warning letter to do that. Don’t wait for a sack letter or a balance sheet indicating red before you do that.

Never forget you are your own boss. No matter what happens, under no circumstance should you forget that you are your own boss. Be you a student, self-employed, employed, underemployed, overemployed ( if there is any such word) individual whatever you choose to address your status as, we are responsible for what happens to us. Quit the blame game, stop living in denial and face your responsibilities head-on. Nobody is interested in your excuses, they may be substantial, people may even pity you after you narrate your excuse in details, but the truth is excuses would not pay the bills. No matter how good your excuses may be, people pay for results and not god excuses. If because you don’t like your job, and it is because you are not well paid, so you try to trudge along, going with the flow without adding substantial value to the establishment, I can only tell you one thing, it won’t be long. It won’t take long for your boss to discover. You may think you are doing it to avenge yourself, but one day, he will relieve you of the job you have complained all your life about. If you don’t like the job, why did you take it in the first place? That very job others will do it better than you for half the salary, no matter how bad. So why you are still there, give it your best shot, if not for anything for the sake of the future, what goes around comes around. Some students think they are doing their parents a favor by going to school. Labor market will teach them the necessary lesson they need to learn.

I wish you all good success as this second quarter begins. See you at the top.

 

Ifeanyi J. Igbokwe is a life coach, writer and motivational speaker with a focus on corporate and personal growth.
Twitter: @igbokwe_ifeanyi

E-mail: Ifeanyi.igbokwe@gmail.com

WANTED! A leader to be proud of……….

Nigeria is in bondage, bondage of mediocrity and ethnicity. Each factor on its own is dangerous, combined, there can be no worse fate for a country.

Right now Nigerians are disgusted with the leadership cadre they are saddled with, right from the presidency through to the legislative chambers. We are cringing when most of our leaders speak publicly, inspiring none and evincing no soundness of mind. At international fora, we sit and watch our leaders address the world, we hold our breath and pray silently for no gaffes or blunders, to no avail.

Quickly, the ethnic card flashes on the minds of those not from the ethnic group of such leader, falsely associating the mediocrity on display to the speaker’s ethnic group, and fuelling even more ethnic resentment, one of another.

Conversely, Nigerians feel unitedly proud with themselves when a Nigerian stands out at a public forum, especially of an international kind, and mesmerises the audience with smooth eloquence and force of his argument. We smile, we clap, and, at that point, we bury our differences and identify our nationality with the speaker.

This much was brought home to me at the just concluded week-long 6th Joint Annual Meetings of the African Union and Economic Commission for Africa Conference of Ministers of Economy and Finance held in Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire, which I attended at the invitation of the ECA.

The theme of the conference was “Industrialisation for an Emerging Africa.” Throughout the conference, there was barely anything more than the perfunctory, often tepid, diplomatise applause after one leader-of-delegate’s or another’s speech. Then on the last day and at the last key-issue titled, “Financing Africa’s Industrialisation,” treated by a high-table array of governors of central banks in a number of African countries and top global financial gurus, the unusual happened – repeated deafening applause from the otherwise conservative hall after one particular speaker’s delivery.

That particular speaker was none other than our very own Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, governor of Nigeria’s Central Bank! This small-framed stormy-petrel was a sight to behold as, in the manner of a stage actor, he held everyone spellbound, starting out calmly then, with increasing tempo and alto, delivering his points, quoting one authority or another, spewing data, even as he spoke extempore!

He insisted that Africa’s non-industrialisation, and by extension non-development, rests squarely with bad governance. Finance is globally awash, he postulates, but it would only follow good policies, security and stability. Though central banks universally have a role to play, he insisted that until African countries “have the right policies, we won’t be able to have the right finance” for industrialisation.

“If you talk about Malaysia, you talk about Tun Abdul Razak Hussein; if you talk about Singapore, you talk about Lee; you talk about the Indonesian experience, you talk about Suharto… If there is a deficit in leadership at the highest level, there will be a deficit in finance,” he concluded.

Nobody cared if he was merely grandstanding or playing to the gallery with stuff that may under intense intellectual scrutiny collapse, it was just enough that there was one speaker who appeared not only to know his onions but had the gift of the garb to mesmerize the audience. Our Sanusi spoke passionately; he spoke with conviction. And everyone seemed to nod along in appreciation, even his colleague gurus on the high table.

Sitting a seat or two away from me in the audience was a black guy who had erstwhile kept to himself, minding his business and not showing any interest in me whatsoever, I was dressed pointedly Nigerian – with the Yoruba goobi cap. But from his looks, (and European dressing) I couldn’t tell if he was Nigerian or not. However, as Sanusi spoke and spoke, and as the audience (including this guy) clapped and clapped, he looked in my direction for joyous fraternity, smiled, shifted towards me, stretched his hands (just holding back from embracing me), grinned from ear to ear, and the very first words he said to me was, “this guy is great.”

So this ‘brother’ is Nigerian after all, I thought to myself. “Look,” he said rhetorically, “why don’t we have someone like this as our leader in that country. Who would care which part of the country he comes from? See us,” he continued, “I’m Igbo, this guy is Hausa or Fulani, and I take it you are Yoruba, and here I am filled with pride at being a Nigerian because of him.”

“Sanusi’s performance,” my new brother concluded of Nigeria, “rekindles hope that all is not lost.” He gave me his card; yes he’s Igbo and works at the UN in New York.

Sorry, I got so carried away eulogising SLS, but the point I’m making, a point I also made to some foreigners at an evening relaxation joint in Abidjan, is that Nigeria is a country of over 160 million people. We’ve got some of the best brains on the planet living within Nigeria and scattered all over the Diaspora. We’ve got scores of medical doctors in Saudi Arabia, Europe, and America; we’ve got great historians; great scientists; great writers; great scholars; great artistes. Why then do we keep ending up having leaders who shame us?

And that also nicely brings me to the hope in the horizon: It doesn’t have to be like that. The fault (to paraphrase Cassius in Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar) is not in our stars but in ourselves. Nigerians must wake up to the fact that they can bring about the change in leadership that they desire with their votes come 2015!

The group of Nigerians with which I have identified, going by the name “Kick-Out Siddon Look (in) 2015, (KOSIL) aimed at galvanising Nigerians to choose and elect a leader, they would be proud of, have now released their website: www.kickoutsiddonlook.org to register and mobilise.

And as my 18-year old daughter, Torera, wrote to me, “It is a breath of fresh air to see a movement like KOSIL come into play, into the tragic comedy that is Nigerian politics… The name of Nigeria, once a land on which Kings walked, has been smeared by post-colonial kleptocracy and religious preposterousness… The revolution must be live – it must be on every doorstep and in the heart of every Nigerian, those at home and those in the Diaspora… Ultimately, we must start by electing a man or woman who has not been tainted by the lure of riches – those riches which arrive at the expense of the people… And since the power is really with the people, the arms must be taken up by every caring citizen. Our hearts are weapons the size of our fists, and it is with heart that we must go forth into the fray, however daunting it may be…” Wow, and she’s 18.

We would do this (kick out siddon look) even as tribute to Chinua Achebe, the late great African writer who asserted: “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership.”

We would not doubt that it could happen. As Margaret Mead, American cultural anthropologist, once said: “Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the world. Indeed, it is the only thing that ever has.”

Wanted! A leader to be proud of!

 

Tunde Fagbenle

EDITORIAL: Governor Akpabio And The Limits Of Buffoonery

To a man with a hammer, Mark Twain once said, everything looks like a nail. One hammer that has been working overtime is that wielded by Akwa Ibom State Governor, Godswill Akpabio, who’s been making the headlines for all the wrong reasons. Amid public outrage over his misguided recklessness and profligacy, the Governor did himself no favors, when he tried to justify the abusive patronage and plunder of the State treasury, with labored explanations and a hiatus of incomprehensible, infantile analogies, which remain largely unconvincing. By attempting to defend the indefensible, in a shameless manner, rather than remonstrate and retrace his steps, Akpabio unwittingly admitted, openly, that Akwa Ibom State is his private estate. This would be funny, were it not pathetically true. Akpabio is a megalomaniac who is incapable of controlling his cravings and it was time President Goodluck Jonathan put an end to his madness and save the country further embarrassment.

Some stories are best told straight. The circumstances surrounding Akpabio’s controversial donations may not exactly fit into illegality; they nevertheless leave much to be desired in terms of public morality and accountability. Despite the condemnations that have trailed the donations, the fact that the ruling PDP defended the donation of N1 million each to the six PDP state party chairmen from the South-South region; ostensibly to give “lunch” to some 1000 delegates, typifies a classical official endorsement of public officers’ abuse of their offices and the trust reposed on them by ordinary citizens.

Without any doubt, the governor is constitutionally mandated to discretionarily dispense public goodwill. Fair enough! Akpabio’s apostates rose in stout defence of his controversial wedding gifts to hip pop musician, Tuface Idibia. The governor was heavily criticized after he announced a gift of a brand new Toyota Prado SUV to Tuface and his wife; as a gesture to reward the musician’s wife (a daughter of Akwa Ibom) for standing by her husband in the face of difficulties. He also promised to bankroll an all-expense paid trip for 20 guests to attend the couple’s white wedding in Dubai. After hosting a lavish state dinner in honor of the couple, he pledged to rehabilitate the Eket-Ibeno Road ahead of the child dedication of Tuface and Annie.

From the public debate his donations have generated, Nigerians are not challenging the constitutional right of Mr. Governor to feed the hungry of his party or display his magnanimous eccentricity. Far from it! The concern, instead, seems to be that there should be some decorum and decency in the exercise of constitutional powers. The main grouse, and validly so, therefore, remains that since these ridiculous donations have no redeeming value to the people of Akwa Ibom State, they are clearly an abuse of office by the governor; and an affront on the collective sensibility of Nigerians, who ultimately have to bear the brunt of Akpabio’s leadership ineptitude and lack of moral character.

That the governor would deem donating an SUV and sponsoring the wedding of a celebrity musician the most appropriate way to showcase the resilient spirit of the Akwa Ibom woman is indeed very strange. It is an act of financial recklessness at a time a majority of his fellow citizens are struggling to survive. How would the wedding help reduce poverty in Akwa Ibom? Predictably, Akpabio came under a hailstorm of condemnation, and no one seems impressed by his explanations. If governance is about acting in the people’s interest; how does squandering public resources enhance that purpose and the interest of the ordinary Akwa Ibom citizen, on whose behalf the governor claimed he was making the donation?

A recent report on poverty in Akwa Ibom based on a state-wide household survey commissioned by the State government found out that despite all the media hype about achievements by Akpabio, 57% of the people in Akwa Ibom State are living below the poverty line and cannot afford the basic need of food, clothes and shelter. The report by the University of Uyo also linked the rapid deforestation and biodiversity loss; especially the decline of mangrove in some part of the State to poverty.

Amongst the most egregious instances of Akpabio’s needless extravagance include N50 million award for the best actor and actress in Nollywood; N10 million to the Golden Eaglets just for winning the first leg final round qualifiers of the 2013 African Youth Championship; N35 million to the Education Foundation of late Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sarduana of Sokoto; N230 million on behalf of the newly-formed PDP Governors Forum to President Jonathan’s hometown church; N50 million to the victims of the St. Theresa’s Catholic Church bombing in Madalla, Niger State; over N50 million to the Brotherhood of the Cross and Star (Olumbah Olumbah Obu) for special prayers; $45 million to purchase a new private jet, and the list continues. It probably did not help Akpabio’s tattered image when video footage emerged showing him boasting how he rigged the PDP Senatorial primaries.

These unedifying statistics are indeed outrageous, considering not only that Akwa Ibom still gets 13% of oil income from the derivation principle, but also that there has been little or nothing to show for the huge allocation in terms of developmental projects that directly impact the people. The sum total of all donations Akpabio has made in the last 12 months amounts to about N5 billion. Can anyone outside a mental asylum see any value in this kind of needless extravagance? Akpabio and his sycophants can quote the law that suits them but what is at stake here, is the perpetration of the culture of waste that has become the hallmark of governance in the State. In these instances, the governor has displayed an absolute insensitivity to the priorities of Akwa Ibom, while demonstrating fiscal imprudence in the face of more pressing beneficial projects to improve the lot of residents socially and economically.

Whereas almost two out of three Akwa Ibom citizens are starving, Akpabio is show-casing white elephant projects on the State government website; which he passes off for achievements. These include the state-of-the-art Akwa Ibom International airport; the ultra-modern Ibom Golf Resort “adjudged the best in Africa by the world’s leading golf magazine, Golf Week”; the ongoing construction of a 250-room 5-star hotel as part of the “Tropicana Entertainment Complex for tourism high fliers.” Then, there is the ridiculous ego-tripping Akwa Ibom 9,999 strong Christmas carol choir; which holds the dubious distinction of the world’s largest choir. Akpabio’s cumulation of managerial ineptitude and outright pillaging of the State has fostered a culture of recklessness whereby accruals from oil are yet to impact the socio-economic life of Akwa Ibom citizens into any level beyond mere subsistence.

Against the backdrop of general poverty in the State, these donations are scandalous. They project the governor as a spendthrift, reckless with public funds. How are the livelihoods and capabilities of the poor and hungry in Akwa Ibom, enhanced when their governor donates over N5 billion on frivolous things that catch his fancy? This is income lost to Akwa Ibom and it can only happen in Nigeria.

Akpabio’s leadership failure has put Akwa Ibom on the Debt Management Office, (DMO) list of states where debt accumulation has reached a scandalous level, necessitating a special warning by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) against continuous lending to the State because of the risk implications. The CBN message is that Akwa Ibom is broke, and any bank entering into further credit transactions with the State does so at its own risks. This may sound alarmist, but the CBN was right to draw public attention to this ugly trend that needs to be redressed before Akwa Ibom goes bankrupt.

Akpabio’s situation may be particularly brazen but it is hardly unique. The flagrant impunities and imperiousness that reign in governance in Nigeria is driven by a conquest mentality on the part of elected officials. This, sadly, is the story of Nigerians in the hands of their governors. It illustrates the disrespect with which governors treat their electorate and shows their predilection to turn their states into private estates. Having “won” the office, the people stay conquered as governors serve themselves and their cronies.

There is an urgent need for President Jonathan to put an end to Akpabio’s excesses which have been taken to ridiculous levels of absurdity. The governor’s actions have indeed challenged sundry observers to query the meaning of politics in Nigeria. The Nigerian democratic process has been debased enough and the President cannot continue looking the other way in the face of this national embarrassment that is Akpabio. Governance is about the people and not about the privileges and personal preferences of public officials. This should be the agenda of politicians who truly intend to transform Nigeria.

 

 

Huhuonline.com Editorial

Tolu Ogunlesi: What Lessons Do Nigerian Leaders Learn From Dubai?

I recently visited Dubai for the first time. Before then, all I had to go by were tales highlighting the city’s growing attractiveness to Nigerians (it’s where James Ibori was arrested in May 2010; where D’Banj, also in 2010, met Kanye West; and where Tuface wedded Annie Macauley the other week).

I could easily see why Dubai appealed to (wealthy) Nigerians: For one, there are the malls. Dubai is home to the largest shopping mall in the world, which is just what you need if you’re a Nigerian with more money than you can spend. There’s also the surreal beauty of the “new” town – glass, steel and concrete colliding to send every second or third building into the highest heavens. The most ambitious skyscrapers and shopping malls in Lagos and Abuja will look like Lego models when placed next to Dubai’s humongous developments.

But no, this is not a paean to a desert city-state. Dubai can seem a bit too much. It’s hard to shake off the feeling that much of the construction is happening merely for the sake of it. We’ve got money, we can spend it; we can turn this place into anything we want. We can make it impossible for you to ignore us. That sort of thing.

British writer, AA Gill, wrote a fascinating essay on Dubai for Vanity Fair two years ago. It’s titled “Dubai on Empty”. “The only way to make sense of Dubai,” Gill writes in the opening line, “is to never forget that it isn’t real. It’s a fable, a fairy tale, like The Arabian Nights.” He also says: “Dubai suffers from gigantism—a national inferiority complex that has to make everything bigger and biggest. This includes their financial crisis.”

It’s mostly true. Fuelled by oil wealth and ego-tripping, Dubai went on a building spree. And it did get into trouble, requiring a multi-billion dollar bailout from neighbouring Abu Dhabi to rescue it from looming bankruptcy and economic collapse during the meltdown.

Yet, I think Dubai is still very much useful to us in Nigeria – as an excellent starting point for much-needed debate about development. There are Dubai-inspired questions Nigeria’s leaders and the educated class should be discussing feverishly:

How should cities develop? How much of a city is the vision of its leaders, and how much is the unfolding of time and chance? Is there anything like a Nigerian vision of city/urban development? How much of development should be driven by human ego and nationalistic pride (think of Dubai’s Burj Khalifa, the tallest building in the world), and how much should be deeply rooted in local context and practical needs?

For example, you can’t see a Tinapa and not think of the Dubai Mentality. Questions immediately come to mind: Was Tinapa a smart move? How did such an impressive project end up the way it did: next-to-abandoned for years, a cautionary tale for dreamy-eyed capitalists?

We’ve of course been-there-and-done-that in Nigeria, with regard to ambitious infrastructural developments. As the Giant of Africa, fired on by the oil boom of the early 1970s, we splurged. That was when we learnt to spend money. The Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Ajaokuta Steel Mill, Lagos National Theatre, Eko Bridge, Lagos National Stadium, FESTAC, The Warri and Kaduna refineries, and a good number of university projects – all those dreams were born during that decade of Champagne, Cement and Lace.

Sometimes, Dubai’s brand of capital ‘A’ Ambition is needed, for purposes of national pride. That’s when you host FESTAC to show the world the glories of the Black race. That’s when South Africa hosts the World Cup to show that Africa too can do it. Benefits sometimes come from those ambitions: because of the World Cup, South Africa undertook large-scale upgrading of its transport infrastructure: BRT systems were launched for host cities, for example, and Johannesburg’s O. R. Tambo Airport got the sort of upgrade that the Murtala Muhammed International Airport desperately needs. Long after the World Cup, these things will continue to be useful to South Africa – as long as they manage to master something we’ve never learnt to in Nigeria: the art of maintenance.

I’m also now thinking of the China model, where a lot of the development going on is in response to and in anticipation of the rising prosperity of citizens. The recent high-speed rail service between Beijing and Shanghai makes it possible to travel between the two cities in as little as five-and-half hours. Compare that with Lagos-Kano, a shorter distance than Beijing-Shanghai, but which currently takes about 30 hours to complete. It is sad that a hundred years after the British had the vision to develop a railway line between Lagos and Kano, we’ve not managed to take that vision further – the trains are still travelling at the same speed at which they travelled a century ago.

And therein lies one of the major failings of Nigerian infrastructure development: Vision. When the Murtala Muhammed International Airport was commissioned in 1979, it must have been a masterpiece, modelled as it was after Amsterdam’s Schiphol Airport. In the three decades since then, the population of Lagos has quadrupled. Yet, that airport has stayed the same in size, and fallen apart in quality.

Ditto the Third Mainland Bridge, commissioned in 1991. At 11 kilometres it was, and perhaps still is, the longest bridge on the continent. Alas, in the two decades since, we haven’t seen a single new bridge similar in scope. Yet, Lagos has continued to grow.

And then there’s the matter of the Lagos Metro, tragically discarded by the military government in the mid-eighties. Today, Lagos is one of the few cities of its size in the world without a Metro. It’s one of the most absurd things ever, come to think of it: A city of 15 million persons all compelled to travel only by roads and bridges. As I like to ask – try to imagine a London (less populated than Lagos, by the way) without the Tube.

Clearly, we’re already far behind, as a country, in terms of infrastructural development. But perhaps it’s not too late to try to start playing catch-up.

Nigeria’s brand new $1bn Sovereign Wealth Fund is actually three separate funds, one of which is a ‘Nigeria Infrastructure Fund’. That sounds like good news. I also recently learnt of the launch, by the National Planning Commission working in partnership with the Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission, of a 30-year National Integrated Infrastructure Master-Plan (1914 – 2043).

But if we’re not careful, all of the grand schemes will default into something we’re more than familiar with: practised rhetoric and posturing.

Already, Lagos is expected to be home to up to 25 million people within a decade. By 2050, it’s estimated that there’ll be up to 400 million people living in Nigeria.

If we don’t build for the future, there won’t even be a future coming.

Every time our politicians and leaders jet off to their luxury apartments or doctors’ offices or party venues in Dubai, one hopes to God they’re asking themselves the important questions: What are the lessons, good and bad – about vision and ambition and development – to be learnt from the Dubais of this world?

 

 

Tolu Ogunlesi (to4ogunlesi@yahoo.com)

Article culled from Punch

Eze Onyekpere: Is There A Place I Can Scream?

Is there a place I can scream? If I am allowed to scream, will someone be out there to hear me? And if someone hears me, will he be human enough to find out what is wrong and take action to my rescue? I am not the author of the first sentence. It was borrowed from Harold Myra’s collection of “Prayer Under Pressure”. This, to me, sounds like the scream of our Motherland Nigeria, a country where, originally, it was thought that though tribe and tongue may differ, there was an overwhelming bond of brotherhood. We were supposed to untiringly work towards the greatness of our country and to move from country-hood to nationhood. Ultimately, we should have worked to hand over to our children a banner without stain. Yes, a banner without blood stains, the stains of corruption and overwhelming greed and impunity that have engulfed us all.

These days, the news in the print and electronic media or the oral conversation of Nigerians cannot be complete without the gory details of the number of casualties of the onslaught of terror groups, organised mass murders, arson, grand stealing nicknamed as corruption and acts and omissions that border on man’s inhumanity to man and the loss of our collective sense of brotherhood and sisterhood. We have lost our sense of shock and outrage to the extent that anything goes and anything is possible. The right to life is the most basic of the fundamental human rights. It is the fulcrum upon which other rights revolve and one cannot enjoy any other right except he is in the land of the living. But, extinguishing life has become our routine activity and diet to the extent that it is difficult to keep a count of the number of lives lost in the last couple of weeks in Kano, Adamawa, Jos and Borno. It appears hell has let loose its angels of death and they have turned my beloved country into a killing field.

Kenya’s 2007 elections went wrong and the ensuing violence claimed about 1,200 lives. The people of Kenya thereafter unanimously said “Never again” and vowed not to allow a repeat in subsequent elections. Today, top politicians and prominent citizens have been indicted by the International Criminal Court including the President-elect, Uhuru Kenyatta. The people of Kenya have held another election which by all accounts has been peaceful. Yes, there was that unanimity of purpose to come together and resolve national challenges without degenerating to further bloodshed. The church, mosque, media, NGOs, women’s groups and indeed communities resolved to move forward even though some challenges of national integration exist.  How many souls have we sent to their early graves in Nigeria and we are still spoiling and baying for more blood as if we have not shed enough. Definitely, more than 10,000 times the figure in Kenya. From the lives lost in the First Republic in the Western Region crisis to the first and second military coups, the pogrom against the Igbo in the North, the estimated two million lives lost in the civil war, the military coups of the 1970s, incessant riots and religious uprisings, the Ogoni crisis, to the massacres in Odi to Zaki Biam: When shall we say our own “Never again”?

Government exists basically to protect lives and property. It should ideally be the product of a social contract. But we are in a state where there is a government in place but that which is fast losing control and authority over vast stretches of its land, water and air space. As a matter of fact, no one seems to be in charge and it is only God that apparently holds this country together. Law as a command of the sovereign backed by sanctions has lost its sanction mechanism which should have been activated by intelligence gathering, investigation and prosecution.  The supremacy of the constitution and the aphorism that no one is above the law now belongs to a distant past that has no link to the current reality. Nigeria now looks like the jungle where the lion is king and devours whoever is on its way and is accountable to no one but its conscience.

How did we get to this sorry state? Where did the rain start beating us, as Chinua Achebe would ask? And what can we do to retrace our steps before it is too late to turn around? This is not the time for apportioning blames or conjuring grand theories that will lead nowhere. It is a time of pragmatism and enlightened self-interest because we are all on the same boat and we will swim or sink together unless we do something to salvage ourselves. But let’s respond to a basic question: Are we doomed to fail as a nation? Are we programmed or did we programme ourselves to end in bloodletting and destruction? Is there something inherently wrong with us as a country that only leads us to the path of perdition? My straight forward answer is that there is nothing inherent in us decreeing that we are doomed. But the decision to swim or sink is one that we take consciously through our actions and omissions.

A time like this calls for statesmen and elders who will soar and tower above the prisms of our small worlds of ethnic hatred, religion and the different schisms dividing us. We need real patriots who can understand that violence can never bring peace and development. We need elders who can move beyond the self and project into the shared communal space and consciousness that defines our common humanity and seek to elevate the bonds that hold us together as against pointing to the cracks in the wall. Unfortunately, I only see a few selfless elders who are qualified for this task. But I see a lot of young men and women who can rise up to the challenge.  We do not need politicians who are perpetually fixated with the cycle of elections and sharing the perks of power without a thought for the welfare and peaceful development of the people.

Nigerians need to talk, to engage one another and tell ourselves the truth, purge ourselves of bitterness and hatred and decide to live together or if the basis of the relationship has been irretrievably damaged beyond repair, to have a peaceful divorce. President Goodluck Jonathan needs to act fast before the prophets of disintegration beat their chest in self-fulfillment. In collaboration with the National Assembly, the President must devise a way to convene a frank dialogue of the true representatives of the different segments of the Nigerian people. The groups to participate in the dialogue could range from representatives of political, ethnic, religious, professional, academic, workers, women, youths, physically challenged, traditional institution groups, etc. Whoever is deceiving himself that we do not need to talk should provide a workable remedy to the myriad of life threatening challenges facing the nation. Yes, we have leaders outside the current political circles who need to be part of this dialogue and that informs the listing of groups to be represented. If those currently in power are convinced that they can solve the problem under the extant constitution, let them take steps to resolve this crisis soon. Clearly, the existing political structure of the country has failed to provide remedies to our challenges.

 

Eze Onyekpere (censoj@gmail.com)

Article culled from Punch

Theophilus Ilevbare: Who Will Call Governor Akpabio To Order?

It is as reckless as it is feckless for Governor Godswill Akpabio to fritter away with zing the patrimony of Akwa Ibom State on his political associates, friends and sycophants in a showy and flamboyant manner to massage a bloated political ego. It is the height of profligacy.

The latest gaffe of the Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party Governors’ Forum has seen him enmeshed in yet another round of controversy. He allegedly confessed on camera that he manipulated the election result of the 2007 PDP senatorial primary election in the state by single-handedly replacing the winner with the name of his preferred candidate. The video has since gone viral on the internet.

This is coming on the heels of the recent wave of criticisms that has greeted his financial recklessness, making more headlines than his role as chief servant of the people of Akwa Ibom. Just when folks were torn in two minds if the governor jocularly called “Donatus” in some quarters, was doling out private or state money, at a press conference recently, he erased any doubt as he owned up that his string of “Father Christmas” donations have been from government coffers.

“Anything connected with my donations is captured within the law of the state, he reported told a newspaper” Struggling to sound convincing, he went ahead to say, “The budget is the law and there have been provisions that allow for grants for donations and for hospitality as enshrined within the budget.”

As the custodian of the state treasury, one begins to wonder what constitutes donations for hospitality to Akpabio. Is it hospitality to splash N230m of state funds as donation on behalf of the PDP Governors’ Forum, for the erection of an Anglican Church in Otuoke, the home town of President Goodluck Jonathan? For him to be subsequently berated by other PDP governors who said they were not carried along before the donation was made is a pointer to where the millions were drawn. That provisions were made in the law for donations and hospitality should not be an excuse for such a jamboree. The constitution certainly does not empower the governor to frivol the commonwealth of Akwa Ibom State at will.

What better use should such grants be put if roads in Akwa Ibom, like the Eket–Ibeno road leading to the venue of Tuface Idibia and Annie Macaulay’s traditional wedding ceremony, was in a deplorable condition? The governor had to apologise to the guests at the event that when next they come visiting, the road would have been rehabilitated. It is noteworthy that youths of Eket sometime ago, protested that the road be reconstructed.

The free-giving governor scandalised many, when he gifted the couple with Two Toyota Prado SUVs, though the state government later issued a statement, claiming it was one. To underscore his infamy, he made a pledge to bankroll an all-expenses paid trip for 20 delegates from the state who wished to attend the nuptial of the Idibias in far-away Dubai. The reveller that he is, present at a lavish party organised in honour of the couple, again, gifted the newly wed with N3m.

To Akpabio’s defence was his Commissioner for Information, Aniekan Umana, spewing inanities: “Looking carefully at the surrounding events in perspective, Mrs. Annie Idibia, nee Macaulay, is a daughter of Akwa Ibom State and the gift of a Prado SUV from her governor is only a gesture of love and goodwill. Her resolve to stand by her husband on this journey right from his days of youthful beginnings to stardom even in the face of challenges was commendable and a true attribute of the Akwa Ibom women.”

From Umana’s perspective, Akpabio might now have to donate a Prado Jeep to every Akwa Ibom daughter who decides to put up with the escapades of her boyfriend or fiancée to justify Annie’s gift. Publicity Secretary of the South-South Professionals of Nigeria, Oscar Onwudiwe, rightly queried the rationale of the commissioner when he said, “Will such a largesse be extended to every newly-wed couple in the state and will that pass as the mean test for judicious management of limited resources?” He further warned that “The frugal management of state resources are indispensable values necessary for the actualisation of our development plan. So, we appeal to the state governors not to trifle with these essential requirements.”

The PDP will have us believe that the chairman of its Governors’ Forum is being magnanimous, which they believe is a virtue. Truly, this is the kind of virtue that has existed at all levels of the party typified in the present Nigeria with all the symptoms of a failed state.

At every event Akpabio is present, he sees a window for frivolous gifting. Last year, the governor gave a cash gift of N10m for a return leg win against Mali by the national Under-17 team, the Golden Eaglets, in an African Under-17 Championship qualifier in Calabar. Just for a win.

Nollywood was not left out behind as Akpabio instituted a N50 million endowment fund to honour exceptional actors and actresses in the industry.

The display of wastefulness by Akwa Ibom state “spender-in-chief”, took a ridiculous twist at the South-South PDP reconciliation meeting in Port Harcourt where he embarrassed six state chairmen of the party with N6m for Mr Biggs (lunch), after describing them as “hungry.”

“My brother (Delta State Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan) said you people (PDP South-South members) are hungry, to take care of your hunger, I’m donating the sum of N1m each to the South-South secretariat of PDP and I would want each of the chairmen to come and collect the sum at the end of my speech so that members could use that to buy (lunch) at Mr. Biggs!” Akpabio said, descending from the absurd to the jejune. It was a bovine display of financial rascality. Not unexpectedly, Uduaghan, Amaechi and other PDP chieftains reportedly walked out on him while he was still speaking.

His much publicised achievement is lightweight when compared with its monthly allocations, which are more than four times what some other states get from the federal allocation. This is aside internally generated revenue. In spite of this, salaries of civil servants in the state are often said to be owed. Same goes for pensioners. The state has one of the country’s highest rates of unemployment, the reason its indigenes are scattered across the country. Key sectors of the economy are below par with what is obtainable in states without the oil revenue Akwa Ibom attracts.

Akpabio must retrace his steps. He needs to be helped from himself. It calls for serious concern from those connected to the state. It becomes more worrisome when the state House of Assembly look the other way.. The onus is now on the people of the state to help Akpabio from himself.

 

Theophilus Ilevbare (theophilus@ilevbare.com)

blog: http://ilevbare.com

Twitter: @tilevbare

#SomethingFresh: Friend, Go To Church! – by Ike Amadi @IkeAmadi

#SomethingFresh: Friend, Go To Church! – by Ike Amadi

 

I woke my friend up in the morning to go to church.  He said he was tired. Granted, he had some football game on Saturday which probably left his bones broken.

But then is that reason enough to not be able to go to Church which is just 15 minutes away?

When we are the most tired, that is when we need Church.

When we are the most hungry, Church is where we hope to be fed.

When thirsty, Jesus says, ‘come and drink!’

When tempted,  strength is there.

Lacking encouragement? Church is the place of encouragement. Heb 10:25

Feeling energetic, Church is there for you. Your dance might encourage someone.

“What if I am feeling sinful?” You ask. Why did you quickly forget that Christ Jesus came for the sinners? He loves the sinner man. Hence, church is where we go so as to have our sins washed in the blood, and through the encouraging hymns and seeing other brethren live righteously, we too are inspired to follow Jesus.

So friend, you have no excuse not to go to Church!

Church is where you should be…always!

David yearned to be in Church! ‘When will I see your face again?’ He always prayed.

Many a time, I have been very tired, hungry, devastated, confused, disorganized, but when I find strength and go to church, I observe that my weakness is gone; my depression has been replaced with joy unspeakable. My worry has been taking away and replaced with light. And this happens almost every Sunday; I always have to list the reasons why I have to go to church and that enables me encourage myself to go.

The only time it is acceptable to not church is when we want to wallow in our sins; when we want to remain depressed; when we want to be confused; when we want bitterness to take root in our lives.

But Churches are filled with hypocrites. Sad, that might be true. But where else will the hypocrite understand that there are ‘woes’ to the hypocrite except in church?

I had an injury once on one of my toe nails, and the experience was excruciating. It was not to be envied. I was limping, and practically learned the word for, limp, in Russian: ‘khramat’; everyone would ask me, ‘shto ti khramaesh?’- Why you limping? But I never wanted to seek medical help, even when all my medical friends encouraged me to go see a surgeon. I didn’t see the need. I felt it would go away. I’d limp it away. Far from reality I was. Two things are notable from that event.

Firstly, although I was badly injured, I wasn’t prepared to see the doctor. Secondly, with the limping leg, I didn’t miss a class I was to teach. I went to all! Limping or not. I made sure I didn’t cancel any class. I couldn’t lose any time or money to the injury!

And then I quizzed myself, ‘What if Church had fallen in one of those my limping days? Or a Church function; would I have limped to the venue? Or would I have given the excuse of my leg and chosen to recuperate at home?

We better be serious with God so that God can be serious with us!

I have observed that whatever we do first in the day takes a greater part of both our physical and mental energy! Take time out to observe it. This is perhaps one of the reasons why, God, in the Old Testament, commanded the children of Israel to bring in the firstfruits of all their increase.

Sunday, is the first day of the week. And if we can invest our time in God’s house, we will reap the fruits the whole week round.

The thing that would readily come to a carnal man’s mind is that, ‘But this man and that man do not go to Church, yet are very successful.’

Well, that is that man, and you don’t know what laws he is living by. I am talking to you, O christian, who should live by the law of Christ enabled by grace. Stop comparing yourself with an unbeliever! Did you not learn from David who already did much of those comparisons in the Psalms? Or Solomon? They had one simple verdict: they are blown away like chaff!

I pray that from today you and I will begin to take Church more seriously, as the angels are always there to sprinkle the blood of Jesus on everyone present. More so, the Holy Spirit descended on the apostles while they were gathered together at the upper room, and not in their various houses!

I am a lover of church and will continue to go to church with expectation, as The Father is there, Jesus is there, The Holy Spirit is there, and more so, the spirits of just men made perfect.

The young man who inspired this piece, actually had his legs crossed, ear piece in his ears and was catching up on some movie or series!

 

– @ikeamadi

Ike Amadi is author of the book, ‘Do Something!’ and blogs on www.ike-amadi.com. He is currently championing a movement on Twitter tagged #la187. #la187 seeks to inspire every Christian to read through the Old Testament in 187 days! The movement is currently on Day 22, Exodus. Join them!

INTERVIEW: Obasanjo, El-Rufai and I — Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar bares it all

Atiku Abubakar was the Vice-President during the Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration between 1999 and 2007. The founding member of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party shares his experience in the party and the privatisation exercise under his leadership in this online interview with LEKE BAIYEWU

 

As a founding member of the Peoples Democratic Party, why did you leave your party for the opposition Action Congress in 2006?

I had to leave because I was pushed to the limit. You know what happened during that period and we don’t have to go through it all over again. A scheme was introduced, by which I and my supporters were removed from the party under the guise of re-registration. Of course, the bigger scheme was to ensure that I did not succeed my boss (Olusegun Obasanjo). You saw how the cards were stacked against me to pursue my presidential aspiration under PDP. They had me suspended from the party, even beyond the length of time permitted by the PDP constitution. The party rejected and flouted all courts orders in respect of my rights as a party member.

Events were unfolding rapidly and I had a deep conviction that with the help of the courts, we could establish a precedent to ensure that no one trampled upon the rights of citizens – not just I – and got away scot-free. I was eventually compelled to seek alternative platform to prove this point and to advance my aspiration. That was how I joined others to found the Action Congress.

 

Why did you later dump AC to go back to the PDP, despite your vow never to do so?

Don’t forget that I was among the founding members of the PDP. I was forced to leave the party and I joined AC then because forces in the party (PDP) were ferociously determined to frustrate me at all costs. However, when the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua was elected as the President, he initiated the policy of reconciliation and appealed to aggrieved members to return. The committee for this purpose was headed by former Vice-President Alex Ekwueme.

I invested energy, time and political capital in the formation of the PDP and, therefore, because of that sentimental attachment, I responded to the policy of reconciliation and returned to the fold. Should you blame a child for reconciling with his parents after he ran away over disagreement? The circumstances of my departure from PDP are well known to Nigerians. When I returned, I did so to promote the growth of what I helped to build in the first place.

Basically, the destruction of internal democracy in PDP made me to leave the party against my will. You are aware of the policy of de-registration of certain party members by the former President. My supporters and I were the target of this hostile and anti-democratic policy. I was between the rock and the hard place and, ultimately, I was technically expelled from PDP by the hand-picked party national executives. It is, therefore, unfair for anybody to describe my departure from PDP as opportunistic, considering the insurmountable and deliberate obstacles laid on my path by the former President (Obasanjo) and the party national leadership.

 

When you were the chairman of the National Council on Privatisation and also as former Vice- President, you were accused of selling major public corporations to political office holders, including yourself. One of such is Pentascope. How true is it that the privatisation process was shady?

These allegations are not new. The interesting thing is that those spreading these allegations couldn’t come forward with any iota of proof against me. You forgot that I was accused of selling African Petroleum to myself, using a front. However, when the facts eventually emerged in respect of this particular allegation, my traducers were disarmed and were forced to retreat. Indeed, I was the most investigated public office holder under the former administration and, if this allegation was valid, it could have been conveniently used to bring me down and tarnish my name. Thank God I survived this smear campaign, just like others before it.

The Senate conducted a public hearing on privatisation under my leadership as the chairman of the National Council on Privatisation. That was the best opportunity for those accusing me of selling public assets to myself to come forward to prove the allegation. Surprisingly, they never did because they relied mainly on hearsay. A cabinet member in Obasanjo’s government, who was promoting this idle rumour, was eventually left looking small because he didn’t have the facts to substantiate his allegations against me.

On Pentascope, one would have expected your paper to direct the questions to El-Rufai himself. The Pentascope scandal was one of the issues investigated by the National Assembly and it accused El-Rufai of ignoring wise counsel by imposing the company on NITEL. Despite proven allegations that Pentascope was not financially capable and technically competent to handle NITEL management contract, the former Bureau of Public Enterprise Director-General ignored public outcry and forced the Dutch company on NITEL. Before the coming of Pentascope, NITEL was making an estimated N100bn profit annually. However, as soon as Pentascope took over, NITEL’s profits were nose-diving incredibly. With telecom stakeholders, the National Assembly and the Nigerian public insisting that the imposition of Pentascope on NITEL was ruinous to national interest, the Federal Government eventually cancelled the management contract against El-Rufai’s desire. I had no hand, absolutely, no connection or knowledge of how that company was brought into Nigeria.  Curiously, El-Rufa’i avoided the Pentascope issue in his book, “The Accidental Public Servant.” Therefore, if there is anybody to explain the details of the Pentascope scandal, it is El-Rufai himself. The fact of the contract are like this: Obasanjo agreed with the NCP that the former BPE DG was wrong not to have disclosed his interest and that he had failed the test of transparency by not disclosing that his brother was on the board of Motorola. I know you are very familiar with the laws of the federation. You know, for instance, that it is a very serious offence to fail, refuse or neglect to disclose your interest whether directly or through someone else, in dealing with such an important transaction. But, the President in his wisdom decided that the contract be split into three, with each of the contenders, Motorola, Ericsson and the Chinese company – I think Huawei – taking a portion. As if to vindicate the NCP, by 2007 when we left office, the two others apart from Motorola had completed their own contracts. You can go and find out if they (Motorola) have finished.

 

El-Rufai, has challenged you to explain what happened with the NITEL GSM contract that Motorola lost to Ericson, despite the American company submitting the lowest bid? What is your explanation?

Personally, I dislike the idea of exchanging words with the former FCT minister over this issue. But for the sake of your question, I would like Nigerians to be smart enough to read between the lines. Why does the former FCT minister treat the Motorola issue with such persistent personal bitterness? Why is he making it a heavy matter? Anybody can play to the gallery and deceive the people. Transparency is a key issue of conducting any business, including privatisation. Conflict of interest is inconsistent with transparency. If you are a privatisation head and you have a relationship with a particular person connected with one of the companies making bids, it is a moral and legal duty to disclose that relationship or interest. Pretending that you have no relationship with the person who is rooting for a particular bidder is not altogether tidy and transparent. If he had no interest in a particular company for sentimental reasons, why is he making too much fuss about Motorola losing the bid? Did El-Rufai accuse me of promoting Ericsson because I had any connection with the company directly or indirectly? If, indeed, I had promoted Ericsson for personal interest, Obasanjo wouldn’t have let me get away with it. He would have exposed me and disgraced me, and even ordered my prosecution.

 

Why is it that these corporations have relatively failed, despite being run by private investors?

I don’t agree with you that privatisation has failed altogether, despite the challenges some of the new investors are facing.  The GSM operators in the country are doing well, despite their challenges caused by infrastructural problems in the country. Look at banks and ports, they all are doing well. Some of the new investors are finding difficulties, maybe as a result of the scope of the challenges or ill-preparation. Some of them have resorted to asset stripping rather than restoring the companies to functional state and start production to create jobs, such as the Ajaokuta Steel Plant. Large-scale privatisation is relatively new in Nigeria and some of the new investors appear to have swallowed more than they can chew. But the privatisation exercise under me was a narrative of huge success, not of failure.

 

How could the proposed amendment to the PDP constitution seeking to make President Goodluck Jonathan the sole presidential candidate in 2015 affect your ambition?

As a loyal PDP member, I am keenly watching this development and could do anything within democratic means and internal mechanisms of conflict resolution to tackle this challenge. As the ruling party that boasts to be the largest in Africa, the PDP should set standards for internal democracy which should be a template for other parties. In fact, they (members) should not only be proud of its size but also of its credibility in the eyes of Nigerians. Promoting the principles of democracy is the bedrock on which the PDP was founded in 1998 by like-minded Nigerians. Therefore, any attempt to stifle internal democracy, make level playing field impossible and imposing a candidate on the party before the elections would damage the perception of the party. I am happy that the National Chairman, Bamanga Tukur, has been speaking along these lines. President Jonathan is entitled to seek the party ticket but that doesn’t mean others should be shut out completely through a party constitutional amendment. This amendment is unnecessary because it would set precedents that would undermine the democratic principles to which the party declared to be committed. Nothing gives us psychological satisfaction and ease better than winning fairly. With this amendment, however, can the PDP improve its public perception and convince fellow members that it is committed to fairness, transparency and a level playing field in the conduct of its internal affairs? If we don’t reject this amendment now, it would produce problems in the future that the party may find too embarrassing to handle. This effort to amend the constitution to please the ambition of any individual is in bad faith. In fact, it defeats the whole purpose of the policy of reconciliation and re-uniting aggrieved former members.

 

If the PDP goes ahead with the amendment to make Jonathan the sole candidate in 2015 without primaries, would you be tempted to join the All Progressives Congress as you recently applauded the merger of opposition parties which aims to oust your party?

Provided PDP members are free to vote according to their conscience or personal convictions of what is right, the amendment may face tough opposition. The sanctity of the democratic principles on which the PDP was founded should not be sacrificed on the grounds of expediency to gratify the ego of individual leaders. Should we mutilate a whole legal document by which a party is run for the sake of anyone else’s ambition or ego? President Jonathan can throw this hat into the ring, if that is what he wants. It is important, however, that the process of his nomination by the party should be open, fair, just and transparent. The contest should be conducted through open primaries. Other party members should be allowed to participate in the primaries. If they ultimately lose to Jonathan through a fair contest, they will embrace and congratulate him. What is wrong with open primaries or level-playing ground? Amending the PDP constitution for the sake of making President Jonathan the sole candidate is absolutely unnecessary. Exclusion in the nomination of candidates amounts to imposition which is inconsistent with democratic practice. I have read all manners of arguments by proponents, saying that the American system gives the option of first refusal to the incumbent and that the PDP should do the same. That is very misleading.

In the first place, it is not true that American incumbents are not challenged at party primaries; there is no such rule in the United States. The late Senator Edward Kennedy mounted a vigorous challenge against the then incumbent Jimmy Carter. Although Carter won, the contest went down to the wire. It was resolved through a vote at the nomination convention of the Democratic Party. On the second aspect of your question, I wish to make a clarification. As a loyal PDP member and as one of the founding fathers, I couldn’t have said the emergence of APC is good for the death of PDP. What I said in Ibadan was that, with the emergence of APC, a two-party system seems to be unfolding in the country and that this development is consistent with my advocacy for a two-party system in Nigeria. I never said the merger of opposition parties as you alleged is good for the ouster of PDP from office.

 

Can you shed more light on the controversy surrounding your membership of the PDP Board of Trustees?

On my alleged removal as a member of the Board of Trustees of PDP, I do not wish to engage in speculation. No one has communicated such decision to me yet. It would, however, be unfortunate if it turns out to be true. As I said, it would be a setback for the policy of reconciliation embarked upon by the Alex Ekwueme-led committee. This move is like undoing the positive outcome of what Dr. Ekwueme had achieved in that respect.

 

Is it true that President Jonathan signed a one-term agreement with the North?

With the zoning policy of the PDP virtually dead, talking about agreements at this point is somehow a tricky issue. I am not sure I am in the right position to talk about what you call the one-term agreement. Governor Babangida Aliyu of Niger State recently referred to that agreement or understanding. A gentleman’s word should be his bond. I contested against Jonathan during the 2011 PDP presidential primaries and, therefore, anything I say now might be subject to misinterpretation. Because of this fact, I don’t want to belabour the points about agreements or understandings. I am, however, primarily concerned about the image of my party in the eyes of Nigerians. Changing rules or the constitution of the party for the sake of expediency is not my idea of honour. If we conveniently live in denial or pretend that the party didn’t reach any understanding on anything, then who would take us seriously? How can you be a beneficiary of something and later pretend that the policy that put you in office is no longer relevant? The emergence of (House of Representatives) Speaker Aminu Tambuwal against the party insistence on zoning was a consequence of abandoning principle for the sake of expediency. With the election of Tambuwal as the Speaker, following the party’s declaration that zoning was dead, the PDP leadership was morally disarmed to prevent the emergence of Tambuwal as Speaker in the so-called breach of zoning policy – the same power sharing formula, which the party declared dead. Such is the consequence of hypocrisy.

The election of Tambuwal was a most embarrassing moment for the PDP. If you rejected zoning for the nomination of President Jonathan, what moral right do you have to tell lawmakers to elect their Speaker based on zoning, which you discarded?

When people are blinded by expediency, they hardly foresee the consequences of opportunism. Today, the President is from the South-South geopolitical zone; Vice­-President, North-West;  President of the Senate, North-Central;  Speaker of the House of Representatives, North-West; Chief Justice of Nigeria, North-West; Secretary to the Government of the Federation, South-East; Deputy Senate President, South-East;  and Deputy Speaker, South-East. This wasn’t the intention of the abandoned zoning policy, but we have to live with this unpleasant reality because of the myopic attitude of some people. The South-West is today crying very loudly about marginalisation, thanks to the abandonment of zoning for the sake of expediency. This issue is not about Atiku but about the imperative of sustaining arrangements that would guarantee every section of Nigeria access to the nation’s highest public office. We have been called names by people that benefitted from this arrangement. Zoning had successfully achieved the objectives of equitable power sharing. If anybody now says zoning is not good, that wouldn’t change the reality of its benefits. The arrangement had significantly reduced the fear of domination by any section or group over others.

 

Would you, as a president grant amnesty to Boko Haram?

If I were the President, I would have no hesitation to throw the ball into the court of the Boko Haram leaders. As was case with the Niger Delta militancy, I would declare amnesty for the sect members with a deadline within which to surrender their arms. With the expiration of the deadline, if the sect members don’t lay down their arms, then my government would be in a better position to face its critics that accuse it of not taking the initiative. The deadline for the surrender of arms would show whether the Boko Haram fighters want peace or not.

 

Do you see the revived Peoples Democratic Movement as strong enough to stop Jonathan from winning election?

I have nothing personally against President Jonathan. The issue here is about principle and internal democracy. This is not about PDM; it is about a struggle to entrench internal democracy. Should we destroy everything internal democracy stands for just for the sake of forcing anybody into line to support only one contestant? The PDP, like any political organisation, is a convergence of various political interests and forces that came together to form the party, as it is today. I would work together with all stakeholders within the PDP to bring about positive change from within PDP. This issue is not merely about PDM. The principle behind my struggle is beyond the PDM.

 

via Punch

INTERVIEW: Somebody once advised me to be like Reno Omokri, so I can also ‘make it’, instead of ‘making noise’ – Pius Adesanmi

Professor Pius Adesanmi is arguably the most restless public intellectual in Nigeria today. He needs no introduction to millions of Nigerians that regularly visit leading web-based platforms like Nigeria Village Square, Sahara Reporters and Premium Times. Beyond those new media platforms, his essays on contemporary issues are also usually published in other less known blogs and sites, just as his satires are widely circulated via twitter and facebook. So, in today’s social media-driven Nigeria, it is highly unlikely that there are internet-savvy, politically conscious Nigerians that have not come across Adesanmi’s essay.

After two weeks of trying, Jarushub editor, Suraj Oyewale, was able to get hold of the Kogi-born, Canada-based professor.

Enjoy the interview…

 

 Let’s start from your background. Can you give me a brief insight into your growing up?

Ah – the background question! I don’t seem to be able to escape this question these days even if many of my popular essays are windows into my childhood and boyhood in Isanlu, Yagba East Local Government Area of Kogi state.  Many of the essays in my book of creative non-fiction, You’re not a Country Africa, also tell my coming of age story.

My Dad, the late Alfred Dare Adesanmi, and my Mom, Lois Adesanmi, are both from Isanlu. That makes me a proud Yagba man and a privileged bearer of the intellectual flag of Okun people. I have described myself as belonging to the transitional generation which witnessed the collapse of Nigeria’s ethical foundation. We are now between forty and sixty-years-old.

During my formative years, Isanlu, like the rest of Okunland, was a bucolic world in which an unfinished modernity meshed seamlessly with a certain traditional world in retreat. Pre-prosperity Pentecostal versions of Christianity had an uneasy co-existence with colourful forms of traditional spirituality. I recall egungun (masquerade) and Ogun festivals. I recall oro and imole festivals. Although Christians and Moslems treated these traditional spiritualities with contempt and condescension, there was in fact a meeting point in terms of the ethos and regimes of morality which governed society and dictated the pedagogies with which children were raised.

My parents, for instance were staunch Roman Catholics. Indeed, it is safe to say that Dad and Mom were more Catholic than the Pope. I was, therefore, raised with a heavy Catholic hand. My parents have only three of us. I have two elder sisters, so I am the youngest child and the only son. But I do not recall growing up with less than a dozen cousins and nephews living with us at any given time. And we were all subject to the same strict moral and ethical codes dictated by my parents’ subscription to the codes of Christian parenting as well as traditional modes of shaping behavior. I am saying that for all the Catholicism, the omoluabi principles they instilled in us were informed by culture and tradition and fed by traditional spiritualities. One’s sense of taboo, of avoiding bad behaviour devolved as much from not wanting to offend particular gods and ancestors as it did from the Christian text.

Another thing about my background – you can guess this one – is books. My Dad and Mom were both educationists. They were secondary school principals in the missionary tradition of yore. In fact, Dad was a student in Dundee, Scotland, when the first wave of Catholic secondary schools were founded in Okunland – St Augustine’s College, St. Monica’s College, St. Barnabas’ College, all in Kabba; St Kizitos College, Isanlu, etc. The then Bishop of Lokoja Diocese, Bishop Auguste Delisle, from Québec, Canada, reached out to Catholic sons of Okunland overseas to come home and work in the newly established colleges. This was in the early 1960s.

There was also the desire on the part of these people to return home from the white man’s land and build their newly-independent country, Nigeria. My father was part of the generation that answered Bishop Delisle’s call in the 1960s. He returned home from Scotland and was appointed Principal of St Kizito’s College, Isanlu. At the time, a certain Reverend Father John Onaiyekan, who was ordained in 1969, was the parish priest of our local Catholic church in Isanlu and was also teaching at St. Kizito’s college.

My father brought home from Scotland a ‘bad’ habit I will call bibliophilia. My father read extremely widely. He was trained in history. In fact, when he returned home from Europe, he went on to do his Masters in History at the Ahmadu Bello University, where he was a student of the great Professor Abdullahi Smith. My formative years meant monthly trips with my father to University bookshops in Ilorin, Ife, and Ibadan to buy books for the family library. Can you imagine that? The man would earn his pay, jump into his car with his son, and take off to buy books. He collected books in every imaginable discipline: History, literature, geography, sociology, archeology, etc.  He would tell me that he could tolerate anything but a mind that has not read books. He made me read. He made me acquire an unquenchable thirst for erudition.

That is how I came to acquire more erudition outside of institutional frameworks than what I read at school during my formative years.  School was the easy part. My father’s library at home was where I did the heavy lifting under his supervision. Halfway through secondary school, I had finished abridged versions of most of Shakespeare and the Greek classics. I had exhausted virtually every novel in the African Writers Series because Dad had the complete collection at the time. I had read very widely in African precolonial and colonial history. Homer, Aeschylus,  Sophocles, Euripides, Ovid, Virgil, etc, were not names I encountered in formal schooling. They were spirits I encountered in my father’s library at home, long before I had reached the level in literary studies when they became part of the curriculum. Dad subscribed to Time MagazineNewsweek, and Reader’s Digest. Can you imagine that? We received those magazines weekly at the local post-office in Isanlu when I was growing up! They were part of my intellectual diet.

 

You are a multi-talented writer.  I’m not a man of letters, but from the little I know of literature, I know you write poems and your collection, The Wayfarer and Other Poems, won the Association of Nigerian Authors’ Poetry Prize in 2001.  Your book, You’re not a country, Africa, won the Penguin Prize for African Writing in 2010.  Your essays are also usually satirical and you deploy Yoruba proverbs and wise cracks that make one want to read them over and over again.  You are also a public intellectual, delivering lectures all over the world. How do you juggle all these?

Did you just describe me there? I don’t know this guy you are talking about o! Ok, my Dad is also the culprit here. If you look for my essay, “Pace Setters” online, you’ll see my description of Dad as the culprit who ruined my football “set” games with his intellectual terrorism. You know what it means to wait all evening for your own “set” (five-a-side soccer game) and be summoned in a patriarchal voice by your Dad to come and study. Dad was an absolute killjoy. He ruined my games. And he wasn’t just satisfied with allotting me novels, plays, poems, history books etc. I had to write essays about each book I read. He graded my work meticulously. I read and wrote and wrote and read. Dad graded and graded and graded.

The wide variety of texts he exposed me to and required me to write reactions to necessitated my learning to write in an eclectic format. But I realize that there also has to be talent. There has to be a certain gift you are born with. So, maybe Dad only honed what his genes had already guaranteed in me.

Today, my Muses are the terrorists who keep me awake all night. They are terrible spirits. I never can tell what they are going to make me write: a poem, satire, a personal essay, etc. They torment me until I deliver. After each inspired essay, I feel really drained and mentally exhausted, like a woman who just delivered a baby. The public intellectual part I already explained in a previous interview I granted the magazine, African Writing (http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/adesanmi.htm). The editor of the magazine says I suffer from what he calls the militant intellection complex. I agree with him.

I must however add that public intellection is a heavy burden and a terrible fate. It is no tea party. I did not choose to be one. Public intellection is a path that chose me. “Follow the paths that chose you”, my friend, Odia Ofeimun, screams in a poem. That is exactly what I am doing – following the path that chose me.

I agree that juggling all these things with a busy academic career is not easy. I still have to teach my undergraduate classes and graduate seminars full time. I still have to write and publish literary theory essays in refereed academic journals and edited books. I currently have a Banting post-doctoral fellow working with me in addition to supervising two doctoral candidates. I am active as an external examiner for Ph.D students from South Africa to the United States and Canada. And you will have noticed that I don’t repeat lectures. The keynote lecture I delivered at the University of Toronto this past February 15 is different from the one I delivered one week later at Penn State University. The keynote lecture I delivered last November at the annual convention of the Association of Nigerian Authors in Uyo is different from the SNG lecture I delivered two days later in Lagos.

The regularity of these invited lectures means that they have to be written on the run, even as you see my weekly columns and as you follow my public instruction activism on Facebook. But I get by. I get by.

 

Who are your mentors in the literary world?

Three of my teachers at Titcombe College took a strong interest in my flair for writing, mentored, and encouraged me. I owe everything to Mr Funsho Medaiyedu, my English Literature teacher, Mr Tunde Iluromi, my French teacher, and Mr. Dele Dada, my history teacher. Apart from my teachers, all the writers I have read in the world’s great literary traditions are my mentors. If you are a writer, every piece of prose you read from the masters is like a subconscious blood transfusion. A writer’s blood is a confluence of many prose transfusions.

Apart from the masters of African prose, apart from the masters of black diasporic prose (we call that the Black Atlantic in literary theory), I look at the European tradition across times and climes and see mentors from Balzac to Flaubert, from Tolstoy to Dostoievski, from Dickens to Orwell. I look at the Americas and see mentors from Borges to Garcia Marquez, from Carlos Fuentes to Vargas Llosa, from Jorge Amado to Reinaldo Arenas. I look at the United States and Canada and see mentors from William Faulkner to John Dos Passos, from Ringuet to Margaret Atwood. Odia Ofeimun took a personal supervisory interest in my writing when I was in Ibadan in the early to mid-1990s. So did Professor Niyi Osundare who still picks up the phone regularly to check in on my writing.

Your contemporaries can also be your mentors. During my Ibadan years, I was surrounded by a pool of writers whose impact on my work is not negligible. Nothing today comes to close to the fraternity I enjoyed with Harry Garuba, Remi Raji, Nduka Otiono, Akin Adesokan, Toni Kan, Charles Ogu, Unoma Azuah, Omowumi Segun, Toyin Adewale-Gabriel, Promise Okekwe, Chiedu Ezeanah, Simeon Berete, Obi Nwakanma, EC Osondu, Maik Nwosu, Nehru Odeh, David Diai, Sola Olorunyomi and so many wonderful writers. Lola Shoneyin is like my Siamese twin in Nigerian letters. We have come a long way and we always encourage each other. Ogaga Ifowodo is ‘family’ and I draw inspiration from his work.

I draw mentorship from the work of Amatoritsero Ede, Victor Ehikhamenor, Afam Akeh, Nnorom Azuonye, Uche Nduka, and Obu Udeozo. Among the great Francophone African writers of my generation, Abdourahman Ali Waberi has been my brother and companion since we met in South Africa at the Time of the Writer in 1998. I am also close to the Cameroonian novelist, Patrice Nganang. Reading my work, the mentorship of D.O. Fagunwa and other master Yoruba prose stylists is unmistakable. My prose blood group is rich and chaotic. Too many writers have donated mentorship prose-blood for the transfusion that you encounter in my writing.

 

Now, let’s go to Nigerian politics: I have been a follower of your articles for some years now, and have always told people that care to listen that you and Sonala Olumhense are the most vocal, perhaps most  radical, columnists and public intellectuals  in Nigeria today. What motivates your political writings/criticisms?

First, as a public intellectual, I am a product of all the great “isms” of the global radical left – which you can already delineate from my description of my reading diet, starting from my father’s library when I was a kid. That training ingrained a keen appetite for fairness and justice in my psyche at a very early age. Wide reading and my subsequent ideological development only sharpened that incipient sense of radical social commitment.

I’ve been a student of French public intellectuals for several decades. From them, I learnt about the immense power of ideas. Emile Zola altered the course of French – and perhaps European society – with just one public letter, “J’Accuse (I accuse). And we know the impact of the generation of the “engaged” philosophers like Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, and Albert Camus as they shaped society with their cerebral power and opposed the colonial beast of the French state in Vietnam and Algeria.

When your mind has been shaped by this kind of radical interventionist tradition at the level of ideas, a society like Nigeria becomes increasingly offensive. Nigeria offends me profoundly and fundamentally in terms of our sorry postcolonial history and trajectory. Nigeria offends me because she is unfair and unjust. Nigeria offends me because she offers the bizarre situation in which less than 200, 000 buffoons in the political élite have ensured that about 160 million people may never arrive in the 21st century in my lifetime. Travel sharpens the pain and the awareness. Forget about Europe. Forget about North America. The tragedy, the disappointment that is Nigeria is flung in your face when you travel as extensively in Africa as I do.

Let me tell you, as an undergraduate student of French, I spent a year abroad in Togo. Togo was my first ever experience of spending a whole year on earth without electricity blinking even for one second. And to think that more than 20 years after this experience in Togo, some pro-establishment idiots still go about on social media asking Nigerians to be thankful whenever they enjoy maybe one week of uninterrupted electricity! We are being asked to be grateful for less than what the Togolese enjoyed 20 years ago! This sort of unacceptable situation nourishes my career as a public intellectual and a radical columnist.

Living in the diaspora should make any Nigerian of good conscience as restless as I am. It should instill the desire in us not to cut Nigeria any slack, not to tolerate the merchants of mischief and illusion who sell mediocrity to our people, claiming that Rome was not built in a day. Like my friend, Yomi Okusanya, always says, it is criminal to live abroad and justify or rationalize the tragedy that is Nigeria.

My responsibility is to refuse to accept any excuses for why Nigerians cannot ride in the kinds of trains that Canadians use today. I cannot ride in jet-age trains here and be happy and content that my people in Nigeria are riding in poorly refurbished World War locomotives doing Lagos to Kano in 36 hours and are being asked to be grateful for that privilege in the 21st century. To reject this sort of insult on behalf of the Nigerian people is what motivates my public intellectual work.

 

As a government critic, will you ever commend a government if they do something commendable? Or is it just about looking at the lowpoints of government alone?

Of course. I actually have a history of commending government officials when they perform well and credibly. Long before people began to pay serious attention to Babatunde Raji Fashola, I wrote an essay, “Babatunde Fashola, the Loner of Sodom”. Google it and see what I had to say about the man. People forget that and brandish my criticism of Fashola’s purchase of Toronto junk trains as evidence that I don’t commend government officials when they perform.

You are familiar with my positive writings about our friend, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, even when it became dangerous for my reputation as the man progressively became enamoured of curious actions and reckless talk sure to guarantee him negative press. I am very fond of SLS but I reserve the right to use my koboko publicly on him in my columns whenever he veers off reason and logic. Look at all the rubbish he was doing last year in the name of corporate social responsibility. Although he explained things to me in an email, I did not buy his yeye argument. He went about doing Father Christmas in Kano and in some Universities, doling out money and sending all the wrong symbolic signals. In Nigeria’s environment of overwhelming fiscal brigandage, the CBN governor ought to be a symbol of fiscal moderation and responsibility. When credible people like SLS begin to spend money like a drunken sailor, charlatans like Godswill Akpabio will take their cue. That’s why I was very vocal in criticizing SLS in social media at the time.

In addition, you do know my overall favourable opinion of Nasir El Rufai because of his work in Abuja, despite the considerable criticism he attracts. You also must not forget that my intervention in how Nigeria is run is not always public. At my level – I hope I am not being immodest – I have access to very high levels in Nigeria indeed. I have access to numerous political ‘ogas at the top’. It comes with the territory of public intellection. My experience with Nigerian officials is that they listen and respect you a lot once they know that you are real and you are offering your viewpoint selflessly and out of patriotic zeal. They only disrespect those running after them for kola, contracts, and appointments. Once they know you are above that level and you have followership, they are in fact grateful when you call them to offer advice.

Therefore, my praxis is a combination of using my weekly column as a koboko and active intervention via telephone advocacy. I do telephone intervention if I believe that picking up the phone and sharing positive ideas with a government official might be more effective than writing a column. With regard to acknowledging their tentative and often pyrrhic positive steps, I just don’t like to do it under duress or in response to some yeye pressure by pro-establishment noisemakers who go about browbeating people for “balanced or constructive criticism”, their euphemism for praise singing.

Some would even want to impose a quota on you. They go about saying write positive things, as if you must invent good news when it does not exist. I don’t tolerate that nonsense at all. Government officials have a surfeit of praise singers anyway. They are “ogas at the top” and everybody praises them. They swim in unmerited praise. What they lack in sufficient numbers are people who talk unvarnished sense to them. My critical voice is very important to me. It shall not join the ranks of praise singers.

 

With the experience with Reuben Abati, and maybe Segun Adeniyi, Nigerians have become quite skeptical about fiery public commentators. Will you ever consider accepting a spokesmanship appointment with a Nigerian government if offered? Or any appointive office with government?

Ha ha ha, et tu, Suraj! This is a question friends and foes, admirers and adversaries alike have thrown at me over the years in my various spheres of public engagement. These days, it is not uncommon for me to receive close to a hundred messages per day in my Facebook inbox and nearly half of those messages would come from Nigerians all over the world literally pleading with me not to betray them because they have been betrayed by too many activist public intellectuals in whom they invested a lot of hope, only to see such fellows end up as carrion eaters from the master’s table.

Reuben Abati’s tragic choice has been elevated into something of a national injury in the Nigerian psyche. Nigerians have taken his treachery personal and he may never recover from this disaster. His degrees, his brilliance, didn’t prevent him from underestimating the credibility and symbolic capital he had built with the Nigerian people and everything has come crashing.

Segun Adeniyi is my friend – no, make that my brother, he is my brother – and he too made a judgment call I vehemently disagree with, hence the biting satirical war I waged against him throughout the time he spent with the oppressor. Today, he too is still managing the consequences of his problematic decision. Unlike Abati, I at least can claim to understand the rationalizations that went through Segun’s mind as he went in. Segun will not be the first credible and progressive intellectual to fall prey to such rosy rationalizations. He will not be the last.

Nigeria provides such intractable challenges that fighting the system from the outside, year in year out, and not seeing any tangible results could lead the activist, the progressive, the public intellectual, into the attractive fallacy of the individual catalyst of change from within. You get tired of being Cassandra. Cassandra is that lady in Greek mythology who was given the gift of vision and prophecy but cursed that nobody would believe her. Cassandra can see the future of society and prophecy about it but she is condemned to scream herself hoarse without a single soul believing her. That is the position of the Nigerian progressive activist versus power in Nigeria. We are Cassandra. Power never believes what we see and scream about our the future of Nigeria. After years of being Cassandra and not being believed, your mind begins to tell you that, perhaps, you could go in and engineer change from within in little installments.

I have seen intellectuals and activists go in based on this rationalization. They are going to be the miracle worker from within. They are going to wield the magic wand from within. But we are familiar with the consistent and unchanging denouement of this scenario. Where they survive, they come out with a badly damaged reputation and a severely undermined public image, having made zero impact on the culture of corruption and cronyism they went in to change.

Now, what do the Cassandra intellectual figures who embrace government appointments to become miracle workers from within and my readers in the public sphere – including you, Suraj – who are uneasy, predicting that it is only a question of time before I “join them” by accepting a political appointment; what do you all have in common? Well, your position is informed by a certain perverse idea of service in our national consciousness. This is also tied to a broader perverse notion of “making it” that came with the military.

For my father’s generation, “service to Nigeria”, was whatever you were called upon to do in your station in life. My father was a college principal his entire life. For him, he was serving and that opportunity to serve Nigeria by moulding her children meant “he had arrived”. He had “made it”. Somewhere along the line, our values were perverted. To serve, to make it, became synonymous with “eating” after a political appointment. So, when people ask me if I would be willing to serve Nigeria if called upon, I retort: but I have been called into the service  of Nigeria by my intellectual gifts and talent.

I am already serving. I have spent several years now in public pedagogy and conscientization. That is service to Nigeria. There is of course also the tragic sense in that question about whether I would accept to “join the government”. There is the pre-supposition that I am somehow yet to make it and I am only waiting for my turn. This is a reflection of the psychological damage that has been done to our people.

At the risk of being immodest, I am on top of my game in the world of scholarship and ideas. I have won the ANA Poetry Prize and the Penguin Prize for African Writing. I am a sought-after speaker by Universities across the world. Yet, somehow, within our modes of valuation in Nigeria, I am yet to “make it”. Somebody even advised me once to try and be like Reno Omokri, a young man who has “made it”, instead of making noise all the time. In his estimation, a University don in Canada who has won an international literary prize can’t be deemed to have “made it” unless he becomes a political jobber in Nigeria. Suraj, I am not just a political crusader. I am a social crusader and part of my brief is the struggle to repair the psychological damage to our people.

Part of my praxis is to teach our people that entry into the corridors of power, “joining government”, is not the only way to serve Nigeria, not the only way to make it. That is why I recently used the example of Joe Okei-Odumakin as an opportunity to teach our youth that there are other philosophies of “making it” beyond what has been taught them by our perfidious political elite. We need to teach our people what that line, “the labour of our heroes past”, means. The “labour” referenced in our national anthem is not political prostitution in the corridors of power. That “labour” was carried out in every sphere of life by dedicated Nigerians – farmers, teachers, traders, market women, mechanics, vulcanizers, etc.

That labour gave us the groundnut pyramids of Kano, the cocoa plantations of the west, the food basket that are Benue state and the Middle Belt. That labour gave us the industrial resourcefulness of the east whose products we ignorantly looked down upon as “Ibo Made”. That labour gave us the civil service of my father’s generation, not the irredeemably corrupt and comatose thing we call civil service today. That was how to serve Nigeria in those days. That was how to “make it.”

So, to answer your question, I will not be “joining government”. I am not interested. Public pedagogy of the sort that I am doing is a higher, nobler calling than prostitution in government. There is nothing more satisfying than the privilege of being able to participate in public instruction, being able to be part of this vital struggle for Nigeria’s ethical rebirth. I believe that, down the road, we shall produce generations of Nigerians with loftier ideas of making it and serving the Fatherland beyond government jobbing. I want to look back, satisfied that I elected to play the role of public instructor as we worked on the consciousness of a generation of civic-minded born again Nigerians. I am talking about being born again in civics o.

 

What motivates the KickOut Siddon Look 2015 movement?  Is the struggle going to be limited to the Social media, or it will be taken to the streets?  Given that the bulk of Nigerian voters are hardly literate or hardly care about what goes on in the cyberspace, how does KOSiL 2015 intend to carry along this critical mass?

Well, since I have no Oga at the top, I don’t have to give you a temporary www.dasallwebsite for KickOut Siddon Look. I can give you our website straightaway and you and your readers can find answers to your questions there: www.kickoutsiddonlook.org. The ethical collapse that I spoke about in response to your earlier question about my willingness to serve in government stems from a broad range of factors, chief among which are the collapse of civics and the political disempowerment of our people.

I am not even talking about disempowerment under the military. I am talking about the democratization of disempowerment (apologies to the late Claude Ake) in Nigeria since we embraced the current charade in 1999. The only tangible dividend of democracy has been the broadening and all-inclusive nature of political disempowerment. The corrupt political class seems to be telling our people that everybody is equally entitled to the political disempowerment they dish out.

This disempowerment starts with zero representation of the masses in all the processes leading to the selection and election of their political representatives. What we have is a top-down democracy of scurrilous party leaders, chieftains, stakeholders, and elder statesmen. It’s a very rude and arrogant process. These characters, at Federal, state, and ward levels, just do their thing and pass down instructions to the people. When they have made their decisions and anointed their candidates, they bus our people down to go and “vote”. They give them okada motorcycles, ankara, and bags of rice. They give them money to sew the ankara.

At the end of the process, people who have had no hand whatsoever in choosing their political representatives will go about dancing and singing “winner ooo winner” all the way to the home of one useless party chieftain or godfather who will make a speech and serve them rice and amala and ewedu.  Nothing illustrates the arrogance of the ruling elite and the disempowerment of our people than the recent chest-beating confession of political rigging by the Godswill Apkabio, the drunken fisherman sailor spendthrift who is ruining the treasury of Akwa Ibom state. The people voted for someone and you go on live TV to brag that you erased the winner’s name with your own hand. It is this attitude, this acceptance and normalization of political disempowerment by our people, that we seek to erase in KickOut Siddon Look, starting with the 2015 elections, but we are also looking far beyond 2015.

KOSiL is a grassroots political movement that will combine all kinds of strategies to conscientize our people. We certainly aren’t going to limit things to social media. Our ultimate aim – we are ambitious – is to have cells in every local government area of Nigeria. It’s a lot of work but all you need to see that it can be done is to examine the mileage already covered by our founding nucleus which comprises people armed only with their patriotism and total commitment to the Nigerian people. I am speaking of Modupe Debbie Ariyo, Safiya Musa, Tunji Ariyomo, Soni Akoji, Kingsley Ewetuya, Ndubuisi Victor Ogwuda, Anodavinci Ebirim, Yommi Oni, Tunde Fagbenle, Okey Ndibe, and yours truly. These are the people who have been able to convince all the wonderful Nigerians who have signed up already and are now footsoldiering for the cause. Watch out, Nigerians, KOSiL is coming to your doorstep in your village soon!

 

Nigeria has had the misfortune of bad leaders for long and it doesn’t look like things are getting better.  Of all the names being thrown around now, who do you consider the most fit for the highest office in the land in 2015?

Suraj, you know my position about this. Things have been perverted for so long that there are no good actors in our political terrain now. The choice, as I always say, is not between good and bad presidential materials but between bad and less bad presidential materials. All the names being thrown around for now range from bad to less bad via slightly less bad. At KOSiL, we believe that Nigerians can and should come together to move beyond this paradigm. 160 million Nigerians should be able to identify credible people and work to have them represent us. Where KOSiL eventually decides to go about 2015, there will I also go!

 

What is your reaction to the state pardon recently granted to Mr. Alamieyeseigha?

My brother, why waste time talking about Goodluck Jonathan and his role model, Mr. Alamieyeseigha? The least said about these two terrible examples for our youth, the better. I’ll pass.

 

Our blog, Jarushub, recently did an article listing natural brilliance, dream, competition, calculation, optimism, environment, course, taking off early, knowing one’s and one’s teacher’s style, as the key to academic success, at least at undergraduate level . As a First Class graduate yourself, do you agree with our list?

There are two things missing from your list: hard work and good role models. Nigeria was awash with credible role models when I was an undergraduate. Yes, I worked hard to make a First Class Honours but wanting to grow up to be like the role models I looked up to was also a key ingredient of my success at the time.

That is why we cannot be talking too much and too loudly about Goodluck Jonathan and his own role model, lest our youth begin to believe that finding a way to loot, and becoming influential enough to be pardoned if you are caught, are worthier goals in life than aspiring to make a First Class Honours in a society where there aren’t even jobs for them.

 

On a lighter note, trying to reach you yesterday, you said you were in the gym. So, when you are not writing or teaching, what do you do to relax?

Ah, I don’t joke with Ebenezer Obey’s philosophy o! “Omo ti on sise dede, o ye ko l’asiko igbadun, igba ti o fi j’aiye” (a child that works very hard is also entitled to moments of pleasure and enjoyment). I party hard o. I am funky professor. And, no matter where I am in the international lecture circuit, I try to put in at least one hour of gym work out every day. I love to pump iron in the gym.  My childhood friend, Temitope Oni, one of Nigeria’s most successful medical doctors in South Africa, is envious of the six-pack belly I am working very hard to develop. I go to the gym to show him how we do it!

 

Thank you for your time, Prof.

 

This interview was first published on Suraj Oyewale’s blog, www.jarushub.com.

Ayo Olukotun: The Ever Dangling Axe Of ‘Fuel Subsidy’ Removal

The Nigerian government and people have been fighting on several fronts lately. There is the rising insecurity underlined by the virtual siege laid by Boko Haram to the northern part of the country in the midst of apprehension of a southward shift in their activities. There is too the blot on our international image occasioned by the presidential pardon of a former Bayelsa State governor, Depreye Alamieyeseigha; and there is the ever-rising social tension deriving from escalating unemployment and worsening state of the quality of life of Nigerians. As one journalist put it recently, living in Nigeria is one of the most expensive propositions around the globe but the quality of life is also one of the most depressing.

As if our plates are not already full, government officials including President Goodluck Jonathan warned recently of yet another impending hike in the price of fuel, raising the spectre of a likely shutdown of the country by labour and civil society groups. The official hint came on the heels of a ruling by an Abuja High Court in a case filed by Bamidele Aturu to the effect that government should not tamper with petroleum prices under the guise of deregulating the downstream sector of the oil industry. The Peoples Democratic Party, hardly famous for pro-people social policies, was sufficiently jolted by the timing of the President’s statement that it openly disagreed with the intended increase in fuel prices.

It is not entirely clear why government is contemplating not so long after the seminal national and international upheavals that greeted the precipitate increase in fuel price at the beginning of last year.  So apparently confusing is the recent threat considering that Nigerians have yet to recover from the effects of last year’s increase that at least one columnist, Tatalo Alamu, has openly speculated that there may be some sinister forces in policymaking circles scheming to compound the current national distemper and running crisis. In another setting, kinder and gentler, government would have found it necessary to explain to the electorate what it did with the proceeds of the “subsidy removal” of January 2012 beyond the entirely cosmetic palliatives  of the Christopher Kolade-led SURE-P programme. But we are apparently not so favoured.

Apart from that, and considering that fuel subsidy removal constitutes a tax with ripple effects on the entire economy, it ought to have been considered necessary to educate the people ahead of any such increase — seek their consent that is — and demonstrate how government has notched up in transparency and stewardship to the extent that Nigerians will be willing to further entrust the management of the so-called subsidy funds to it.

To be sure, the arguments for and against the so-called subsidy removal have been over-rehearsed but it should be of interest, nonetheless, that the notorious lack of transparency in the oil industry has done nothing to allay the fears of citizens that subsidy earnings, assuming that there is indeed a subsidy, are not merely going down into a bottomless pit and the black box of prodigal lifestyle by those in government.

There is also, of course, the argument advanced in respectable quarters that a subsidy exists only in the context of the arithmetical sleight of hand by which government calculates the production cost of petroleum; which is why it is interesting that after several removals of the so-called subsidy, there appears to be so much more to remove. Even if by some miracle, the current ominous threat to increase the suffering and poverty of Nigerians is carried through, a few months down the road, we will be bombarded with another round of subsidy removal.  It should be clear that what is going on is an attempt to address fundamental moral and political crises by constant resort to arbitrary taxes irrespective of their consequences on the quality of life and well-being of those who are called upon to, as it were, subsidise a spendthrift political elite.

Obviously, a genuine road map out of the paradox in which an oil producing nation imports fuel for domestic use from several other oil-producing nations would have been the building of refineries that work and the domestication of the technological capacity to refine fuel for domestic use. It should be of interest in this respect that our much smaller neighbour, Niger Republic, which got into the oil business some seven years ago, has already built its own refinery and is even offering to Nigeria the possibility of being one of our suppliers of refined petroleum. Virtually every other oil-producing country has driven its economy in the direction of self-sufficiency making it unnecessary for them to subject their citizens to the dangling axe and nightmare scenarios of the so-called subsidy removals. Factor in this connection,  that Venezuela, one of the countries from which Nigeria imports fuel, has not increased the price of fuel since 1999 while Nigeria in that same period must have removed its so-called subsidy nearly 10 times!

Let us restate it: Many of the advanced democracies subsidise in varying degrees several sectors of their economy in the overall interest of the welfare of their citizens.  Whatever the narrow economic arguments against subsidy, it is clear that several countries around the world, have not abandoned it. What discredited subsidies in our context was its bizarre conversion into a long playing racket involving oil merchants, political acolytes of the high and the mighty as well as technocrats, all of who were having a field day at the nation’s expense. It is this never-ending corrupt wheeling-dealing that government ought to have had the courage and guts to stop rather than driving Nigerians further against the wall. Apart from some token measures taken against the oil merchants in the aftermath of last year’s massive protest, pretty little has been done to reorder the cycle of primitive accumulation that characterises the oil sector.

 

Ayo Olukotun (ayo_olukotun@yahoo.com)

Article culled from Punch

A Good Friday Message: We will have to kill ‘God’ (#NewLeadership Series with @Chude Jideonwo)

Chude Jideonwo... a competent Nigerian passionate about Nigeria

Chude Jideonwo… a competent Nigerian passionate about Nigeria

I am a Christian. In expressing that identity, I align myself with the new dispensation of Christianity that is Pentecostal; described aptly by the strategist Leke Alder as “generally creative in approach, aggressive, uninhibited and resourceful”.

I am a born-again Christian. A tongue-speaking, Christianese-loving, church-working Christian. I love God with all my heart.

Unfortunately, in Nigeria that can immediately mean that I cannot be trusted, that I have no integrity and that I will in no way act like Christ. But this is not the fault of those who see us in this way; it is our fault; us Christians who have perverted the Gospel we are supposed to share.

The way we have served God here appears to have done us more harm than good; if anything the fact that most of our leaders who are corrupt and inept are some of the most religious people you will find anywhere in the world says a lot about who we are, and explains the disdain with which non-religious people hold those who profess their faith with joy and pride.

In September 2005, a sitting Nigerian governor, Diepreye Alamieyeseigha was arrested and detained in London by the Metropolitan Police for money laundering. They discovered about £1m in cash in his London home, £1.8m ($3.2m) in cash and bank accounts and then uncovered real estate worth an alleged £10 million.

In December 2005, the detainee jumped bail. When he emerged in his state of Bayelsa and was asked how he managed this feat, he responded, “It is a miracle”. The fugitive who had stolen state funds gave glory to God for transporting him home; for helping him break the law.

In that one statement, Alamieyeseigha captured the essence of what we have turned the creator of the heavens and the earth into – an aberration.

My friend, Elnathan John, in a piece that went viral last year and was even quoted by my pastor, Sam Adeyemi, captured the nature and character of this God that Nigerians serve impeccably:

First, you must understand that being a worshipper has nothing to do with character, good works or righteousness. So the fact that you choose to open every meeting with multiple prayers does not mean that you intend to do what is right. The opening prayer is important. Nothing can work without it. If you are gathered to discuss how to inflate contracts, begin with an opening prayer or two. If you are gathered to discuss how to rig elections, begin with a prayer. The Nigerian god appreciates communication.

When you sneak away from your wife to call your girlfriend in the bathroom, and she asks if you will come this weekend, you must say—in addition to “Yes”—“By God’s grace” or “God willing”. It doesn’t matter the language you use. Just add it. The Nigerian god likes to be consulted before you do anything, including a trip to Obudu to see your lover.

When worshipping the Nigerian god, be loud. No, the Nigerian god is not hard of hearing. It is just that he appreciates your loud fervour, like he appreciates loud raucous music. The Nigerian god doesn’t care if you have neighbours and neither should you. When you are worshipping in your house, make sure the neighbours can’t sleep. Use loud speakers even if you are only two in the building. Anyone who complains must be evil. God will judge such a person.

Attribute everything to the Nigerian god. So, if you diverted funds from public projects and are able to afford that Phantom, when people say you have a nice car, say, “Na God”. If someone asks what the secret of all your wealth is, say, “God has been good to me”. By this you mean the Nigerian god who gave you the uncommon wisdom to re-appropriate public funds.

Consult the Nigerian god when you don’t feel like working. The Nigerian god understands that we live in a harsh climate where it is hard to do any real work. So, if you have no clue how to be in charge and things start collapsing, ask people to pray to God and ask for his intervention.

The Nigerian god loves elections and politics. When you have bribed people to get the Party nomination, used thugs to steal and stuff ballot boxes, intimidated people into either sitting at home or voting for you, lied about everything from your assets to your age, and you eventually, (through God’s grace), win the elections, you must begin by declaring that your success is the wish of God and that the other candidate should accept this will of God. It is not your fault whom the Nigerian god chooses to reward with political success. How can mere mortals complain?

The Nigerian god does not tolerate disrespect. If someone insults your religion, you must look for anyone like them and kill them. Doesn’t matter what you use—sticks, machetes, grenade launchers, IED’s, AK47’s.

If you worship the Nigerian god, you are under no obligation to be nice or kind to people who are not worshippers. They deserve no courtesy.

Aren’t all of us – Christians, Muslims, Buddhists, Hinduists, whatever we are – ashamed that this is the God that we present to the world? Aren’t we disturbed that this is what we have turned the maker of all that is good and perfect into because we will not live by the standards that he has set?

Nigerians have used God as an excuse for failure: refusing to hold people responsible for their actions because we should ‘leave it to God’, not correcting mistakes we have made because ‘that is the will of God’, breaking the law at will because ‘God understands’, declining to understand and engage the world with sophistication because we are ‘praising the Lord’ and refusing to create and innovate because, after all, ‘this world is not our home’.

But is that the nature of God? Are a genuine relationship with God and excellence in the world mutually exclusive? Does God expect us to suspend our capacity to think and act right because we choose to worship him?

Definitely not.

Some of the world’s greatest civilisations have grown hand in hand with a ferocious religiosity; the physical and the spiritual walking together, the church and the state almost inseparable for for many years.

Christianity (and I use its example because that is my primary frame of reference) became the pre-eminent thought driver for Britain after it embraced it in 1st century. Religion has played a crucial role in the evolution of Russian culture, a country that embraced Christianity in 988.

And whilst the current elite of America understandably pushes a more non-faith based national agenda, it is indisputable that the rise of America as the world’s most powerful nation happened at the height of its faith; in the nation where “In God we trust ” was adopted as its official motto in 1956. A nation built based on God and Godly values.

The evolution of religion – with wars, slavery, and death – is a subject of deep controversy even now, but that is a matter for another day. The lesson I instead seek to draw here is that religion is in fact contemporaneous with progress for many societies, and has in fact been responsible for the ascendance of most of the world’s great powers.

Contemporary nation building also indicates the same. The Emirati have delivered economic miracles even with Islam as their official state religion, proving that religion can be a liberating, progressive force. The Asian idea of God defines the way that business and politics are conducted – the East influenced heavily by Buddhist and Hinduist philosophies.

There is nothing that says that a nation cannot be Godly and do exploits; and many of the world’s religious centers, from the Vatican to Saudi Arabia are themselves models of progressive governance and the most excellent attitudes to nation building.

Even in Nigeria, the homegrown church has historically been a force for good. The Orthodox Church establishment laid the foundation for modern Nigeria, a December 2012 piece by Alder reminds us. “They are the offshoots of missionary work. They educated the people we now refer to as the founding fathers of the federation. They established the first set of hospitals and schools in Nigeria. Methodist Boys’ High School, Baptist Academy and Our Lady of Apostles Grammar School are well known examples of schools established by missionaries.

“It was the Church that educated the first set of civil servants in Nigeria. And the Church has always been at the nexus of cultural re-orientation in Nigeria. Who can ever forget the work of Mary Slessor, the diminutive nurse who fought against the barbaric culture of the killing of twins? And so when we chant about the “labour of our heroes past,” we must not forget that some of these heroes are the missionaries and the orthodox establishments.”

That sounds like the God I know and serve. A God of excellence – in the spiritual and in the physical. In the Old as well as the New Testaments he speaks continually to his character and his expectation of his children. The fruits of his spirit are a summation of all that should be good in our world – integrity, hard work, dignity, truth, humanity.

In Ecclesiastes 9:10, the bible says ”Whatever your hand finds to do, verily, do it with all your might; for there is no activity or planning or knowledge or wisdom in Sheol where you are going” and in 2 Corinthians 8:7, it says “But as you excel in everything—in faith, in speech, in knowledge, and in all eagerness and in the love from us that is in you—make sure that you excel in this act of kindness too.”

This is just one of many scriptures that make the same point, all through the Bible.

When the Bible tells Christians in Mark to give to Caesar that which is his and to God that which is he is, it wasn’t referring to the perversion in Nigeria where scripture like that is used to justificaty for corruption and amoral behavior. It means that the two can co-exist – we can be excellent in our faith and be excellent with the works of our hands.

We have to kill this God we have chosen: one of mediocrity, double standards, and filth; whose sole purpose is to give us wealth and multiply our resources. Making no demands on our character, holding us to no standards and teaching us nothing, this contraption we have put together is a multi-purpose excuse for the failure that we live with every day.

Nigeria, one of the most religious nations in the world, which has become Africa’s largest exporter of Pentecostalism and one of the biggest sources of Pilgrims to Israel and Mecca has become possibly the worst advertisement for religion.

“Finally, brothers,” Phillippians 4:8 tells Christians. “Whatever is true, whatever is honorable, whatever is just, whatever is pure, whatever is lovely, whatever is commendable, if there is any excellence, if there is anything worthy of praise, think about these things.”

That’s the God I know. That’s the God I worship daily and that I have a relationship with. That’s the God whose Word has made me a better person and a work in progress, forging me through the fire that builds character and imparts love.

Just imagine if the Christians in Nigeria and in authority follow these simple instructions in the scripture above. Nigeria would be a vastly different country, with a vastly different destiny.

Surely, God’s heart is broken by what he sees when he looks down upon us. We need to stop disgracing him.

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Chude Jideonwo is publisher/editor-in-chief of Y!, including Y! Magazine, Y! Books, Y! TV & YNaija.com. He is also executive director of The Future Project/The Future Awards. #NewLeadership is a twice-weekly, 12-week project to inspire action from a new generation of leaders – it ends on March 31.

BUDGET 2013: Motion Without Movement – By Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai

The first quarter of the fiscal year has practically ended, yet Nigeria and Nigerians are yet to know how the approximately $140 million dollars the country earns daily from crude oil sales alone are being spent and how much more is going to be borrowed in our name to provide for services that we can neither see, nor feel. This hefty amount does not include daily collections for royalties, petroleum profits taxes, sales of liquefied natural gas and other condensates, income taxes, value added tax and other “internally-generated” revenues.

For an annual ritual that started about six months ago, the questions are: why is it that the Presidency and the National Assembly have been unable to reach a common ground on the federal budget? Is government blind to the urgent need for infrastructure development, social services, poverty alleviation and job creation? Is the budget really for the Nigerian people, or simply a convoluted mechanism to further defraud long suffering citizens?

To answer these posers, we will continue with deeper analysis of the 2013 budget which, from all indications is not different from preceding Jonathan-era budgets in terms of absence of positive improvements. We will look at some major sectors of the Nigerian economy and their indicative budgetary allocations, attempt to correlate how the appropriations have been designed and determine whether they are structured to bring about meaningful development to our country. It would also be important to assess if there have been any improvements over the years, drawing comparisons with model countries and possibly identify solutions where government has veered off, in the hope that policy makers would be willing to make necessary changes.

The importance of sensible and prudent budgetary allocations cannot be overemphasized because the budget in itself is an expression of public policy. It is the vehicle through which the various programs and agendas of a government come to life. It is the major economic policy instrument which indicates a government’s priorities, and is also a tool to correct anomalies and inequities within the society.

An efficient budgetary system is critical to economic growth and developing sustainable fiscal policies. On the flip side, a poorly designed budget where attention to details are neglected and figures just altered from existing templates can only exacerbate social and economic problems within the country. The effect of faulty budget choices will inevitably be felt mostly by the ordinary citizens who are at the mercy of dysfunctional government policies and facilities. Sadly, in the Nigerian context, budgeting is still based on guess work as alluded to by the Accountant General of the Federation a couple of weeks ago.

In light of the fifth Brazil, Russia, India, China and South (BRICS) summit on emerging national economies currently taking place in South Africa, one cannot help but understand why Nigeria with all our numerous resources and potentials still does not qualify as a member. These countries have succeeded in managing their resources by effective prioritization of their budgets. They have also channeled adequate financial resources to those sectors which yield the highest return on investment for their economies. These nations have pulled hundreds of millions of their citizens out of poverty into middle class status while our leaders have pushed more and more citizens into poverty – from about 57% in 2007 to a disgraceful 72% of the population by the end of 2011!

Hitting closer to home is the fact that Nigeria and BRICS’ latest entrant, South Africa, are regarded as Africa’s economic power houses. In 2011, South Africa’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was estimated at $368 billion while Nigeria’s was $232 billion. South Africa’s revenue sources are diversified rather than totally dependent on mining income which used to be the mainstay of its economy. South Africa has also adopted participatory budgeting on some levels which allows citizens contribute directly in deciding how their budget priorities and figures are arrived at.

Disappointingly, in comparing Nigeria with other emerging economies, the federal budget has simply been one where the same things are done over and over again while expecting different results. Let us assess the electric power sector budget to see if it is geared towards revamping what every Nigerian would agree is the most debilitated sector of the economy.

The first electricity generating plant was built in Lagos around 1898. It was not until 1950 that the Federal government passed the Electricity Corporation of Nigeria Ordinance No. 15 which resulted in the Electricity Cooperation of Nigeria (ECN); the statutory body responsible for generation, transmission, distribution and sale of electricity in Nigeria. After independence in 1962, the Niger Dams Authority (NDA) was established, its primary responsibility was to construct and maintain dams in river Niger and other areas. Ten years later (1972), the National Electric Power Authority (NEPA) was formed by a merger of ECN and NDA. NEPA was mandated to “maintain and co-ordinate an efficient and economic system of electricity supply for all part of the federation”.

Forty-one years after formalizing the structure for power management and supply in the country, have there been significant improvements? With the continuous promises from the government about power outages becoming a thing of the past, how is it that the electricity supply situation has only gotten worse? What is happening to the continuous budgetary allocations to the power sector and the numerous projects undertaken by the federal government? How is it that smaller and more impoverished nations have been able to provide steady and improved power supply while Nigerians constantly hear fables?
Most adults who have spent a great portion of their lives in Nigeria have probably never experienced constant 24hours of government-supplied electricity without breaks between. This scenario only even exists for the urban dwellers in large cities that enjoy a fair amount of electricity per day. For those who live in many of the state capitals within Nigeria, the power supply is less reasonable and it gets worse for the rural dwellers. No one is immune to the power outages so much so that the Presidential Villa and Governor’s lodges are all powered by stand-by generators.

The horrendous power supply in Nigeria has become a source of national embarrassment to say the least. During the FIFA U-17 football championship hosted by Nigeria some years back, there was an electricity outage in Kano during the game between Spain and USA. An extra 14 minutes had to be added to compensate for the embarrassing moment. Upsetting power outages have also been experienced at our international airports several times.
The importance of reliable power supply in Nigeria cannot be overemphasized. For there to be a major boost in the economy and the diversification away from dependence on oil, the power sector must be given utmost priority in budgetary spending and implementation. The benefits of having steady power supply will impact tremendously on manufacturing, SMEs which create employment, attracting foreign investment and boosting business in general.
In the 2013 budget, total allocation to the power sector is N74.26bn, a measly 1.4% of the total budget. Capital expenditure for the power sector is pegged at N70bn (about 1% of the total budget, or 3% of the total capital budget) while recurrent expenditure is N4.26bn. For a sector in dire need of rehabilitation and resuscitation, these figures are not indicative of any sense of prioritization leading to improvements anytime soon. Could it also be that successive governments are simply uninterested in fixing the power sector as majority of the people think? Or could it be that truly, the power situation is beyond human capacity and is being manipulated by ‘ghosts, witches’ and ‘wizards’? It is disheartening that a nation with a population of nearly 170 million hardly generates 4000 megawatts steadily while South Africa which has less than a third of our population (about 50 million) generates ten times more electricity (about 45,000 MW). It is not difficult to understand why South Africa surpasses Nigeria on major development indicators in spite of the latter’s potentials.

Is the government relying wholly on the private sector to shoulder the short-term investments in the sector? For the power situation in Nigeria to be turned around, government would need to invest massively in the sector. The investments needed must include federal budgetary intervention to expand and modernize the nation’s transmission infrastructure, some investments in renewable generation capacity using wind and solar, and even some hydropower stations to be placed under private sector management or ownership as soon as they are commissioned. Unless the government pragmatically pursues a mix of public and private investment in the various segments of electricity supply industry using our ample gas, hydro, coal, wind and solar resources, our nation will remain in partial darkness for at least the next five years. South Africa on its own has recorded success in its power sector by harnessing their freely available natural resource (coal) and converting it to power. It did not go about importing natural resources which it already has, or relying solely on a private sector solution. Instead, it invested in making available resources usable to the public and private sectors.

Until this government or any other government for that matter is able to tackle the power supply problem in the country, it would not be taken seriously because this is one area where it is easiest to prove that a government is indeed working for the benefit of the people. Corruption and impunity which are the major culprits for the chaos in the sector must be dealt with. A good starting point – a massive national signal – would be for all federal government facilities (including the Presidential Villa, the National Assembly and Supreme Court) to stop forthwith the use of generators to supply electricity for their day to day activities both at work and home. Such a signal will not only compel the public electricity providers to sit up and get better, but will encourage policy makers to experience some of the pain that the ordinary Nigerian feels every day. Hopefully, this will engender change in official attitudes – and perhaps raise the budget for the power sector from the pathetic amount provided for in 2013!

In the meantime, as the executive and the legislative arms of government continue to bicker over who has the power to do what, or who has the mandate to award what contract, the whole budgetary process is becoming more and more like the famous axiom: All motion, no movement. Sadly, from economic development, poverty alleviation and job creation perspectives, that, exactly, is what the 2013 budget may be turning out to be.

 

Nasir Ahmad el-Rufai

March 2013.

Achebe: The Uncrowned Nobel Laureate – Tola Adeniyi

The motto of Obafemi Awolowo University is: “For Learning and Culture”. No one academic in Nigeria reflects and personifies that maxim more than Professor Chinua Achebe. The grandfather of modern English Literature in Africa was both a colossus in learning as he was a thorough-bred and highly cultivated individual in manners and character.

Achebe’s transition last week took the world by storm and he was genuinely mourned by all those who appreciated the worth both of his writings and his character.

His passing on into eternity was a personal loss to this writer.

It was in July 1965 that Uncle Segun Olusola took me to Chinua Achebe somewhere on Broad Street,  Lagos to seek his permission for me to adapt his most celebrated classic, Things Fall Apart, published in 1958 into a play. I had seen the dramatic elements in the novel and decided to make a drama out of it. Achebe asked me a few questions and satisfied with my answers, approved my proposal to adapt the novel for both stage and television. Ambali Sanni’s Muslim College Ijebu-Ode provided the funds while the pupils made up the cast. The production was taken round the whole then Western Region including Lagos (minus the colony) and was given loud applause by the likes of Derek Bullock and Dapo Adelugba.

That was the beginning of the romance with this giant of letters, who, seven years later hosted me and my wife on our Honeymoon at his official residence at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka in 1972.

Achebe gave pride to African writing and to Africans. For the first time, he provided a lens into Africa and presented Africa from the African perspective. His writings were African-based, but with monumental universal appeal. Hence his maiden novel, Things Fall Apart, got translated into well over 50 languages and sold over 12 million copies.

Apart from being the greatest writer of prose to emerge from the African continent, Achebe wrote for the masses. He spoke so that he could be understood. The beauty of his writings was that he was an excellent communicator, believing that the over-all purpose of any work of art is communication. Your work, be it dance, song, speech, drama, gesture or painting must convey a message, and that message must be comprehended by your listener, your viewer or your audience. Anything short of that is intellectual garbage.

In fact, Achebe could easily pass for a playwright of immense stature. There is so much drama in all of his novels. And this was the reason I started work on The Theatre in Achebe’s novels. All the characters in his writings are alive and touchable. The trees, the mountains, the rivers and valleys in his novels speak.

Achebe gave dignity and personality to art. For him, you do not need to grow a forest on your head, or grow rodents in your hair to impress on the world that you are an artist or a writer.

Achebe was a man of character. He taught for many years at Nsukka, and no one ever heard that he drove his female students nuts, nor was he ever accused of befriending or marrying his students.

Achebe taught us what a great Mind should be. He never went round state governors with a beggar’s bowl soliciting for money or gratification nor was he ever accused of sleeping with his friends’ widows.

Twice, Achebe was offered national honours. Twice, he rejected them, arguing that he was not one that would pose as holy in the day time and be in a cosy alliance in the night with people he accuses in the day time.

The millions who have continued to mourn Achebe since his transition, do so in deep sorrow and in sincerity, having discovered in the literary colossus a most genuine and sincere human being.

Achebe identified with his Igbo nation. He shared the pains and sufferings of his people. And never for once did he treat them with condescension that he was in any way superior to his clan.

Achebe was mature. He showed maturity in all his dealings. He did not exhibit childishness. He was never petty or small-minded. All those who had anything to do with him ended up respecting him, because he commanded respect. Even when he was in his thirties, he displayed unusual maturity and mastery of human relations. As far as Achebe was concerned, a writer or any artist for that matter was first and foremost a human being with deep human feelings and ethos.

Chinua Achebe eminently qualified for a Nobel Prize in Literature before that hitherto prestigious prize got politicised and became not a reward for distinction but a reward for those who had mastered the art and science of boardroom politics or global arm-twisting.

Although Achebe mentioned lizard in almost all his works, the honourable man of letters never learnt the art of lizarding.

Prose writer Chinua Achebe shared the distinction of being  the best in their arts with John Pepper Clark and Christopher Okigbo who till date are the best writers of poetry, with Prof. Ola Rotimi, the best in playwriting and play production, with Ene Henshaw, Wale Ogunyemi and Prof. Femi Osofisan as playwrights with the greatest relevance and profundity. This explains why to me, Achebe remains the uncrowned Nobel Prize Winner with most authentic claim to that crown.

The Federal Government of Nigeria must immediately commence the process of creating a national monument to immortalise this rare genius of both learning and character.

Achebe was not just a writer; he was a distinguished writer with the best and noblest of human virtues. A non-hypocrite. A non-bully. Achebe was both a great ambassador of Africa, and a true and respectable specimen of the finest humanity.

 

 

Tola Adeniyi is a former Managing Director of Daily Times.

Chido Onumah: Please, Pardon President Jonathan

Nigerians are justifiably outraged at the pardon of Diepreye Solomon Peter Alamieyeseigha, ex-governor of Bayelsa State. Alamieyeseigha was governor from May 1999 until December 2005, three months after he was detained in London on charges of money laundering. President Goodluck Jonathan had served under  Alamieyeseigha as deputy governor.

Instructively, in August 2005, a month before his arrest, Alamieyeseigha delivered a message, through his deputy, Goodluck Jonathan, at a seminar in Abuja on “Winning the War against Corruption”. The self-styled Governor-General of the Ijaw nation “commended government’s stride with the establishment of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the Code of Conduct Bureau, and urged the bodies not to ignore the private sector”.

According to Alamieyeseigha, who called for those with criminal records to be barred from elective office, “It is only in Nigeria where people who looted banks to a distress situation are allowed to use such loot to open their own banks or are given high political appointments”. Alamieyeseigha’s paper titled: “Corruption Reduction Through Government Policies: The Bayelsa Experience”, highlighted “the various mechanisms put in place by the state government to check corruption as it was inimical to national growth and development and as such, must be abhorred by all and sundry”.

By the time Alamieyeseigha was arrested a month later in London, it was reported that the Metropolitan Police found about £1m in cash in his London home and later a total of £1.8m in cash and bank accounts. Alamieyeseigha jumped bail in December 2005 from the United Kingdom by allegedly disguising himself as a woman. He had hoped to continue in office as governor.  Even though that hope did not materialise, it was a good judgment call. Remaining in the UK would have been calamitous. Today, we know why.

On July 26, 2007, the fugitive governor pled guilty to six charges of making false declaration of assets and 23 charges of money laundering by his companies. He was sentenced to two years in prison. The following day, July 27, just hours after being taken to prison, he walked home a free man. In our convoluted justice system, the period he spent in detention had served to compensate for the prison sentence.

Reuben Abati, then chair of the editorial board of The Guardian and now presidential town crier had this to say about Alamieyeseigha in a 2005 piece titled, “Alami should go: It’s over”: “By running away from England under the cover of the night, away from the British judiciary which was probing him on charges of money laundering, by taking evasive action from the law and communicating with his feet, Alamieyeseigha, a man who until now was known and addressed as His Excellency, has shown himself to be a dishonourable fellow, unfit to rule, unfit to sit among men and women of honour and integrity, unfit to preach to the people that he leads about ideals and values…

“As for those persons who have been packaging Alami as a victim and who have been mouthing the asinine line: ‘If Ijaw man thief Ijaw money, wetin concern Tony Blair inside’, may the good Lord forgive them for they do not know what they are saying. All Ijaw must feel embarrassed for this is a difficult moment for them as a nation. They are being blackmailed emotionally to defend not a principled fighter, not a spirit of Ijawland, but an Ijaw leader who danced naked in a foreign land. The questions that would be asked are: What do the Ijaw stand for? Where is the ancient and modern glory of the Ijaw nation? These are difficult questions. Alami must save his own people the embarrassment by stepping aside. Let him return to England and act like an honourable man”.

Eight years later, nothing has changed, except that an Ijaw man is now President and Commander-in-Chief. “His Excellency, the (former) executive fugitive of Bayelsa State”, as Abati once described Alamieyeseigha remains a “dishonourable fellow, unfit to rule, unfit to sit among men and women of honour and integrity, unfit to preach to the people that he leads about ideals and values”. What a difference eight years makes. Today, thanks to his pardon, Alamieyeseigha is now “fit to rule, fit to sit among men and women of honour and integrity, fit to preach to the people that he leads about ideals and values”.

Astonishingly, it is now Abati’s job to repackage “Alami” as a victim and condemn those who accuse him of being an ex-convict and a danger to society. May the good Lord forgive all the idle Nigerians who are not only exhibiting “sophisticated ignorance”, but want to destroy an Ijaw man for pardoning another Ijaw man for stealing money belonging to Ijaw for they do not know what they are saying.

To understand Alamieyeseigha’s pardon is to understand the character of the Nigerian state. There is no case to make for his pardon other than to say it is what the doctors ordered. And by doctors, I do not mean the type our First Lady and sundry public officials scurry to in foreign countries. I refer to the ubiquitous marabouts and native doctors that have become an essential part of governance in Nigeria.

They are the ones goading President Jonathan and have convinced him that to secure a second term, he must of necessity pardon the Governor-General of the Ijaw nation.  That is the only way he can secure the support of the Ijaw. Evidently, in Nigeria, leadership is not about performance. What is uppermost now is that President Jonathan, the first president from the oily Niger Delta, has to, by any means necessary, complete his two terms of four years as the constitution stipulates.

A friend has likened President Jonathan’s dilemma, if we can call it that, to that of a managing director of a failed company who wants to remain MD even when his company is in the red. He will do whatever he thinks will help him keep his job, including cooking the books and satisfying every interest, no matter how vile.  Of course, President Jonathan is also a victim of the Nigerian tragedy.   Alamieyeseigha was set free many years ago when we had a certain Umaru Yar’Adua as president. The pardon on March 12, 2013, was just the icing on the cake.

I don’t think those who pardoned Alamieyeseigha thought or imagined that the tag “ex-convict” would ever leave him. Who cares really? Are we not witnesses to a senator winning an election while on trial? A few days after his pardon, there were feelers signalling that Alamieyeseigha will run for Senate in 2015. He doesn’t need to do anything to emerge the next senator representing his district. Like that other exemplar of perfidy in Akwa Ibom State, all the governor of Bayelsa State, Seriake Dickson, needs to do at the behest of the President, is to remove the name of the winner and replace it with Alamieyeseigha’s, if necessary, for his great service to Ijawland.

Alamieyeseigha will be in good company when he joins the Senate in 2015. For me, that is the really troubling part of his pardon and why we must continue the quest to restructure Nigeria. Like Tafa Balogun, the rogue former Inspector-General of Police, Alamieyeseigha will no doubt make a case for the return of his property “confiscated” by the state.

Alamieyeseigha believes he is entitled to be a senator and much more; after all, not many in the “hallowed” chamber can boast a superior résumé. Ours is a system that survives on cronyism. Alamieyeseigha may emerge as senate president if he so desires. He may even return to Bayelsa State someday to complete his second term as governor.

The structure of our country makes this unwholesome atmosphere possible. That is why President Jonathan deserves our pardon for his latest political blunder!

 

Chido Onumah (conumah@hotmail.com)

INSECURITY: What Goodluck Jonathan Can Do

DURING 2010 Bauchi attack, there were complaints about a break down of intelligence. Residents insisted that it was worse. There seemed to have been outright ignoring of petitions people filed with the security agencies about Boko Haram. Not much seems to have changed as clinical execution of recent jail breaks testified.

A strong scent of sabotage swirls round these jail breaks as well as the attacks. We warned in 2010 Boko Haram could attack other prisons, in other cities. Did government act?

“We are saddened by the insecurity in Tafawa Balewa local government area of Borno State and the continuous killings in Jos, Plateau State,” Minister of Information Labaran Maku said then.

“Mr. President, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, is very concerned and has vowed to beef up security in the country. The Inspector General of Police, Hafiz Ringim, in collaboration with other security agencies, is doing everything possible to fish out the evil perpetrators. The Federal Government is ready to bring them to justice because security agencies have been deployed to these (crises) States and the work is going to be round the clock.” Where are the results?

The myriad of internal problems aside, Nigeria was paradoxically on the threshold of economic ascendancy by 2010. She was ranked the 39th strongest and the third fastest growing economy in the world.

With the terrorists taking on foreigners and the internal upheavals their attacks are capable of causing, Nigeria would have to deal with its security challenges quickly, before her economy suffers more adversity.

The focus might be on terrorists in the North East, but other crimes like armed robberies are on the increase. The attention on bombings have made the security agencies to ignore the rising incidents of attacks on our highways even in broad daylight.

Almost all points of the Lagos — Ibadan Expressway are unsafe no matter the time. The Benin — Sagamu Expressway has many points where armed robbers freely operate. Highways leading to Abuja, from different parts of the country suffer similar attacks. Kidnapping is becoming more wide spread. More needs to be done at the level of intelligence gathering. Some past security breaches left Nigerians wondering about the roles of the various security agencies. Intelligence gathering should include solutions to the challenges.

The President must attend to the elongating queue of the unemployed. He should embark on programmes that can create jobs. Government’s actions and spending should reflect a concern for the people, many of who are suffering.

Among the things that the President can immediately do is past paced development of infrastructure to enhance the security of lives and property.

Nigerians want peace. They know that security is critical to attain the greatness that awaits our country. They would embrace the search for peace, when government is willing to seek their partnership through programmes that reflect “that the security and welfare of the people” are “the primary purpose of government.”

 

culled from Vanguard

Abimbola Adelakun: The ‘New Nigerian Barbarians’

When the news broke last week that the renowned writer, Professor Chinua Achebe, died, a lot of us had occasion to revisit his works; we read and reread them. We talked about his writings and what they meant to us. A lot of us owe it to him that we write in our own voices. Achebe is not described as the father of modern African literature for nothing. His classic work, Things Fall Apart, redeemed us as a people for generations to come. Where racists claim our various languages are meaningless mumbo jumbo and we needed to give them up for the civilizing power of English language, Achebe showed that our African languages are embedded with deep philosophy. And Achebe did things with words! He wrote fine prose. He wrote simply yet profoundly. He showed Africans were neither simple-minded bumbling buffoons nor barbarians.

For all his speak back, Achebe did not write a hagiography about a perfect African past. Our ancestors had their own shortcomings and one of them was the killing of twins. They were superstitious about the birth of twins. They had no way of knowing why it happened. They did not live in the times we do; they did not know what we now know. They would never have known like we did when asteroids brushed the earth neither would they have conceived that man would land on the moon one day. They worked within the limits of their knowledge. They made up superstitions to sustain the social mechanics of their times. They did not know how sickle cell endangers babies and so they created stories of Abikus. They were not barbarians; they simply did not know certain things. What they knew, they knew. What they didn’t know are pardonable.

Fast forward to 2013. We live in a so-called Information Age that we can self-righteously hold up our noses against people who lived in the 16th Century Africa. We tend to take it for granted that everybody is informed and that we are a largely sane society. We all believe certain acts of barbarism should never happen. That is why we condemn Boko Haram in the strongest of  words and some of us believe the sect members should never be granted amnesty; we speak against police brutality and that the case of Aluu Four in the University of Port Harcourt could happen at all shook the society to its roots. Those were barbaric acts that were easily identifiable and easy to rail against. Some acts are sublime but no less, insidious.

Recently, The Tribune reported that a man with both male and female organs was almost lynched in Sapele, Delta State. Why? Because the mob that was going to do so did not understand that someone’s anatomy could be unusual. And so they tried to destroy this unnamed man whose existence confounded the limits of their very limited intelligence. That is what the face of new barbarianism looks like: What you don’t understand, you destroy. Don’t bother asking questions, just grab a hammer and smash it! That solves the problem! In ancient times, people would have at least consulted the oracle but in 21st Century, folk would rather luxuriate in their own empty-headedness; ignorance is their strength, ignorance is bliss, ignorance is a badge of honour that should be worn proudly. These young men are simply unenlightened yet I would not readily dismiss them or their act. They might one day end up as legislators and governors. After all, in Nigeria, as in Charly Boy Show, anything can happen!

The image published along with the report showed spectators surrounding this man, holding up their phones, and excitedly taking pictures of this curious sight; a case of stupid people using smart phones. It did not occur to them that the same phones could educate them on the “strangeness” of this man if they gave it a chance to shine a light through their hearts of darkness. With one click on the Internet, they would find that a man with female organs is neither unusual nor supernatural. It is a biological occurrence and not peculiar to any society. In fact, if only the mob knew that the man’s problem could have happened to any one of them. Scientists tell us that male and female embryos start out the same –with a female template- but along the line, the male child is “made” by testosterone and Y chromosome (which explains why men have nipples, even though a redundant body part) and anything could have gone wrong in the process.

Some of the mob reportedly fiddled with his organs; you wonder who the freak actually is here. While the abnormality of this man in Sapele is obvious, some other peoples’ are hidden within their bodies. Such people are not even aware of any hormonal imbalance in their anatomy. Semenya Caster is an example of gender ambiguity. People like her and the Sapele man are examples that debunk the saying that everything God/nature made is perfect. Well, either nature sometimes gets it wrong, or the joke is on us. Mother Nature might be challenging us to open our minds to rethink what we call “normal.”

But while the mob’s act against this defenceless man is highly reprehensible, what do we make of the reporter who told the story? He starts the report by asking us, “Have you ever seen someone with both male and female organs?” I cannot stop wondering why it is important that we “see” before we either understand or empathise. It is patronising of our intelligence to assume that we need to “see” before we know. This is not merely a case of good or bad reporting, this is pure voyeurism. The reporter assumes he can stimulate our (sexual) interest by inviting us to be fellow voyeurs. We should join him to “see” this man as if he is a laboratory rat. Between this reporter and the people of Sapele, we “see” a high display of barbarianism that erodes human dignity. I assume this urgency to help us “see” and materialise his existence explains why Tribune didn’t even mask the man’s face. He must be crucified for what he is, what nature made of him and for where he was born. The reporter invites us to witness his crucifixion in their paper. They should have nailed him straight to the cross. It is such a shame, almost unspeakable.

 

– Abimbola Adelakun (aa_adelakun@utexas.edu)

Article culled from Punch

Amnesty: What’s Sauce for the Goose is Sauce for the Gander! By Abubakar Usman

boko haram robbersFew weeks ago, the Sultan of Sokoto, Abubakar Sa’ad asked the Federal Government to grant members of the militant group, Boko Haram, a “total and unconditional amnesty” for the sake of peace in the country. The Sultan’s basis is premised on the fact that a presidential amnesty to even one member of the sect, could make others to lay down their arms for peace to reign in the nation. In reaction to sultan’s call, President Jonathan during his visit to Maiduguri said his administration would not grant members of the group amnesty until such a time the group comes out in the public to dialogue with the federal government.

Since these two prominent figures made these comments, Nigerians seem to have been divided on the justification of amnesty for Boko Haram. Although this division can be understood if viewed from different perspectives, it is quite disappointing that most of the views expressed are either beclouded by sentiments or emotions, especially on the part of those who think that an amnesty for Boko Haram will be a tragic mistake. It is even more disheartening when those who are in support of amnesty for Boko Haram are immediately branded Boko Haram sympathisers, just because they dared to proffer a solution. It doesn’t even matter to this people if you have been affected in one way or the other.

I particularly decided to write this piece following an insult I got from a fellow on twitter because I dared to ask why we should continue to harp on the use of force to fight Boko Haram when that very strategy has failed to achieve any meaningful result. It shows the extent at which Nigerians make surface conclusion rather than analysing issues with the merit it deserves. I won’t be surprised to get more of that insult with this piece, especially from those who apart from displaying ignorance, are also beclouded by sentiments and emotions. However, it doesn’t change the fact that what needs to be said must be said.

It’s been over five years since the Military were deployed to states like Borno, Yobe etc to fight the insurgency. Apart from the various atrocities which the military under the JTF have meted especially to innocent civilians in those states, the actions of the military have not succeeded in taming Boko Haram, rather it has fuelled it further. Bombings and killings despite heavy military presence are still occurring almost on daily basis. The question then is if you have applied a particular strategy to a problem for over five years without any meaningful progress, do you need to be told that there is need to employ other measures? While it is arguable that amnesty is the sole strategy that is needed to solve the Boko Haram insurgency, it is only necessary that it should be explored to see how far it can help in ameliorating the problem.

I do not live in any of those states where Boko Haram have laid siege and fortunately, I have not been directly affected by any of their atrocities, but I do not need to be or wait till I am before I seek for a way out of the evil perpetrated by these men for whatever reason, because I may not be this lucky forever. My support for amnesty is not spontaneous. I actually kicked against it when it was first suggested, but over time, I realized the need for it and that reason is not borne out of the fact that I think Boko haram deserves amnesty. Those evil men have caused untold harm against the Nigerian state and her people. Ordinarily, they should be made to face justice for their crimes and this I believe is the argument advanced by many of those who kicked against granting them amnesty, but while this has failed to bring about peace or at least succeed in putting a stop to the insurgency, it is only normal to give amnesty a try so as to prevent further carnage. After all, an unjust peace in the views of Cicero is better than a just war.

Even as some persons kicked against the amnesty, they have not been able to tell us what they think can solve the problem or at least guarantee peace to the affected people, except for a continued military onslaught whose outcome has resulted in more deaths of civilians than the Boko Haram members itself. There is no guarantee that amnesty will be all that is needed, but there is even a guarantee that the presence of the JTF in those areas affected will not stop the killing of citizens of those states. At least we have seen that for over five years.

The argument by some of these people is that amnesty for Boko Haram is not in any way comparable to the amnesty granted Niger Delta militants. What they failed to realise is that crime against a state is a crime. No doubt, the Boko Haram sect has killed countless number of people and destroyed properties belonging to individuals and the authority, but if Wikipedia’s definition of  terrorism which it says “refers to those violent acts which are intended to create fear (terror); are perpetrated for a religious, political or, ideological goal; and deliberately target or disregard the safety of non-combatants (civilians)” is anything to go by, then the Niger Delta militants are also liable, because they’ve also killed and destroyed properties, whether comparable or not to Boko Haram.  Although I quite agree with what the agitations of the militants were about, assuming it is true they did what they did in the overall interest of the Niger Deltans, it still doesn’t exonerate them from what many people want for Boko Haram. That is by the way though.

An amnesty for Boko Haram does not necessarily need to be the same amnesty granted to Niger Delta Militants. Fact is that not everybody in the sect will accept amnesty, especially those who are hardliners like Abubakar Shekau, but you can be sure that a good number of them will accept it, especially those who joined because their mosques were destroyed, their leaders or members were killed extra-judiciously or even those who joined because they suffered victimization from the hands of security agencies. Personally, I think amnesty for Boko Haram should come with a lot of conditions. Those who are willing for example could be asked to submit their arms; all members should be screened and those who actually deserve the gesture should be given, while those who are found to have committed heinous crimes should be made to face the course of justice. Also, the training and monthly allowance as is the case with Niger Delta militants should either be minimal or completely excluded from the amnesty package. As this is going on, a combined strategy of dialogue, improved intelligence gathering and use of force will be stepped up to tackle those who will not accept the amnesty. Gains against this terror group are even more realistic now that there seem to be different factions in the sect, as this must have weakened their ranks. There are no guarantees of success with this strategy though, but it will go a long way in reducing the number of enemies the government will have to deal with.

The government really needs to step up its responsibility of protecting the lives and properties of every Nigerians instead of playing politics with the issue. The claim by President Jonathan that Boko Haram is ghost and therefore cannot be granted amnesty is not only laughable, but irresponsible. We have not forgotten that the government told us severally that it is in dialogue with Boko Haram. We have also not forgotten that at a point, the government promised to publish the names of their sponsors which it never did. How come these same people all of a sudden became ghosts? President Jonathan said the elders of the terrorist stronghold should fish out the Boko Haram members.

When late President Yaradua granted amnesty to Niger delta Militants, he didn’t sit down in Aso rock and asked leaders in the Niger Delta to fish out the militants. He empowered his vice President, who incidentally is now the President to enter into the creeks and dialogue with the militants before they finally accepted amnesty. Dr Goodluck Jonathan as vice president then worked in conjunction with governors and elders of the Niger Delta states to dialogue with the militants which eventually ended up in the amnesty. That exactly is what President Jonathan ought to do, especially now that the vice president is also a son from the north and not to sit down in Aso rock and handover his responsibility solely to those who do not have the requisite capacity to carry out such assignment.

Until we are ready to explore as many options as possible part of which is an amnesty, we may just have to continue to live with the evils of Boko Haram for a long time coming.

___________________________________________________________________________

Abubakar Sidiq Usman is an Urban Planning Consultant; Blogger and an Active Citizen working towards a better Nigeria. He blogs on HERE and can be engaged directly on twitter @Abusidiqu

Chinua Achebe: A Legend and Master Storyteller – By Okey Ndibe

The death last night of Professor Chinua Achebe meant the dimming of one of the world’s brightest literary stars. Yet Mr. Achebe, whose works included the inimitable Things Fall Apart and four other highly celebrated novels as well as four collections of essays, a short story collection, several children’s books and last year’s widely debated memoir, There Was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra, was in person one of the most approachable men I ever met. His personal modesty sometimes masked the fact he was a writer of such staggering talent, ambitious range, and intellectual power. His surpassing gifts as a writer as well as his admirable personal attributes will combine to make him – one can confidently predict – an imperishable presence in global letters and life.

I had the rare honor and luck of being close to the revered Achebe for some thirty years. In that time, he was an inspiration, model, beacon of moral clarity and intellectual integrity as well as my teacher in the best, broadest sense of that word.

I first met Achebe when I was a young journalist at the now defunct African Concord magazine. My first major assignment was to interview him at his office then at the Institute of African Studies at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. The encounter taught me something about the man’s genial and generous nature—and the depth of his humanity. I will get to that first encounter later, but must recall a more recent memory.

Five years ago, I drove from my home in central Connecticut to the quiescent country precincts of Annandale-on-Hudson to visit Chinua Achebe, who then held a prestigious endowed professorial chair at Bard College and whose novel Things Fall Apart was enjoying a cheery 50th anniversary.
Achebe’s self-effacing, soft-spoken personality was always in ironic contrast with the exuberant celebration that erupted around his first – and most widely read and translated – novel. I was in his home to coax him to look back on 50 years of his book’s extraordinary journey. Achebe disclosed that I was one of perhaps more than a hundred interviewers he’d hosted that year. Even so, I dared convince myself that there was something special about my interview with him.
Let me explain.

I had interviewed Achebe several times in the past – first in 1983, when I was a rookie correspondent for the now defunct African Concord, the last time in 1987, shortly after the publication of his latest novel, Anthills of the Savannah. That first interview set a mood for my relationship with the author. Quite simply, he saved my career.

I met Achebe by sheer serendipity. It was 1983 and I had just graduated from college. Visiting Ogidi, his hometown, to see my girlfriend at the time, I raved and raved about Achebe and Things Fall Apart. The young woman listened for a while, a bemused smile creasing her cheeks. Then she said: “Achebe is my uncle. His house is a short walk away. And he happens to be home this weekend. Do you want to visit him?” ?Did I ever!

The Achebe I met in his country home personified grace. I still remember that he served us biscuits and chilled Coca Cola. He regarded me with penetrating eyes as I gushed about his novels, his short stories, his essays, even reciting favorite lines I had memorized from years of devoted reading. I told him I had just got a job with the Concord and would be honored to interview him. He gave me his telephone number at Nsukka, the university town where he lived and ran the Institute of African Studies. ?A week later I flew to Lagos, reported for work, and told the weekly magazine’s editor that I had Achebe’s telephone number – and a standing commitment that he would give me an interview. Elated, the editor dispatched me on the assignment. It was my first real task as a correspondent.

Achebe and I retreated to his book-lined office at the institute. The air in the office seemed flavored with the scent of books stretching and heaving. Five minutes into the interview I paused and rewound the tape. The recording sounded fine and our interview continued for another two hours. Afterwards Achebe told me it was one of the most exhaustive interviews he’d ever done. I took leave of him and, heady with excitement, took a cab to the local bus stop where I paid the fare for a bus headed for Enugu – the state capital where I had booked a hotel.

That evening several of my friends gathered in my hotel room. They asked questions about Achebe, and then said they wanted to hear his voice. Happy to oblige them, I fetched the tape recorder and pressed its play button. We waited – not a word! I put in two other tapes, the same futile result. How was I going to explain this mishap to my editor who had scheduled the interview as a forthcoming cover?

I phoned Achebe’s home in panic. In a desperate tone I begged that he let me return the next day for a short retake. “Thirty minutes – even twenty – would do,” I pleaded. I half-expected him to scold me for lack of professional fastidiousness and hang up, leaving me to stew in my distress. Instead he calmly explained that he had commitments for the next day. If I could return the day after, he’d be delighted to grant me another interview. And he gave me permission to make the next session as elaborate as the first.

Two days later we were back in his office for my second chance. This time I paused every few minutes to check on the equipment. I stretched the interview to an hour-and-a-half before guilt – mixed with gratitude – compelled me to stop. It was not as exhaustive as the first outing, nor did it have the spontaneity of our first interview, but it gave me – and the readers of the magazine – a prized harvest. My friends got a chance to savor Achebe’s voice, with its mix of faint lisps and accentuated locutions.

That interview happened thirty years ago. It had been followed by several other encounters with Achebe, but it still stands out in my mind. I had admired the man from a distance, in awe of his extraordinary powers as a writer. After he saved my career, I was inspired by his uncommon generosity.

I was so impressed by Achebe’s example that I became something of a lifelong student of his work, my PhD dissertation focusing partly on his deployment of history and memory in his writing.

In 2009, Brown University lured Achebe away from Bard College, scoring a major transfer of intellectual assets. At the Ivy League Brown, Achebe assumed the chair of the David and Marianna Fisher University Professor of Africana Studies and Literary Arts. With his blessing, Brown University also invited me to take up a visiting appointment.

Achebe was a widely honored and highly decorated writer, winning some of the most prestigious literary prizes, including the Man Booker for the sustained excellence of his oeuvre. In 2010, he was awarded the Gish Prize, established in 1994 as a bequest of two sisters, Dorothy and Lillian. The $300,000 prize is bestowed each year on “a man or woman who has made an outstanding contribution to the beauty of the world and to mankind’s enjoyment and understanding of life.” Part of Achebe’s particular contribution was his insistence to speak courageously to power, to bear truthful witness. His genius lay also, I suggest, in his signature clarity of language and brevity of utterance. He did not seek to confound. And he respected language too much to indulge in superfluity. Among us lived a man who for eighty-two years never wasted a word!

The sentiment behind the Gish Prize sums up, for me, the essence of Achebe the man, writer and citizen. He strove in his own quiet, stubborn way to make the world more beautiful. I was blessed to have known him at close quarters, ennobled by his extraordinary example as a writer and human, and ever indebted for the opportunity to learn at his feet.

 

 

Okey Ndibe, a visiting professor of Africana literature at Brown University, is the author of the novel Arrows of Rain and the forthcoming novel Foreign gods Inc.

 

via SaharaReporters

Gongs Of War – By Sonala Olumhense

Four men were gathered around the table, each of them reeking of power, affluence and influence.

“Gentlemen, I thank you for coming to my meeting,” President Goodluck Jonathan said.  “I know the notice was short, but Patience insisted that I should call you.  And Oronto agreed with her.”

Olusegun Obasanjo shuffled impatiently in his seat, tossing the bulbous left arm of his agbada over his shoulder.  “This is what I don’t understand,” he said in his accustomed drawl.  “Do you have to conduct the affairs of State according to the wishes of a woman?”

The other two men looked away as Jonathan’s gaze of embarrassment came around.  “No, Baba, she is more than a woman.  She is always right.  She is more of a man.  I mean, she is so intelligent she is now a Permanent Secretary.”

As Obasanjo moved to say something, Bamanga Tukur cleared his throat.  “Gentlemen, the important thing is we are here, to work in the best interest of the party, to make sure we don’t lose any ground to those people who call themselves All Progressives Congress.  I have promised to dribble them like Messi, hahaha…” he laughed.

Obasanjo caught him off.  “I was wondering why you said that.  I know you were never a soldier.  But if your best weapon is a rifle, do you broadcast that to the opponent before the start of a battle?”

“But the fear of Messi…”

“Messi, my foot!  Why can’t you wait until Messi has scored two or three times?  Or for eight or nine years?  Why did your Messi not dribble in Edo State, where we lost disastrously and a common Labour leader made our party look like Boy Scouts?”

That was when Tony Anenih began to rise to his feet.  “I knew you were going to start attacking me.  I know you…”

Jonathan put his hand on that of Anenih, who was sitting to his right, restraining him.  Anenih sat down, but he continued to speak across the table at Obasanjo.  “I knew you could not resist the temptation to…”

Obasanjo burst into laughter.  “I was not even thinking about you,” he said to Anenih, gesturing towards Tukur.  “I was talking to Messi here.  He wants to dribble somebody, but he can barely walk without help.  Come to think of you, where were you two dribblers, Maradona and Messi, when we were being disgraced in Falklands…I mean, Edo?  And now you want a third term!”  He had turned to Jonathan.

The three other men looked at each other; then they glared at Obasanjo.  “Third term?” they said in unison.

Then, Jonathan, by himself, repeated: “Third term? You were the one who wanted third term in 1999!”

“That is not true,” Obasanjo retorted, banging on the table.  “In 1999, I contested for my first term.   I know people doubt whether you really have a Ph.D, but sometimes I even doubt whether you wrote your WAEC by yourself: you speak a funny English and reason like a market woman.”

“Sorry Baba, I meant in 2006,” Jonathan said, appearing to be deep in thought.

“I said, ‘Not true!’   In 2006 I merely expressed interest in the extension of my ongoing term to enable me finish some work.  That was no third term.  I was not going to run for another term.”

Jonathan’s brow appeared tortured by thought.  He was grinding his teeth.  “Okay,” he said, finally.  “But what were you going to finish, Baba?   I thought you had done everything.  You gave contracts for roads and agriculture and defence.  You set up EFCC.  You helped Anenih with his N300 billion problem.  I think you helped most Nigerians.”

Anenih’s eyes were blazing with anger as he looked at Jonathan, and once again he began to rise from his seat.  But Obasanjo would not let him speak.  “Yes,” the former President said.  “I did help a lot of people in 2006, especially you.  I helped you after the Joint Task Force recommended you for prosecution by the CCB for false declaration of assets.  But I pre-empted that and made you Vice-President!”

“But…!!!”

“But nothing!” Obasanjo shouted.  “You even recently said you are struggling to build your house in your village.  All these make you look bad, and make me look terrible because when you were indicted, the evidence included choice property in Yenagoa and Abuja, as well as a lavish seven-bedroom duplex in Otuoke as far back as 2001 that we never took back from you.  How can you in 2013 as President say you are struggling to build a house in the same village?  Does the house include a staircase to heaven?”

“Baba, it is just a…”

“You must understand why I am angry.  Last year, you said in an interview, ‘When I hear people saying corruption, corruption, I shake my head…’  Do you think I did not know you were talking about me?”

Tukur, alarmed as the meeting ran out of control, raised his hand, like a kindergarten kid about to ask a question in a noisy class.  But Obasanjo ignored him.

“Look at the people you have surrounded yourself with!” he screamed, pointing at Tukur and Anenih.  “People like Doyin Okupe,” he said.  “You dig out relics and make them kings.  Can Mr. Fix-It, who lost the election in his own hometown, Uromi, to fix a hole in his own pocket, talk less of Abuja?  The man has expired, but first you make him chairman of the Port Authority, and then of the BoT.  Why don’t you just make him chairman of the presidency?”

“I am the chairman of two powerful offices because the entire country trusts me and is depending on me!” Anenih said, scratching his head.

“They trust you?  Name one person who trusts you…and do not mention Josephine, because I will call her right now!”

Anenih was struggling with his temper.  “You cannot telephone my wife,” he grumbled, his voice dropping.

“Try me!” he challenged.  “I can even call Patience from here, except that I do not understand her English.  You have to admit, all of you, that in all those years it was I who made the party and the government workable and feared.  But now, nobody respects us.  And APC is coming for us.”

The three other men exchanged glances and spoke across the table.  “We respect you, Baba,” they intoned.  Of course we respect you.”

And then Anenih found fresh courage.  “But you must respect us too.  We are not children.”

“Yes, nobody is a child,” Jonathan said.

“Sometimes you are all worse than children,” Obasanjo said.  “Chaos in the national chairman’s home State.  In Bayelsa, even the president’s kinsmen are criticizing him for granting pardon to a man convicted for corruption.  And then you outdo yourself by challenging the Americans and the British to a wrestling match!”

“But your own people in Ogun criticized you too,” Jonathan said.  “Your daughter jumped a fence running from EFCC.  You lost elections.”

“Yes.  But I never scored an own goal.  And my team never lost when I was on the pitch.  You don’t even have an economic plan.”

“I don’t need one.  I have Ngozi.”

“True, she is more than a plan, she is a miracle,” Obasanjo sneered.  “Don’t forget you have Diezani too.  Do you think it was by coincidence I was my own Minister for Petroleum Resources for eight years?”

Tukur took off his hat and laid it on the table.  It was suddenly very hot.  “Gentlemen, please let us return to the agenda for this meeting.  Our great party is under serious threat.”

Anenih nodded.   “And we can start to rebuild the party from this very table,” he said.  “The foundation of this problem is the threat to the structure of PDP.”

Tukur nodded.  “We must support the national executive,” he said.  “We must allow the executive to function as the party’s most powerful body.”

“No, no, no,” Anenih said.  “That is a gross misunderstanding.  The national executive does as it is told by the BoT.  We cannot go forward by going back.  The tail does not wag the dog.  The NEC and the Presidency are guided and led by the BoT.”

“Yes, that is true!” cried Mr. Jonathan, as if snapping out of a stupor, and then, “No, that is not!!  As President, I am in charge.”

Obasanjo rose to his feet, gathering his papers.  “What you have all said, and the mess you have made of the party, is proof of my point.  Without me you are lost.  I want you all to go back and re-examine whether you want to succeed or fail.  And remember that failure means that some people here may well go to jail.  F-A-I-L, J-A-I-L, everyone should memorize that.  But I have to be in control.  You have to sort out who is responsible to whom.  The one at the top will answer to me in my new role as BoT Chairman Emeritus!”

 

Sonala Olumhense

via SaharaReporters

LITERATURE AND ETHNICITY: Is Literature Shaped By The Cultural Contexts Of The Authors? – Achebe’s Last Keynote Address

LITERATURE AND ETHNICITY:  Is literature shaped by the cultural contexts of the authors?

Being keynote address  presented in Port Harcourt , Rivers State by CHINUA ACHEBE at the 2011 Garden City Literary Festival

 

 

ETHNICITY is a somewhat problematic word. The great American anthropologist and poet, Stanley Diamond, used such words as ethnic with complete and disarming respect, unlike most of us

Our use tends to be  coloured by guilt, condescension, or just awkwardness because this word and others in its category have suffered from cultural and racial politics and the politics of scholarship.

I looked up the word ethnic in my daughter’s Random House College Dictionary. It had five definitions as follows:

1)  pertaining to or characteristic of a people, especially a speech or culture group

2)  referring to the origin, classification, characteristics etc. of such groups

3)  pertaining to non-Christians

4)  belonging to or deriving from the cultural, racial, religious or linguistic traditions of a people or country especially a ‘primitive’ one: ethnic dances

5) U.S. a member of an ethnic group especially one belonging to a minority group that is not part of the white Anglo-Saxon Protestant tradition.

 

Protestant tradition

This is clearly a word loaded with problems. Being the keynote speaker I could not evade drawing attention to this. Being first has its drawbacks. An Igbo children’s chant says that the child who walks in front is the eye that spots evil spirits, the child in the rear has twisted fingers (I don’t know why!); the middle child is the happy one.

Having spotted this evil spirit I shall simply step aside to the edge of the pathway and let it pass. I shall use ethnicity in the way I know Stanley [Diamond] intended it. I shall use it to mean those elements of history and culture which distinguish one group of people from their fellows. Put a little differently, ethnicity would comprise all those significant qualities of a people’s character – qualities of mind and behavior which they acquired in their long struggle to domesticate the wilderness and make it their world; their physical and spiritual landscape.

We are talking then about deep, not surface issues; we are not talking about this morning’s gossip but about matters which reach back to the beginnings of a people as a people. We are talking about  their earliest memories which they consider important and wish to preserve and so recount in well-chosen, pleasing and memorable language. Finally we are talking also about the beginnings of literature. That is what ethnicity suggests to me.

Needless to say that these origins did not involve pen and paper or their ancestors of clay and papyrus. We may imagine some ancient  poets making fun of those of their guild who were adopting the new-fangled habit of  reading  from heavy clay tablets intended for royal edicts and land measurements. This may be no idle imagination. Several years ago I had invited a seventy-year old illiterate minstrel to recite his epic poetry at the University of Nigeria. His story of the exploits of the hero, Emeka Okoye, began, to everyone’s surprise, with paper playing a singularly sinister role.

Paper floating down from the sky one morning carried a commandment from the demi-god Enunyilimba prohibiting the eating or drinking of anything, however, small for seven markets or twenty eight days. The reason: this demi-god was going to feast above for one month and all the inhabitants of the world below must, therefore, honour him with starvation, on pain of instant death!

The notion of oral performance as serious literature is still received with suspicion or reluctance in many quarters, or at best perceived as a form that ended long ago, perhaps in the age of Homer. But that is far from the truth. The Somali, a pastoral/nomadic people in the Horn of Africa must be accounted among the world’s most poetic people. Their life is permeated by the composition and recital of poetry ranging from simple domestic discourse about the superiority of the camel over goats and cows to the intense anti-colonial poetry directed against the British; the Italians and the Ethiopians.

Sayyid Muhammad Abdille Hasan whom the British called the “Mad Mullah” is revered to this day not only because of his twenty-year struggle against three colonial powers, but primarily as the greatest poet in the Somali language. Now this language was first written down as recently as 1972. It is important that we admit the category of oral literature with respect in this literary festival or else we shall have little to talk about beside already very-well-talked-about matters. For myself I am taking my bearing from oral literature.

During the European Middle Ages a succession of empires rose and fell in the West African grasslands or the Sahel. One of the most remarkable among these empires was Mali as remarkable as its founder, Sundiata. Islam had penetrated into this part of Africa for at least one thousand years and had slowly superseded the indigenous African polytheistic religions.

 

Polytheistic religions

The creation story which I will now tell you quite obviously predates the coming of Islam to Mali:

At the beginning there was a huge drop of milk.

Then Doondari came and he created the stone.

Then the stone created iron;

The iron created fire;

And fire created water;

And water created air.

Then Doondari descended the second time.

And took the five elements

And he shaped them into man.

But man was proud.

Then Doondari created blindness and blindness defeated man.

But when blindness became too proud,

Doondari created sleep, and sleep defeated blindness;

But when sleep became too proud,

Doondari created worry, and worry defeated sleep;

But when worry became too proud,

Doondari created death, and death defeated worry.

But when death became too proud,

Doondari descended for the third time,

And he came as Gueno, the eternal one

And Gueno defeated death.

There are many things one could say about this wonderful story but I will settle for only one – the constant battle the Creator wages, to maintain the integrity of his world in the face of insidious threat from pride. Four times Doondari has to create an agent to defeat pride. And four times it rises and fights again. And it was man’s pride that began it all.

The Fulani people who made this story before the coming of Allah were obviously concerned about pride. The theology behind the story is not concerned about seven deadly sins, but only one. In the 1950s after one thousand years of Islam, a young Fulani from Senegal who had received the best education the French could give to a brilliant colonial subject wrote a novel about the plight of his people after their defeat and subjugation by French arms and policies.

One of the major characters in the novel has this to say:

If it were still only a matter of ourselves, of the conservation of our substance, the problem would have been less complicated: not being able to conquer them, we should have chosen to be wiped out rather than to yield. But we are among the last men on earth to possess God as He veritably is in His Oneness…How are we to save Him?

The point being made here may elude anyone who has not read Cheikh Hamidou Kane’s novel: Ambiguous Adventure so I will summarize it:

“We the Diallobe people,” it says “would have had no excuse to continue living after our fathers were defeated by French arms; we would have had every justification in committing suicide. But we are among the few in the world who truly understand God. If we should die what would happen to God then?”

Now that is hardly a declaration of modesty. In fact it is pretty arrogant. It would seem that the pride which the Diallobe people  meditated upon is a living problem still with these people in spite of a thousand years of Islam, in spite of a history that has experienced imperial grandeur of their own making as well as the ultimate humiliation of defeat and colonialization by strangers.

We are thus talking about qualities at the core of a people’s character. Something which survives time and events and can ferry across from oral poetry in an African language to modern fiction written in French. We are not talking about transitory fads and fashions.

I take my second example from my own people – the Igbo of South-Eastern Nigeria, and a very different kind of creation myth. Unlike the Fulani story which takes place in a remote, ethereal setting, the Igbo story like the Igbo themselves, is very much down to earth.

The crux of this story is that one morning Chukwu, the Creator, looks down and beholds the king of Nri and the King of Adama sitting disconsolate on an anthill surrounded by marshy ground ( It is not clear whether there are two kings or one king with two titles: for simplicity I shall assume only one.) Chukwu asks him what the matter is and the king replies that the soil is too moist to plant the  yam which Chukwu had directed him to plant during an earlier discussion. As a result of this failure of the crop, the story tells us that people are wandering through the bush like wild animals. So Chukwu sends Eze Nri to Awka, the town of blacksmiths to invite one of them to blow on his bellows and make the soil dry.

This is an unusual creation story. It is not the drama of creation that it is concerned with. The world is already made and functioning somehow. But it is not perfect. Man complains to God about this and holds conversations with him to bring about changes and improvements, specifically the tremendous transition of mankind from wanderers in the bush to settled agriculturalists using iron tools.

The Igbo people who made this story are famous (or notorious according to one’s point of view) for their belief in conversation even with God. Unlike their neighbours, they do not care for kings and kingdoms. They were not easy to colonize; the British described them as argumentative. Why the British would consider the Igbo habit of arguing as surprising, is the real surprise.

Why would people who argue with the Creator of the world be intimidated by white district officers some of whom were in their twenties? The Igbo did not care for Empires; they preferred small-scale village communities where every adult male was the king of his own household and could take part in decision-making and every adult woman in (admittedly less frequent) women’s decision-making.

I hope you will not expect me to demonstrate in detail how the world of Things Fall Apart and the world of Arrow of God derive their substance and ambience from these primordial conversations between the first Igbo people and their Creator.

When the British colonized Nigeria they had a lot to learn- some of them did, but some of them, unfortunately, did not. It was bad enough that the Igbo had no kings and no horses, but to also demand a hearing was just too much! What the uninitiated members of  Britain’s imperial service did not realize was that the Igbo got away long ago talking back to God Himself. That is a major element of their ethnicity and it will be present in their life and literature.

I want now to address briefly the question posed in what appears like a sub-title to the main subject: To what degree is all literature shaped by the cultural contexts of the authors?

The creative enterprise is a magical space onto itself – the mind in mutual collaboration with the world and its elements to produce something of aesthetic value. Creative writers are like painters, using words to paint a literary tapestry. I think that words have a magic, that human situations- one’s environment, culture, ‘ethnicity’ as we have spent time re-discovering – can be unburdened to join other factors wordsmiths use to create literary magic – that extra dimension that the writer can conjure up by placing ideas about the human condition side by side on paper.

I suppose that cultural contexts is another name for what we have so far been calling the factors of ethnicity. Quite clearly these factors do shape literature. The cultural context within which a writer finds him/herself is relevant in so far as it brings something of literary value -contributes to the world story – and does not claim superiority over, deny, obscure or jaundice, even oppress other perspectives or stories. But having said that let me now admit that there are other factors and not least among them is the genius and free-will of the author.

I left this factor out of account until now, for a purpose. Good literature, whether oral or written, will bear the marks of the author’s culture as well as his or her own personal signature.

Culture is a shared commodity. It implies community. The behavior of one person is not called culture; but the action of one person can influence the culture of the group, and even change it.

Western literature played a central role in promoting the ideal of individual autonomy. As Lionel Trilling tells us Western literature has in the last one hundred and fifty years held “ an intense and adverse imagination of the culture in which it has its being.” It has promoted the view of society and of culture as a prison-house from which the individual must escape to find freedom and fulfillment.

If this is so then it seems to me that a real parting of the ways may have occurred between Western literature and its own origins, to say nothing of other literatures.

The father of Western philosophy says: I think, therefore I am. The unknown formulator of the great Bantu assertion says Umuntu, Ngumuntu Ngabantu: a person is a person because of other persons. The Igbo put it proverbially: if a person feels an itch in the back he calls his fellow to scratch him; an animal scratches itself against a tree.

Georges Braque, co-founder of cubism, once described perspective as “a ghastly mistake which it has taken four centuries to redress.” Perspective is important but it is also a one-eyed view which can degenerate into mere draughts-manship. Perhaps the celebration of individualism, another one-eyed view of the world, can now use a little redressing in Western literature.

The story of Nigeria is one steeped in ethnic and religious tensions and complexity. ‘Ethnicity’ in the Nigerian context has not evolved, through ‘a post-primordial civic nationalism’3  into a blissful, common national identity, as seen in say Switzerland. Until the day “the Swissification of ethnic conflict”4  arrives, Nigerians, particularly its writers, should not be satisfied with sweeping the matter ‘under the rug.’

For those who are not proficient in Nigeria’s recent political history it might be useful to point out that the word ethnic was not always ‘the ugly girl that many took to bed at night, but denied during the daytime.’ My generation remembers a Nigeria that was once a land of great hope and progress, a nation of immense resources at its disposal – natural resources, but even more so human resources. Nigeria possesses a great diversity of vibrant peoples who have not always been on the best of terms, but those of us who are old enough remember periods in our history when collaborations across ethnic and religious divides produced great results.

The Nigeria-Biafra war changed the course of Nigeria. One can summarize the conflict as one precipitated by the bile of ethnic hatred. It was such a cataclysmic experience that for me it virtually changed the history of Africa and the history of Nigeria. Everything I had known before, all the optimism had to be rethought. For me, this traumatic event changed my writing for a time, which found expression in a different genre – poetry.

Since the war, Nigerians have been subjected to a clique of military and civilian adventurers and a political class that have exploited the ethnic divisions in Nigeria. This group, unfortunately, has been completely corrupted – spearheading the enormous transfer of the country’s wealth into private bank accounts, a wholesale theft of the national resources needed for all kinds of things – for health, for education, for roads. The result has been that the nation’s infrastructure was left to disintegrate unleashing untold suffering on millions of innocent people.

This development has been made easy by Nigerian academics who have presided over the liquidation of the university system and the rise of a culture of anti-intellectualism in Nigeria. One of the ways we have done it is our obsession for office.

Twenty-five years ago, university professors were held in very high esteem. Today, I don’t think anybody thinks very much of them, and quite frankly, I think it is our own making. What happens when a university Vice-Chancellor in Nigeria is about to leave office? You ought to see the trips made up and down to government houses in Abuja, begging for cabinet positions.

What upsets me is that this entire mess Nigeria finds itself in was quite avoidable. The leadership appears not to really care for the welfare of the country and its people. If a political class—including intellectuals, university professors, and people like that, who have read all the books and know how the world works—if they had based their actions on principle rather than on opportunity, Nigeria would not be in this predicament.

But Nigerian leaders, beginning with the military dictators, looked around and saw that they could buy intellectuals. Anybody who called himself president would immediately find everyone lining up outside his home or his office to be made minister of this or that. And this is what they have exploited—they have exploited the divisions, the ethnic and religious sectionalization in the country. You have leaders who see nothing wrong in inciting religious conflict between Christians and Muslims. It’s all simply to retain power. So you find now a different kind of alienation.

In the past in Igbo land, if something kept happening and happening, or if somebody kept failing and failing, the people would go and consult an oracle. They call it Iju Ase. In the modern world, the systems that cause these failures are examined. But frankly, I would suggest that Nigeria has decided to put merit aside and bring up whatever considerations, and that is one of the things that happened to us. And the modern world has not been created on considerations outside of merit.

I despair over Nigeria daily. On the missed opportunities of Nigeria: the fact that nobody has had the imagination to say, ‘Look I’m going to transcend all this ethnic pettiness and become the leader of modern Nigeria’ because this is important for Africa, this is important for the world. So, let’s stop all this nonsense about religion, about tribe and so on. Let’s organize Nigeria and make it a working entity so that it can fulfill its mission in the world.

There is a great deal of work for the Nigerian writer- indeed all writers. If the society is healthy, the writer’s job is limited – which is not the situation in Nigeria. On the other hand, if a society is ill the writer has a responsibility to point it out even if it produces headaches in the halls of power!

The role of the writer in a society such as ours besieged with many pathologies -ethnic bigotry, political ineptitude, corruption, and the cult of mediocrity – is not an easy or rigid one. Nigerian writers can choose to turn away from the reality of Nigeria’s intimidating complexity or conquer its mystery by battling with it. I hope we all choose the latter.

 

1 Ulli Beier (ed.) The Origin of Life and Death, London, Heinemann Educational Books, 1966, In Chinua Achebe, Hopes and Impediments, New York, Anchor Doubleday, 1989, P.135.

2 Cheikh Hamidou Kane, Ambiguous Adventure, London, Heinemann Educational Books, 1962, p.10.

3 Alexandre S. Wilner  “The Swiss-ification of Ethnic Conflict: Historical Lessons in Nation building

– The Swiss Example”, Federal Governance Vol. 6, (2007/8), 1-27. 4 Ibid

 

 

Achebe was David and Marianna Fisher University Professor and Professor of Africana Studies

Brown University, Rhode Island, USA

Niyi Akinnaso: Jonathan And His Many Controversies

Before embarking on today’s topic, let me pay my highest respect to three illustrious Nigerians, each a giant in his own right, who departed last week, namely (in the order of departure), Chief Bayo Akinnola, the Lisa of Ondo Kingdom and renowned industrialist; Prof. Chinua Achebe, renowned author, literary critic, and social historian; and Prophet Timothy Obadare, renowned Evangelist and Founder of the World Soul Winning Evangelical Ministry.  May their souls rest in peace.

A week before this string of high profile losses, President Goodluck Jonathan had thrown the nation into yet another controversial decision of his, which simultaneously questioned his own morality, the wisdom of the Council of State, and the standing of the Nigerian state in the comity of nations, when it comes to probity in public service. At least, this is how well-meaning Nigerians and, indeed, the international community have received Jonathan’s recent pardon of a convicted fraudster and money launderer, Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, the former thieving Governor of Bayelsa State, with whom Jonathan served as Deputy Governor.

True, it is Jonathan’s presidential prerogative to grant pardon, even to criminals, but there are at least three reasons he should have refrained from extending same to Alamieyeseigha. First, not only has Alamieyeseigha been convicted and sentenced to prison for corruption, he is still wanted for the same offence in Britain, where he jumped bail, allegedly by disguising as a woman. Were he to wait for trial in Britain, he probably would still have been in prison like James Ibori, yet another former thieving Governor of Delta State.

Second, granting Alamieyeseigha a pardon is a statement by Jonathan that Nigeria is a corruption haven and that he is not going to do anything to reverse the situation, or simply does not give a damn. The implication is that Jonathan is deaf to all the complaints about corruption and profligate spending under his administration. He is deaf to the poor ranking of Nigeria on various international indices, which highlight corruption as the key factor behind Nigeria’s underdevelopment. He is deaf to the calls to fight corruption by Nigeria’s allies, especially the United States, which is currently involved in a binational relation with the country. It may well be that Jonathan does not understand that when American leaders talk about “good governance”, they are talking simultaneously about effective leadership, strong and effective state institutions, and zero tolerance for corruption.

Third, Jonathan’s ties to Alamieyeseigha should have cautioned him against the decision. By pardoning Alamieyeseigha, Jonathan put self-interest above national interest. After all, there are ways he could have shown gratitude to his former boss and self-admitted political benefactor other than dragging the Council of State and the whole nation through the mud. It is a shame that the Council, which includes former Heads of State, former Chief Justices of Nigeria, National Assembly leaders, and state Governors, assented to this shameful decision. The assent speaks to the oga mentality in Nigerian politics by which the person in power is uncritically supported, if not idolised, often for the supporters’ self-interest.

Alamieyeseigha’s pardon is the latest in a series of controversial decisions by Jonathan since he took office. To be sure, it is not unusual for leaders to take controversial decisions from time to time. After all, not everyone always agrees with their leaders, especially in democracies that have strong opposition. What is peculiar about Jonathan is that he creates unnecessary controversies through bizarre and queer decisions or unwarranted indecisions. As a result, his Presidency has come to look like the situation of a boy plucked from the village and given a jumping rope to play with. Painfully, despite some tutelage, he couldn’t quite figure out what to do with the rope. Each time he attempted to jump, he lost his balance and entangled himself in the rope. Eventually, it was taken away from him.

One can only hope that Nigeria, already entangled in corruption, internal terrorism, and poor governance, will not lose her balance completely before Jonathan leaves office. But Nigeria may lose it, if Jonathan is left unchecked. Just consider two other controversial decisions he has taken within the past 15 months.

Remember the fuel subsidy crisis of January 2012? The decision that led to the crisis portrayed Jonathan as someone who would swing a jumping rope backwards (that is, behind him), and still hope to be able to keep jumping forward. Just when the citizens were complaining bitterly about increases in commodity prices and the profligacy of those in power, Jonathan chose to increase the pump price of petrol by 125 per cent. Worse still, he did it without adequate public education about fuel subsidy, or even public buy-in as expected such complex economic decisions, without putting in place necessary palliatives for consumers, and without regard to the hardships caused for travellers during the Christmas-New Year festive season.

Although it was later revealed that fuel subsidy has been a corruption dragnet, Jonathan has done little or nothing to avoid the subsidy completely-the nation’s refineries have remained in bad shape, producing far below capacity under his Presidency. His recent insistence on removing the subsidy completely may witness the Mother of all protests, if appropriate measures are not taken to increase domestic production of refined petroleum.

Another controversial decision by Jonathan that was equally greeted with protests and denunciations was the attempted renaming of the University of Lagos to Moshood Abiola University, without consultation with the stakeholders and without going through due constitutional procedure. By renaming a 50-year-old institution and a national treasure in highly controversial circumstances, Jonathan threw mud at the honour he sought to bestow on Abiola, who, indeed, is worthy of honour.

It is not only poor judgment that runs through these three controversial decisions. Another common thread is poor timing. As indicated earlier, Jonathan took the nation by surprise by increasing the pump price of petrol during the holiday season, when many citizens had travelled away from their home or workplace. They suddenly faced high transport costs and further increases in commodity prices. To complicate matters, the increase was announced at a time when the citizens’ awareness of their own plight had been heightened by the Arab Spring and Occupy protests.

Equally inconsiderate was the timing of the botched UNILAG name change. Jonathan chose to do it at a time when the university was embarking on two major events, namely, the burial of its deceased Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Adetokunbo Sofoluwe, and the celebration of the institution’s 50th anniversary. Nothing could be more insensitive than throwing the university community into commotion at such times.

Like the other controversial decisions, Alamieyeseigha’s pardon was as inappropriate as it was ill-timed. If Jonathan didn’t hear the loud complaints against increasing corruption, if he failed to appreciate the negative effects of corruption on national development, he should at least have known that presidents don’t grant controversial pardons in the middle of their tenure. They usually wait until the very end. He and his advisors should have learnt this lesson from the former US President, Bill Clinton, who waited until the very last day in office before pardoning his political allies.

It may be too late for Jonathan to learn. But it is never too late for Nigerians to demand the best for their country. And their leaders, as well.

 

 

Niyi Akinnaso (niyi@comcast.net)

Article culled from Punch

So what if people have an agenda? (#NewLeadership Series by Chude Jideonwo)

Chude-Jideonwo

There is a dear friendof mine, working in the change-maker spaces, who has approached his passion for country with a single-mindedness and aggression that can be compelling.

Everyone says he wantsto be a politician – that the reason he is organising, mobilising and engaging, despite his repeated protestations to the contrary, is because he is building a network and goodwill that will serve him when he runs for office soon – and that all of this is mere positioning for that time when he declares his ambition.

And I say to that – so what?

As I have written before, there is nothing wrong with ambition. Societies are transformed by men who have ambition – ambition for fame, ambition for fortune, ambition for glory, ambition for legacy.

“The history of the world,” according to a quote attributed to Mahatma Ghandi, “is full of men who rose to leadership, by sheer force of self-confidence, bravery and tenacity.”

It speaks nothing of naivety, self-effacement or a lack of drive.

Sadly, the more one pays attention to the conversations that young people are having presently; the more one gets the sense of a certain (willful or unconscious) naivety about the nature of societal or political change across the world.

The thing is, nations are not changed by the innocent and the unscarred, and people who have an unblemished record. Actually, those people do not exist – anywhere from Paul Kagame (who continues to be accused of fomenting war amongst his neighbours) to Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf (whose record from the Liberian War is, at best, murky), to use African reformist examples. Nations are changed by people with the willpower, and the passion and the energy and the strategy to transform society in ways that benefit the greatest possible number of people.

What we now appear to have in Nigeria is an unending search for the perfect. Where we don’t find that, we have unfortunately begun to cannibalise our own: we have begun to attackthose we should support, malign those we should encourage and second-guess those we should line up behind.

It is understandable. We are surrounded, as it were, by disappointment. This is a nation where role models are few and far between, and where lines of principle and integrity are blurred in a mad dash away from poverty, or towards more money.

Yes, it is understandable, but it is still not productive. We shall not canonise thosewithout integrity, and there shall be no hagiographies written about those whose agenda are narrow, but we should not impede talented people who have important value to add to the country we say we love.

So, news flash: we should have no use for people who have no agenda, or who claim to have no agenda. In fact, if any activist, advocate, public official or politician pretends to have no agenda beyond an inchoate ‘better Nigeria’, then you should be worried. There is no leader across the world who is successfully able to carry a torch without a clear idea of where he or she is taking that torch to.

Many of those leaders will be flawed and they will have undesirable attributes, but Bola Tinubu need not be flawless if he will create the political environment for a visionarylike Babatunde Fashola. I will not waste my time on Olusegun Obasanjo’s many faults if I identify in him a man who understood the challenges of constructing a modern society, just as I will not join the unending joy at new chinks inNasir el-Rufai’s armour when he has laid a foundation that future public servants can look up to as a model for good governance.

I have a feeling that as long as China continues its march to rival the United States in absolute GDP in the next 20 – 30 years; the Communist Party, despite the series of scandals from the house of Bo Xilai and others, will continue to enjoy the support of the majority.

In the same vein, if the ACN-affiliated Movement for National Change or the newly minted PDP Youth Forum is going to build the kind of politicial system that will be responsive andresponsible to an empowered electorate and that will help construct a society that works – then I am going to hold my nose and I am going to jump.

Let’s practically look at corruption for instance. Yes, Nigeria’s many greedy, slothful leaders are part of our problem, but as my friend Femke Van Zeijl has written, if corruption were the major reason for lack of development, then “a country like Indonesia—number 118 on Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index, not that far removed from Nigeria’s 139—would never have made it to the G-20 group of major economies.”

Nigeria is instead plagued by a despondent dearth of men with character who were born and shaped to lead a modern society. Nowhere is this more symbolised than the fact that our last two president were accidental in several important ways – one ill and incapable of making tough and long-term decisions, surprised as he was with the Presidency he never sought; and the other pushed in by a series of unfortunate events.

Just imagine what could have happened if men with the long-term will, the vision and the drive to actually be president of the world’s most populous black nation had the opportunity to do so. The absence of this is Nigeria’s one unending tragedy – and the reason for its state of permanent celebration of mediocrity.

We need to begin to identify and support people with an agenda for our country – an agenda of competence, an agenda of development, an agenda to build. We need to build and sustain coalitions of people whose individual agenda drive the general agenda of a national rebirth.

No generation is perfect, and a generation like ours, birthed out of one defined by rot cannot board perfection. In fact, by its very nature it will be defined by its imperfection – thus, the disappointments that we witness amongst young politicians and change-makers.

But like I always say – we cannot use our generation as an excuse to fail the next generation. We must make the best of what we have. And there is plenty that is good in our midst.

The battle for Nigeriaisn’t a battle as simple as between good and bad, nor is it a battle between the PDP and those not in the PDP. It is a battle between the systemic forces that have held Nigeria from marching forward and it this is enforced by people whose interest it serves to perpetuate those faux fault lines because they have nothing else to offer.

What we need now is a country that works on a basic level – to move Nigeria beyond the logjam of existential problems we face presently. Those are the people we must begin to find, and when we find them, we must support them.

If people really do care about our country, their words and actions will show it – their willingness to make the decisions and compromises that can encourage a forward march? Are competent and capable and ready to work for the greater good and maintain the higheststandards possible in this environment while achieving the goals that are important for our country at this time?

Are they ready, like Nelson Mandela, to risk their reputations and the angers of their constituencies, to do that which they know to be right thing? Are they prepared to put nation above self, and progress above ego, function above form?

If that is the end game – then whatever the secondary agenda is, I suggest that we welcome them to the field of play; and welcome to a collective and sustained effort to build a country that we can be proud of; while we continue to force them to get better.

We should not let the perfect be the enemy of the good. We should not let what should be stop us from achieving what can be. What we need now is a nation that works so we can quickly move on to the demands of greatness. We have a lot of catching up to do.

We need to focus.

2013 Budget Amendment & Clause 5 ~ Oluseun Onigbinde

NOI 2

The President returned the 2013 Budget of N4.987tn back to the National Assembly for amendment. The 2013 Budget has been put on the rush since it was presented in October 2012. However, five months later the final details of the budget, citizens are yet get a grip on a conclusive budget. There is still bickering over the legislative input in the budget especially the clauses listed below:

The Clause 10 of the 2013 Appropriation Act states that all revenues, however, described including all fees received, fines, grants, budgetary provisions and all internally and externally-generated revenues shall not be spent by the SEC for recurrent or capital purposes or for any other matters, nor liabilities thereon incurred except with prior appropriation and approval by the National Assembly.
I am of the opinion that the National Assembly more importantly House of Representatives is settling its scores by using its legislative oversight to ground an institution. For no better word, that to me is impunity considering the necessary oversight the Nigerian stock market needs. If there are been issues of graft and incompetence between the SEC DG and the legislature, there has to be another way of applying the law rather using potions of hemlock to cure madness. The clause on non-appropriation to SEC needs to be expunged quickly.

The Clause 6 of Act states that The Minister of Finance shall ensure that funds appropriated under this Act are released to the appropriate agencies and or organs of government as and when due, provided that no funds for any quarter of the fiscal year shall be deferred without prior waiver from the National Assembly.

This clause compels the Minister of Finance to release funds for every quarter without consideration of some assumptions. While I appreciate the hastiness of the National Assembly to see the capital expenditure of the budget fully perform, I see the clause 6 has lacking feasibility with sturdy view of the Nigerian finances. According to the Budget Implementation report released by the Budget Office of the Federation, Nigeria had revenue shortfalls in its non-oil component. N802bn was targeted for Value Added tax, only N710bn was finally reported. Same goes for the Customs, e which had a revenue target of N600bn but could only muscle N474bn. Also notice that in the deficit financing component, N1.13tn was expected. A final sum of N989.53bn was reported as official figures. Also according to official reports, Nigeria did not meet its oil production target making the statutory oil revenue to underperform.

To compel the Minister to release funds for every project when the revenue assumptions are not met will be a mere box ticking exercise. It will be forever painful that while recurrent expenditure is hastily spent and gets performing, the institutional framework and will of delivering a capital project makes it suffer from revenue shortfall. The price of oil might be high but the in land when the institutional frame is weak to tackle pipeline vandalisation and crude oil theft, government oil revenue (a product of price and volume) will be shortchanged.

While the Ministry of Finance is quick to talk about increasing share of the capital budget, it keeps mum on the awful capital performance which stands at 49% for 2012 Budget. In the budget implementation report recently released by Budget Office of the Federation, N2.425tn was budget for Recurrent Expenditure (non-debt) and N2.4tn was actually spent putting the performance at 99%. Peer at the capital expenditure which we are told its 28.5% of the 2012 budget. Out of N1.399tn of the budget, only N744bn was released. On careful inspection, it reveals that N686bn was utilised for capital projects, meaning actually spent. A capital budget performance of 49%, how far will that take Nigeria? In the end Nigeria had revenue shortfall as expected and unfortunately rather than use withdrawals of excess crude account to meet our capital projects requirement, we threw it on the recurrent side. The Nigerian citizens actually deserve more than 49%.
Rather than such compulsion for the Minister of Finance, my own thrust will be on a healthy debate between the legislature and executive on how to restructure the budget. The ton of projects in the budget is unnecessary. Even the legislature will need beyond three months for a careful review. Why can’t revenue augmentation (excess crude account) be solely tied to capital expenditure? How do we improve the implementation process to ensure that government does not keep buttering its bread (recurrent expenditure) and leave requisite infrastructure to suffer. That’s the argument that the legislature needs to champion not a compulsion in the law.

The Clause 5 of the Act states: (i) The Accountant-General of the Federation shall immediately upon the coming into force of this Act maintain a separate record for the documentation of Revenue accruing to the Consolidated Revenue Fund in excess of oil price benchmark adopted in this Budget.

(ii) The Accountant-General of the Federation shall forward to the National Assembly full details of funds released to the government Agencies immediately such funds are released.

More importantly, this clause fascinates me as it shows the zealous drive of the National Assembly to properly monitor the 2013 Budget. I really respect and want this. This is fascinating because we have dwelled on the narrative that the capital expenditure share of the budget is increasing but what happens in actual implementation. As I earlier pointed, out of the capital budget of N1.399tn in 2012 Budget, only N686.6bn was finally utilised. Take a look at the budget implementation report released by the Budget Office, the capital implementation report is so opaque and communicates nothing. We are talking of N686.6bn expense on capital projects, we should ask on what? Lagos –Ibadan Road? East- West Road? A multipurpose University Hall? What really is the detail of N686.6bn? Do we know what administrative items that stuffed as capital expenditure actually released for ministries?

I personally think this next trove of data is not what the National Assembly needs for improved debate and transparency but also the citizens and civil society. The budget is laden with over 7,000 projects most of which are just serial items appearing year-on-year. The Police College, Ikeja case has affirmed this with its previous allocation in the budget. So glancing at the whole budget for items to be implemented is sheer cumbersome exercise. We need to see what capital projects are funds released and ably tie that into the budget? Can this be the moment when external accountability actors such as the National Assembly, CSOs and citizens verify the implementation of these projects within their domain? Can we have a timeline of the release of the funds to actually delivery of the project by the government contractors? I belief allowing clause 5 to stay is a major leap in the plank of transparency and driving civic participation in governance. My case is for the clause 5 to stay. This is does not tamper with the interests of the government on what it intends to execute by priority nor does it infringe with articles of separation of power which gives the Executive the right to activate its procurement process and execute projects. The Accountant General has only answered to the people as he does for the monthly allocation released to states and local governments.

For the civil society working on the budget transparency, the vague macro figures of N686bn profit nothing except to the economists and public finance experts. It’s time we ask that information on the statutory transfers including the National Assembly be disaggregated as well as the actual capital expenditure. I believe taking away sensitive Ministries such as Defence, we should know what project every ministry is executing and what and when the funds are released. It is then that our oversight for capital projects can be enhanced.

A lot of thanks to the Ministry of Finance for releasing information on actual allocations shared to government entities. They should also make it timely both online and in print for accountability purposes. I also appreciate efforts of releasing SURE-P disbursement to government entities and fuel subsidy disbursement to private importers. This disaggregated data fosters discussion and strengthens the non-state actors to build an informed society. As the central government leads by example in detailed budget, it should take it a step further for actual appropriation. To stay on budget figures (estimates planned over a certain period) is half-education and also grey shades of transparency. Where is the breakdown of actual implementation subject to review of the common Nigerian?

Oluseun Onigbinde leads BudgIT, a public data visualisation startup.

In Defence of Public Intellectualism in Nigeria By Omano Edigheji, PhD

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Two books have generated much debate in Nigeria recently, namely: There Was A Country by Chinua Achebe, and The Accidental Public Servant by Nasir el-Rufai. The aforementioned books have generated similar debates as General Olusegun Obasanjo’s two books, Not my Will, and My Command: An Account of the Nigerian Civil War, 1967 – 1970. Many like me celebrated these books by Obasanjo not necessarily because we agreed with their entire contents but because they enriched our knowledge of our country. The same principle must apply in dealing with the aforementioned books by Achebe and el-Rufai. Those who demonized these authors or disagree with the contents of their books, here is Achebe’s advice: “if you don’t like someone’s story, write your own”.

Both Achebe and el-Rufai, like most others, interpreted the events they wrote about the way they saw them – their accounts of the events. But for anybody to castigate them for not projecting the events the way they would have projected it, is for them to abdicate their own responsibilities to write their own stories. Of course, there is nothing wrong in critiquing the two books, like other books or works. Critiques enrich our perspectives and world views. But in so doing, we cannot expect others to do our work that is, writing our own version of events. That demonstrates intellectual laziness.

Also, it is disturbing to critique a work without first reading it as has been the case with some of the so called critiques of the aforementioned books. As Prof Sam Egwu enjoined us during our undergraduate days at University of Jos, if you say the devil is bad, you must at least know who the devil is and what makes him bad. Therefore before critiquing any written work, we must at least read it. When critiques are based on one’s prejudiced views of a particular author, the critic misses the point. S/he becomes subjective and disingenuous. In such a context, narrow minded views rather than facts informed such criticisms. Such cannot be objective! Critiques should strive to be objective and must be aimed at advancing our knowledge of a particular issue.

The above brings me to the next point: most African public figures do not document their public service experience – they take their knowledge and experience to the grave without documenting them for future generations to learn from. The concept of memoirs is alien to them. Our public discourses, public policy and politics are poorer for it, with adverse consequences for national development. I am therefore always elated and encouraged when former public servants write books about their experiences in the public service. This is one reason that I welcome the book by my friend, el-Rufai. Depending on where one stands, for better or for worse, “The Accidental Public Servant” will enrich our public discourses, public policy and politics if we draw the right lessons. For the same reasons I commend Mr Frank Chikane, former Director-General in the presidency of South Africa who has dedicated himself to documenting his public service experience, first by publishing the book entitled “Eight Days in September” that deals with the intrigues about the removal of Thabo Mbeki as president of South Africa by the ANC, and his second book, The Things that Could Not Be Said, which deals with some public policy of the administration of President Mbeki. For the same reason, I regret that my friend, the late Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Zenawi Meles, one of the most patriotic, brightest and foresighted African leaders, did not document his varied public service experiences before he died in August 2012. Had he written about his penetrating insights on developmentalism, future African scholars and policy-makers would have found his insights indispensable.

The challenge is not to agree with everything el-Rufai or any other former public servant said in their books but to read them with open minds and to draw relevant lessons that can enrich our national discourses, policies and politics. Given the opaque manner in which public policy is formulated and implemented in Nigeria and other countries on the African continent, we need to encourage more former public officials to write about their public service experiences. This is one thing that our newly established independent think tank, the Centre for Africa’s Progress and Prosperity will do – become a home for former public servants as well as former leaders of business and CSOs to reflect and write about their experiences in their respective fields. This is likely to enrich future public policy. To have evidence-based public policy, former public officials have to document their public service experience!

One of the values of Achebe’s latest book, “There was a country” is for Nigerians and its leaders today to ask themselves if they are addressing situations that could lead to civil war or social instability as those that led to the civil war in the late 1960s. At the time of writing, Achebe has just passed way. Fortunately, he had the foresight and courage to document his experience about the civil war. For this and his iconic writings, even though his body is gone, the man Achebe lives. Imagine if he had not documented his experience about the war! Nigeria and the world would be the poorer as we would have been denied his account of how he experienced the civil war.

This brings me to another point: Achebe was not deterred that some would disagree and disparage him for his account of the civil war. He was committed to the truth from his perspective. The same can be said of el-Rufai in his “The Accidental Public Servant”. Certainly, others have a right to disagree with their accounts but in the process they should not deny Achebe and el-Rufai their right to free speech and intellectual freedom. Societies that developed are those where such freedoms are guarded jealously.

What Nigerians like other Africans need is for our former public officials, as el-Rufai has done, to write about their public service experiences. Similarly, public Intellectuals should write about events in our society as Achebe did in his numerous works, including There was a country. Others can criticize the works without demonizing the authors. The writings of intellectual public figures are likely to lead to more public debates with positive impacts on our politics, policy and development. Writing by public figures about their experiences is part of their patriotic duties. The more ex-public officials write about their experiences, the merrier! By so doing, we will not only understand more about Nigeria’s politics and public policy but also get to the truth about our country.
To be sure, there is value in yesterday’s men and women writing about their time in the public service. And when today’s men and women become yesterday’s men and women, they will owe ordinary citizens an obligation by writing about their public experiences.

Dr Omano Edigheji is Executive Director of the independent and non-partisan think tank, the Centre for Africa’s Progress and Prosperity, Abuja, Nigeria. Follow me on Twitter @omanoe

OPINION: Nigerian Youth And Social Concern – Tayo Elegbede @tayojet1

 

The recent turn of events in Nigeria has largely exposed the composition, interest and uniqueness of the Nigerian youths. While some of these activities spurred the exhibition of incredible instant creativity, others have revealed the high disinterest of the Nigerian Youth populace in germane issues that are critical to their now and future.

On the account of the supposed hilarious disposition and responses of the Lagos NSCDC Boss while on an interview on Channels Television, the Nigerian social media space has for over two weeks witnessed the buzz of #MyOgaAtTheTop, needless to highlight the chains of reactions being witnessed in the real world, where Video games, T-Shirt, Home Movie, Wrist Watch, all out on the credit of #MyOgaAtTheTop. These stream of spontaneous creative reaction from the youths is quite impressive, at least for sparking a huge sense of humour and relaxation in the ever heated Nigeria polity.

While the social media space was agog with this trend, there came the news of the presidential pardon granted to some Nigerians who according to the recommendations of the National Council of State deserve the pardon-a development which has continued to amaze every right thinking Nigerian and its lovers in the diaspora. However, the focus of this engagement is not to analyze the presidential pardon but to situate the Nigerian youth in all these unfolding.

In high expectation, I looked out for a swift shift from the hilarious and unproductive trend of #MyOgaAtTheTop to productive engagement of the government especially by the youths on the presidential support on corruption, the rising rate of insecurity in the country, massive unemployment in the face of government job creation claims, dwindling economic fortune, amongst other crucial issues to the existence and survival of the Nigerian Youth. But disappointedly, the Nigerian Youths saw no reason in engaging the powers that be.

 

It is unfortunate, that the Nigerian Youth has found a comfortable corner in the feel good society such that he cannot think and act through on critical socioeconomic affairs that directly or indirectly affect him both now and in the future. He prefers to run his mouth on Facebook, Twitter, 2go, BBM…on frivolous and unproductive matters, rather than understand state policies, programmes and actions and engage the process even through the social media platform for nationalistic gains.

As a socially conscious Nigerian youth, I have come to realise how much I have paid and perhaps still paying for the mindless looting of public treasury by ex and serving public officials, high-level of corruption which has resulted in socioeconomic disaster, infrastructural deficit culminating in unnecessary lose of lives and properties, lack of basic social amenities, denial of a good today and the hope of a hopeless tomorrow. This is the unfortunate reality of our
Nigerian society.
I often wonder, why for so long the Nigerian Youth has not come to realise that the smallest of decisions made in Aso Rock or his immediate community will have a large impact on his pattern of existence and even those generations to come, that we, the almost 70% of the nation’s population are always the worse hit of any unfavorable policy, yet we refuse to speak up when necessary, that the stolen public funds are meant to better his lives and those of his children, that the misappropriated money will impede our national development. That world over social transformations are driven by the youth, yet we are left out in planning and policies. That we hold the solution to this country’s numerous challenges.

Realisation brings about clarity of thought and direction. Until the Nigerian Youth realises that he bears the solution to the many challenges confronting this country, I am afraid, we will continually revolve in this circle of misdemeanor. A revolution of mind is key in changing our nation. You cannot change the world, until you change yourself. Values are a missing ingredient in this dispensation. We need young people of virtues and values, morality and competence, vision and excellence.

Dear Nigeria Youth! We cannot attain any national success, except we get off the feel good society and face the reality that our great nation, Nigeria, is sinking off to an unredeemable point in the hands of the men of today perhaps yesterday, who are presenting us with a future packed with hopelessness, emptiness, shame and disgrace. YOU and I have a significant role to play.

Be interested in social issues, because they affect all and sundry. Engage policies, programmes and actions. Join productive movements and discussions online and offline. Appreciate, promote and possess values and virtues. Be a patriotic citizen with the hope that our collective progressive efforts will produce a new, greater and better NIGERIA.

 

 

 

Tayo Elegbede Jet

Development Journalist, Commonwealth Correspondent, Mediapreneur.

Twitter: @tayojet1

 

 

Good luck, Mr. Jonathan. It’s time you were impeached. – by Joel Brinkley

Good luck, Mr. Jonathan. It’s time you were impeached. – Written by Joel Brinkley

Just outside President Goodluck Jonathan’s office sat 17 ambulances, just in case he or one of his aides fell ill. They were seldom if ever used.

No actual health-care facility nationwide had as many, and in fact a few still have none at all. But as soon as a Nigerian newspaper took a photo of the ambulances and published a story about them, they suddenly disappeared — probably to an underground garage.

Jonathan is president of Nigeria, which should be among the world’s most prosperous nations. After all, it produces an estimated 2.4 million barrels of oil each and every day. With oil now selling at $93.61 a barrel, that’s $224 million in income daily. And yet many hospitals can’t afford to buy an ambulance. The reason, in my view: Nigeria is the most corrupt nation on earth.

Sure, Transparency International lists almost three dozen states as more corrupt — Chad, Haiti, Laos, Yemen, Cambodia and the like. But are any of those nations as wealthy as Nigeria — taking in $81 billion annually, just from the sale of oil? No, not even one of them. So Nigeria steals and squanders more money than any other nation, making it the world’s most corrupt, by that measure.

Nigerian journalist Musikilu Mojeed finds all this so discouraging.

“With its geopolitical power, economic resources and middle class,” he laments, “no country (with the possible exception of Saudi Arabia and Egypt) has the power to change the course of black/African civilization like Nigeria.” After all, Nigeria is Africa’s most populous state — and large, twice the size of California.

So Nigerians are living an opportunity squandered — particularly now. Egypt is in turmoil. In just the last few days, in fact, many Egyptians have been calling for a military coup — anything to rid the state of its widely despised Muslim Brotherhood government. And a new report by the World Economic Forum ranked Egypt the least safe and secure tourist destination among 140 tourist nations evaluated.

Egypt has lost its place as the Arab/African worlds’ leader, and Saudi Arabia never had it. So for Nigeria, the time is ripe. But its leaders seem interested only in stealing the state’s money to make themselves rich beyond imaging. Think about it: $81 billion a year just from the oil, while most every local government official still tells his people the nation just doesn’t have enough money to fix the roads, schools or hospitals. (Roads are in such terrible shape that government officials generally travel any distance by helicopter.)

And Nigeria’s people — well, they are as mistreated as any on earth. In only nine nations — among them Liberia, Sierra Leone and Somalia — do more mothers die during childbirth. And in only 10 states, including Chad, Afghanistan and Zimbabwe, is the average life expectancy lower. Right now the average Nigerian’s average life span ends at 52. That may be why the median age of Nigerians is just 18.

A few months ago, the Economist Intelligence Unit published an evaluation of the best places for babies to born in 2013, given their probable welfare as children and the chance for a safe, comfortable, prosperous life. Switzerland, Australia and Norway were the top three. The United States came in at 16th, largely because “babies will inherit the large debts of the boomer generation.”

Dead last: Nigeria. “It is the worst place for a baby to enter the world in 2013,” the report said.

Even with all that wealth, only just over half the population has access to clean drinking water, and one-third to a toilet, UNICEF says. Two-thirds live below the poverty line. Only one child in four who contracts pneumonia is given antibiotics, and only about half the population is literate.

The CIA also cites endemic “soil degradation; rapid deforestation; urban air and water pollution.” All this in a county whose gross domestic product stands at $236 billion a year, in the same league as Denmark, Chile, Israel and the United Arab Emirates — prosperous, successful states to be envied.

Goodluck Jonathan is certainly aware of all of this. After all, taking the oath of office, he swore to “devote myself to the service and well-being of the people of Nigeria. So help me God.”

Well, just last week he demonstrated who he really is and what he stands for when he pardoned a former state governor who’d been convicted of embezzling state funds and laundering the money. That pardon triggered a broad, angry uproar.

Good luck, Mr. Jonathan. It’s time you were impeached.

(Joel Brinkley is the Hearst professional in residence at Stanford University and a Pulitzer Prize-winning former correspondent for The New York Times.)

#SomethingFresh: 2013 WINNERS FAITH DECLARATION

Hello friends, a good friend of mine sent me this declaration, and before I could finish declaring them into my life, I started speaking in tongues. It will be wicked for me not to share this with the world. Be blessed!

 

2013 WINNERS FAITH DECLARATION

As already prophetically declared;

I shall be scaling new heights this year,

I shall be breaking new grounds that is, accomplishing things that eyes have not seen nor ears heard

It shall be a year of divine surprises for me

It shall be said of me this year, ‘what manner of man is this’

Therefore, as I look at myself in the mirror every passing day, I shall continue to declare convincingly as follows:

 

This man is surely changing levels this year beginning with this month:

From sickness to health and from health to greater health

From lack to plenty and from plenty to greater plenty

From trials to testimonies and from testimonies to higher testimonies

From obstacles to miracles and from miracles to more miracles

From carnality to spirituality and from spirituality to higher realms of spirituality

 

This man is changing levels this year:

From defeat to victory and from victory to greater victory

From fear to faith and from faith to higher realms of faith

From barrenness to fruitfulness and from fruitfulness to all round fruitfulness

From shame to glory and from glory to greater glory

From pity to envy and from envy to higher realms of envy

 

This man is changing levels this year:

From stagnation to double promotion and from double promotion to ‘next levels’

From frustration to celebrations and from celebration to celebration without end

From pains to healing and from healing to divine to total health

From curse to blessing and from blessing to higher dimensions of blessing

From confusion to direction and from direction to clearer direction

 

This man is changing levels this year:

From failure to success and from success to greater success

From begging to giving and from giving to lending to nations

From sorrow to joy and from joy to joy unspeakable

From depression to jubilation and from jubilation to unending jubilation

From weakness to strength and from strength to more strength

 

This man is changing levels this year:

From uncertainties to confidence and from confidence to greater confidence

From marital spell to marital bliss

From joblessness to enviable employment

 

And much, much more…

Yea! I am surely changing levels this year by the revelation and application of the word – 2Cor3:18

Thank you my Father in heaven for confirming Your word in my life this year in the name of Jesus Christ – Amen and Amen.

(Scriptural Reference: 2Cor4:13, Mk 11:23, Ps 81:10-14, Lk 21:15)

Jesus Is Lord.

 

 

INTERVIEW: Rewarding corrupt conduct sends the wrong signal – Ezekwesili

Since the controversy stirred by her mentoring speech delivered to the graduating students of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, UNN, late last year, Dr. Obiageli Ezekwesili spoke extensively last Wednesday during Channels’ TV magazine programme, Sunrise Daily.  Here are excerpts from that televised interview.

 

How would you assess government’s fight against corruption so far?


I would want to firstly condole with the families that have lost people in the recent carnage in Kano and I pray and hope that government would provide a more secure environment.  I do also note that most of those affected are Igbos and I want to plead with the Federal Government to grant them special protection as most of these killings in some places affect them and their businesses.

The spirit of communality should be encouraged and it can only be encouraged when people feel free to live and work and do business in any part of the country without the fear of being killed. The elders of this land should come to the table and have a conversation on this issue of insecurity.  Government should step up. Now to the issue of public sector corruption; at many levels, there are significant challenges that are emerging and any effort by government, by virtue of research regarding the fight against corruption, stands on a tripod.

The first leg is that the leadership at the very top should be able to signal to the citizens that there is a necessity for a moral revolution such that the climate of corruption would be seen as being too costly to allow to pervade, such that the choices before people would leave every one in no doubt about government’s commitment.

The second is the prevention leg, which relates to structural changes and institutions and systems that would engender transparency and which would lead to better and informed process of decision-making – budget process, procurement process that is transparent.  The structural and policy changes that allow deregulation to thrive should be put in place.

The third and final leg is the deterrence part of it – the laws and their enforcement that enables you to sanction corrupt practices in a conclusive manner that sends the signal that bad behaviour would not be tolerated.  Whenever bad behaviour is rewarded or tolerated, just as in the laws of demand and supply where you make profit, there is the tendency for people to do it more.  So the cost of corruption must be very high. With all these, you should be able to identify where we fall.

 

Which part of these are we not getting right?


In terms of the first tripod, which is about leadership and its intolerant stance, I think there is a long way to go.  If you feel the pulse of the society, there is a sense that the whole theatre of public governance is having credibility crisis.  The fact is that once you have served in government, then you are expected to be corrupted and that demonstrates how serious a crisis we have in our hands in terms of a value construct regarding our attitude to corruption.  We have a long way to go in terms of a leadership that signals an unbridled intolerance for corruption.

Preventive tripod
Clearly, when you look at what has happened in the telecoms sector where deregulation reduced the issues of corruption in that sector, that’s a plus.  When you look at institutions like the EFCC and the ICPC, these are institutions built with a view to preventing the prevalence of corruption in the society; NEITI is another institution which signals a strong commitment to preventive engagements and fight corruption.

Now, the question is, are they functioning at the level they should?


Of course no.  There is not even an optimal level of effectiveness in the way these institutions function. Look at NEITI, if properly implemented, we wouldn’t have the type of distrust that we have in the petroleum industry.  Everything about making that sector transparent and accountable is within that law and the spirit and intendment of the law and the practice are being done in the breach.

There are people who argue that we need institutions while some go for strong-willed personalities?
They are not mutually exclusive. An effective anti-corruption strategy would require the political commitment of the strongest and the highest office in the land.  And so, normally, the president, prime minister or head of government, as the case may be, must be the leader on the issue of tackling corruption. Political will is fundamental because you need to make some of the very difficult choices that are difficult.

But you need the institution.  But, sadly, people have this wrong idea of thinking that you can just legislate into existence an institution.  But institutions are process-driven; so it takes time.  The artificiality of having an institution that does not produce the needed result of its mandate is not going to work.  Institutions exist in some countries, yet they haven’t made any dent on corruption.  We need all of these working together and the key thing is not just about the leadership but the society too can assess the cost of corruption and says to itself that enough is enough. Corruption perverts everything about society and it is very costly because it means you are not operating at a level of allocational efficiency of your resources.

 

But people say our colonial history plays a role.  Do you agree?


I was one of the youngest co-founders of Transparency International in the very early 1990s and I was aghast when colleagues from the countries of the North would say Africa suffers from endemic corruption, simply because Africans accept gifts and, therefore, we were prone to crossing the border and this made me so sad and I would fight that slothful generalization and I would say to them that everything about African history tells us that the community was so punitive on bad behaviour.

There were times when families were made outcasts just because a member of the family stole a goat.  This was effective and it served as a very important deterrent and it didn’t matter that, even in those days, if leaders tried to pervert the rule and say they forgave, the citizens would never forgive.  So, there was a trend of punishing corruption and it was in the society at that time.  The pre-colonial African society did not struggle with the issue of corruption.

With independence, there had to be a marriage of the Anglo-saxone public sector (the Western public sector) which Africa inherited but which, unfortunately, did not make room for an effort to bring them into convergence with pre-colonial values for dealing with bad behaviour; so there was a disconnect.  There was almost alienation and the people did not own it. There is disconnect in the relationship between the governance system and the people.  That is what we are struggling to understand within the construct of history. Now, we should ask, how do we redefine the fundamental values that must underpin the choices we make?

 

How is it that those in government always see things differently from the way the citizenry sees things.  You have been in government before, how does this happen?

 

This whole issue of disconnect between the way government and the people see facts differently is a matter of the tone they set within government at any point in time.When we were in government, one of the things we said was that we had to own Nigeria’s corruption problem.  You can not solve a problem you have not taken ownership of and we saw that corruption was going to stand in the way of many of the things that we had planned to do.  We didn’t succeed in tackling all the problems, but you can not solve a problem that you have not owned.

If you define a problem as something that is used against you because people don’t like you, then you are not going to be able to solve the problem.  That is something that is a unique characteristic of whoever sets the tone.  The President said recently that government was doing so much against corruption and that, in fact, Nigeria was one of the very first signatories to the inter-governmental group against money-laundering in West Africa and that he also signed a legislation into law.  Government is saying here that it is doing something.

In terms of putting in place rules or systems or institutions, you cannot say Nigeria has not tried, but in the implementation of the mandate, what do we see?  That is the issue.  Governance has to do with results – output and outcomes.  These are the important issues.  More have to be seen to have been done.  It is about respecting those systems and the kind of political will and signals given to these institutions are going to be key in the assessment of these institutions.

At a meeting of TI, I was told by TI’s chairman that Nigeria was in the FADF list of countries as a non-cooperative regime and I did know that we had been on that list and we had to work our way out of it and part of the efforts was carried out by Nuhu Ribadu’s EFCC. It is a global framework and we need to be seen to be doing more because the cost of corruption is very high. Okay, are we doing enough really?  Compare what is happening now to what happened during your years in government in the area of that last tripod.

The judicial system for sanctioning corruption, indeed, the entire justice system has its own challenge. We talk about systemic corruption in TI when corruption pervades the entire system of governance and, so, governance, which includes the three arms, have their challenges. Though the current CJN is doing her bit in the fight against corruption in terms of the justice system and judicial process, it is very slow, very slow; so I don’t know of how many conclusive corruption sanctions we’ve seen in the media in the last five years.

 

What vibes do you get when you read what is happening in the media?


You can tell clearly and I haven’t read of any high level cases being conclusively sanctioned. There is grand corruption and there is petty corruption. People believe that grand corruption is not tackled the way petty corruption is. We can do everything about the first and the second tripod but if people do not get the sense that, with predictability, there would be serious sanctions against bad behavior, you would not achieve the desired objective of fighting corruption.

 

For the cases that were conclusive, were the sanctions costly enough?


Well, there are many people who would never agree that the punishments were adequate. In fact, some people in the study of the economics of corruption tried to build some analytics around what is optimal sanction for corruption but what I know is that the cost ought to be greater than the benefit. The greatest cost that society has, even where government fails, the citizens can have their own cost of corruption by deciding the character of the leadership they have because legitimacy resides with the citizens. This is a fight that government needs to lead. Corruption is a cancer and when you have cancer you don’t go taking Panadol. You have to do the very painful things.

 

When you talked about the $67billion, those in government challenged you, and they insisted that there was some pun intended?

 

(Laughs) All things are pure. I didn’t intend any pun.  I was speaking to a generation of Nigerians that were graduating from the university – but I would ask that people should read that speech. It was a painful speech to write. I traced the path that, in more than fifty-something years of independence, our lives have revolved round a commodity called oil. I told them the history of how we have had five oil booms that we have enjoyed to date and I said the story is that the nations that we started the development race with have completely left us behind because we have not translated those oil revenues into an improved economy and good quality life for the people.

Singapore started the race with us and the country is at almost $50,000 income per capita while Nigeria is just about $1,500. I was merely advising the students to look beyond the traps of oil well. Oil economy has been mismanaged. That they needed to make technology and manufacturing as their own philosophy of development.

The issue of the reserve was just a part of that broader story that was administration neutral. If administrations were to take on me, then all the administrations should take on me, including the government in which I served. It was a speech, for life-changing mentoring.  Here is the issue: In the speech I talked about the reserve that was handed over and I said this reserve has been squandered; that it was $45billion and the excess crude was $22billion.

Now, that statement is factual, just goggle the officials of state and see what they said of the reserves and the excess crude over the years, as being what was handed over to them when they took over. The foreign reserve is a composite figure, the foreign exchange that a country has and it is held by the CBN and it is the sum total of everything.

I said the reserve was $45billion and the excess crude account $22billion. These are inclusive and so there was no basis for the kind of abusive language from government.  I wasn’t taking on government. If the foreign reserve was $45billion at the time we were leaving government some six years ago and, since we left, oil prices have doubled – mind you our government grew it from $5billion to the $45billion we are talking about. So the question is, why was it not increased or doubled?

 

credits: Vanguard and ChannelsTV

Achebe In The Eyes of The World: Bearing Witness, With Words – by New York Times

“If you don’t like someone’s story,” Chinua Achebe told The Paris Review in 1994, “write your own.”

 

In his first novel and masterpiece, “Things Fall Apart” (1958), Mr. Achebe, who died on Thursday at 82, did exactly that. In calm and exacting prose, he examined a tribal society fracturing under the abuses of colonialism. The novel has been assigned to generations of American high school and college students — my college dispatched a copy to me before my freshman year.

In many respects “Things Fall Apart” is the “To Kill A Mockingbird” of African literature: accessible but stinging, its layers peeling over the course of multiple readings.

“Things Fall Apart,” its title taken from William Butler Yeats’s poem “The Second Coming,” has sold more than 10 million copies and been translated into some 45 languages. Time magazine placed it on its list of the 100 best English-language novels from 1923 to 2005.

The novel tells the story of Okonkwo, a stoic clan leader and former wrestling hero who returns to his village after seven years in exile. (He’d been sent away after his role in an accidental death.) The changes that Christian missionaries and other white men have brought are intolerable to him. “Things Fall Apart” rolls toward a bleak denouement.

What sticks with you about the novel is its sensitive investigation, often through folk tales, of how culture functions and what it means. Mr. Achebe (his name is pronounced CHIN-you-ah Ah-CHAY-bay) had plenty to say about notions of traditional masculinity, as well, not to mention his braided observations about nature, religion, myth, gender and history.

The novelist grabbed the subject of colonialism “so firmly and fairly,” John Updike wrote in The New Yorker in the 1970s, “that the book’s tragedy, like Greek tragedy, felt tonic; a space had been cleared, an understanding had been achieved, a new beginning was implied.”

Growing up in Nigeria, Mr. Achebe attended schools that were modeled upon British public schools. In his recent book of essays, “The Education of a British-Protected Child” (2009), he was eloquent about what it felt like as a young man to read classic English novels. They provided a cognitive dissonance he had to work through.

“I did not see myself as an African in those books,” he wrote. “I took sides with the white men against the savages.” He continued: “The white man was good and reasonable and smart and courageous. The savages arrayed against him were sinister and stupid, never anything higher than cunning. I hated their guts.”

Mr. Achebe grew up, and grew wiser: “These writers had pulled a fast one on me! I was not on Marlowe’s boat steaming up the Congo in ‘Heart of Darkness’; rather, I was one of those unattractive beings jumping up and down on the riverbank, making horrid faces.”

Mr. Achebe was a poet, professor, short-story writer and critic in addition to being a novelist. His more than 30 other books include the novels “No Longer At Ease” (1960) and “Anthills of the Savannah” (1987). He published several children’s books. He was also the author, controversially, of an essay called “An Image of Africa: Racism in Conrad’s ‘Heart of Darkness.’ ”

While many critics defended Conrad, Mr. Achebe didn’t back down from his assertion that the racism in Conrad was not merely the norm for its time. In a book of essays he quoted earlier writers who, he said, were less backward.

Mr. Achebe was a mentor and role model to a generation of African writers — he’s often referred to as the father of modern African writing. But like many novelists who find success with an early book, Mr. Achebe found himself almost solely defined by “Things Fall Apart.” He spent the last two decades in the United States, teaching at Bard College and then Brown University.

It’s been more than 50 years since the publication of Mr. Achebe’s pioneering and canonical novel; it no longer seems to stand, to a Western audience at any rate, for African writing as a whole. His talent and success have helped spawn an array of postcolonial writing from across the continent. Among the talented young Nigerian writers alone who cite him as an influence are Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, Adaobi Tricia Nwaubani and Lola Shoneyin.

In 1990 Mr. Achebe was paralyzed from the waist down in a car accident in Nigeria. The following year he gave an interview to Bradford Morrow in Conjunctions magazine.

Mr. Morrow asked him about the accident, and Mr. Achebe spoke about it with stoicism and good humor. “Children are born deformed,” he said. “What crime did they commit? I’ve been very lucky. I walked for 60 years. So what does it matter that I can’t for my last few years. There are people who never walked at all.”

“Things Fall Apart” is, at base, about the strength that human beings find in community. His car accident offered him similar lessons. “It is an opportunity,” Mr. Achebe told Mr. Morrow. “It’s a lesson. It’s so much. It is an enrichment. I’ve learned so much. I’ve learned how much we depend on each other.”

 

Credit: New York Times

Death Where Are Thy Claws? – Tribute To Chinua Achebe By Niyi Osundare

Chinua Achebe is one of those epically unique individuals whose lives have been so full, so purposive and so impactful that we begin to pray that they will never die. But who doesn’t know that that is mere wishful thinking? To be sure, the Eagle on Iroko didn’t die young, but he left when we still need him urgently and acutely. He has gone, but he left so much of, by, himself behind…

Achebe shook up the literary world with Things Fall Apart when he was barely in his late twenties. He told Africa’s story and gave humanity a song. Since that day in 1958 when that epochal novel intruded upon the world to this very day, hardly any week has passed without the author’s name being mentioned somewhere in this world of books and ideas.

But if the sheer force and range of Achebe’s fiction gave Africa a voice, the fearless truth of his critical interventions challenged so many myths and deliberate falsehoods about the most misrepresented and recklessly abused continent in the world. Achebe knew, and he tried to get us to know, that  Africans will remain mere objects of the stories told by others, until they, Africans,  have started to tell their own story their own way – without shutting out the rest of the world. Achebe challenged the 20th century philosophy of fiction as a pretty object d’art, arriving with works which foregrounded the human condition and told the wondering world that the clotheless Emperor was, indeed, naked! He entered a plea for the urgent necessity of an entity called ‘applied art’ and emboldened us to look triumphalist Formalism in the face and demand to see its passport. Yes, Achebe told a world sold to the art-for-art’s-sake mystique that it is, indeed, possible to be an accomplished novelist who is also a teacher.

Controversy hardly ever parts company with a writer and thinker of his brand. He took almost as much criticism as he gave; for he was a man who never ran from a fight.

The world celebrates the LIFE of this distinguished story-teller and thinker. (Yes, celebrate, for to mourn is to concede supremacy to Death – and Oblivion, its Mephistophelean factotum).

Rest well, Chinualomogu. Rest well, Obierika, the man who thought about things. Posterity will never let you die. We regret your passing. We celebrate your Life.

 

 

Niyi Osundare

culled from Punch

The Man Achebe And Politics

When the news of Prof. Chinua Achebe’s death broke on Friday morning, many people needed to confirm it. It wasn’t because they felt he was immortal, but because the thematic thrust of his latest and last literary gift to the world, his civil war memoir – There Was a Country: A personal history of Biafra –would only have been taken up by a warrior ready to deflate his arrows on the war front.

Achebe, 82, played a critical role in establishing post-colonial African literature. His seminal novel, Things Fall Apart, often cited as the most read book in modern African literature, has been read by students all over the world and translated into 50 languages worldwide.

His death on Thursday night is a big blow to the Ndigbo. The death of Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu in 2011 had left the Igbo with fewer voices that can rally them together. Although Achebe was not known to dabble in partisan politics, he was the voice for not only his people, but the African continent. Also, his death has depleted the rank of older generation Nigerian writers.

But then, the Iroko of African literature had been nursing ailing health for some time. He was involved in an accident that left him partially disabled in 1990.

In spite of that the Ogidi, Anambra State-born writer, had been in the news of recent.

The novel, There Was a Country: A personal history of Biafra, released into the literary market late last year, stirred the hornet’s nest.  Achebe, (born Albert Chinualumogu Achebe) and known as the Onwa Ndigbo, in his characteristic easy-to-understand style, had dug into the civil war era and come up with a literature that some claimed could cause disaffection in the polity.  In the war memoir, he accused among others, wartime Head of State, Gen. Yakubu Gowon, and the then Finance Minister, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, of carrying out genocide against the Igbo.

Of course, this drew the ire of a number of Nigerians. Many of them slammed the renowned author, chief among them, a former commissioner for works, Alhaji Femi Okunnu, who flayed Achebe for reopening old wounds.

He said, “I feel a bit disappointed at the statement credited to one of Nigeria’s leading literary lights and, indeed, one of Africa’s leading lights, Prof. Chinua Achebe. I am quite disappointed about the book alleged to have been written by him about a subject in which I played a leading role on the federal side.

“The allegation about Chief Obafemi Awolowo starving the Igbo-speaking Nigerians is totally false. Chief Awolowo was not actively involved in the peace talks.”

However, Achebe’s compatriot and brother in the literary world, the Nobel laureate, Prof. Wole Soyinka, backed Achebe. Soyinka, in an interview published in The Telegraph of London, said the Igbo were victims of genocide during the three-year civil war. He justified the secession bid and described Biafrans as a people who had been abused.

He said, “Of course I used my weapon, which was writing, to express my disapproval of the (Biafran) civil war into which we were about to enter. These were people who’d been abused, who’d undergone genocide, and who felt completely rejected by the rest of the community, and therefore decided to break away and form a nation of its own.”

Of course, this would not be the first time Achebe’s work would stir controversy. His first novel which made him popular worldwide, Things Fall Apart, was written to rebut the portrayal of Africa as a dark continent inhabited by cultureless people in Joseph Conrad’s novel, Heart of Darkness. In Things Fall Apart, which could be described as the great Nigerian novel, Achebe painted a true account of a traditional African society with its culture, traditions and laws. His other works, No Longer at Ease, Arrows of God and many others explored the African life. He was also the conscience of his society as can be gleaned from his works.

Apart from Achebe’s great literary achievement, he would be remembered as a man of character, who refused not one, but two national honours because he was not at peace with governance in Nigeria.

He had persistently reminded those in authorities that they had abdicated their duties and slammed them for instituting and sustaining corruption.

He protested the policies of former President Olusegun Obasanjo and incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan, by rejecting the two national honours they offered him in 2004 and 2011 respectively.

The Jonathan administration in 2011, offered him Nigeria’s third highest honour, The Commander of the Federal Republic.

In his rejection statement, Achebe noted, “The reasons for rejecting the offer when it was first made have not been addressed, let alone solved. It is inappropriate to offer it again to me. I must therefore regretfully decline the offer again.”

In 2004, Achebe had stated in a letter to President Obasanjo, “I write this letter with a very heavy heart. For some time now, I have watched events in Nigeria with alarm and dismay. I have watched particularly the chaos in my own state of Anambra where a small clique of renegades, openly boasting its connections in high places, seems determined to turn my homeland into a bankrupt and lawless fiefdom.  I am appalled by the brazenness of this clique and the silence, if not connivance, of the Presidency.

“Forty three years ago, at the first anniversary of Nigeria’s independence I was given the first Nigerian National Trophy for Literature. In 1979, I received two further honours – the Nigerian National Order of Merit and the Order of the Federal Republic – and in 1999 the first National Creativity Award.

“I accepted all these honours fully aware that Nigeria was not perfect; but I had a strong belief that we would outgrow our shortcomings under leaders committed to uniting our diverse peoples.  Nigeria’s condition today under your watch is, however, too dangerous for silence. I must register my disappointment and protest by declining to accept the high honour awarded me in the 2004 Honours List.

“Twenty-seven years ago, I wrote a pamphlet called ‘Trouble in Nigeria’, which was about corruption. Today, matters are worse because they have been allowed to get worse.”

Achebe, however, had won the inaugural edition of the Nigerian National Merit Award in the mid-1980s. In 1982, he was awarded an honorary degree from the University of Kent. In 1992, he became the first living author to be represented in the Everyman’s Library collection published by Alfred A. Knopf.

He has been called “the father of modern African writing” and many books and essays have been written about his work in the past 50 years.

According to Wikipedia, Achebe was the recipient of over 30 honorary degrees from universities in England, Scotland, Canada, South Africa, Nigeria and the United States, including Dartmouth College, Harvard, and Brown University.

He has been awarded the Commonwealth Poetry Prize; an Honorary Fellowship of the American Academy of Arts and Letters (1982); a Foreign Honorary Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (2002); the Nigerian National Order of Merit (Nigeria’s highest honour for academic work); and the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade. The Man Booker International Prize 2007 and the 2010 Dorothy and Lillian Gish Prize are two of the more recent accolades Achebe has received.

Prof. Robert Gibson once said that the Nigerian author “is now revered as Master by the younger generation of African writers and it is to him they regularly turn for counsel and inspiration.”

Many writers of succeeding generations regard his works as having paved the way for their efforts. Even outside of Africa, his impact resonates strongly in literary circles.

Novelist Margaret Atwood called him “a magical writer – one of the greatest of the twentieth century”.  Poet Maya Angelou lauded Things Fall Apart as a book wherein “all readers meet their brothers, sisters, parents and friends and themselves along Nigerian roads”.

Nelson Mandela, recalling his time as a political prisoner, once referred to Achebe as a writer “in whose company the prison walls fell down.”

 

culled from Punch

Chinua Achebe: The Man And His Literature

Born in Ogidi in present-day Anambra State, 82 years ago, it was clear from the beginning that the man Chinua (short for Chinualumogu) Achebe was cut out for great things.

Only a few Nigerians know that as a young secondary student at the Government College, Umuahia, Achebe’s academic prowess, particularly his unsurpassed command of the English language had earned him the nickname-‘Dictionary’.

Part of the late writer’s exploits as a youth included emerging at the top of his class in the secondary school certificate examinations with six distinctions and a credit. Ironically, none of the distinctions was recorded in literature.

Interestingly, the famed ‘Dictionary’ (an equivalent of a ‘local champion’ today) did not at any time consider studying literature or taking up a career in writing before he gained admission into the University  College, Ibadan (now University of Ibadan).

After posting a brilliant performance at the entrance examination to UCI, Achebe won a scholarship to study medicine. But by a sudden twist of fate, he lost interest in medicine and switched to English instead.

Later, after graduation, he worked with the then Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation in Lagos. He started writing his first novel, ‘Things Fall Apart’ while working as a broadcaster.

But for a stroke of luck and the kind assistance of  Angela Beattie, a producer with the British Broadcasting Corporation in Lagos, the original manuscript of ‘Things Fall Apart’ would have been lost forever. If this had happened, maybe Achebe would have lived the rest of his life in misery and his dream of becoming a writer finally buried.

When the manuscript eventually reached the publishers, Heinemann Books, in London, it nearly got rejected out of fear that an African story would attract very little attention from the largely prejudiced European audience. But, once again, luck was on Achebe’s side.

The novel, ‘Things Fall Apart’ has been described by one of Nigeria’s best writers of the present generation, Chimamanda Adichie as ‘unapologetically African and exotic’.

Adichie’s comment arises from her recognition of the novel as one that directly and quite boldly confronts a very negative European portrayal of Africa as a continent lacking history, humanity and a future.

Also Achebe’s ‘Things Fall Apart’, more for its thematic focus and the author’s successful attempt at debunking pre-existing notions of the indigenous African social, cultural and political life, has been described, rightly or wrongly, as the ancestor of the modern African novel. It is one of the first African novels written in English to be widely read across the globe.

By all means a bestseller, ‘Things Fall Apart’ has been translated in over 50 languages in the world and millions of copies of it have been sold.

Set in traditional Igbo society of the pre-colonial era, the story revolves around a major character named Okonkwo, who later becomes the tragic hero. But it essentially mirrors the African experience under a conquering colonial Europe.

To add that Achebe actually wrote a groundbreaking novel, one that would have far reaching consequences on post-colonial Africa, especially its literature, in the succeeding years, would amount to admitting the obvious.

Although it is not clear whether he had planned to write the story of Okonkwo in three phases or he was compelled by subsequent events, the fact is that Achebe went on to accomplish what many African writers in his time had not attempted: a rare African trilogy comprising a second novel, ‘No Longer At Ease’ and a third, ‘Arrow of God’.

Achebe’s gift as a prophet manifested in ‘No Longer At Ease’ and ‘Arrow of God’, as well as a third novel, ‘A Man of the People’. In ‘No Longer At Ease’ the writer took a glance at the Nigerian mindset, apparently through a magical prism that only the Muse could have supplied, and he foretold the rise of corruption to endemic proportions in Nigeria and its morally and spiritually devastating effects on the national psyche.

Perhaps, the earliest hint of a crippling disunity among the various component ethnic units of the Nigerian state is evident in his handling of the internal conflicts the ravaged Umuaro just before many of its people were converted to Christianity and in his portrayal of Ezulu, the lead character in ‘Arrow of God’. The latter’s failure to perform the traditional rites preceding New Yam Festival warned of the possible emergence of a crop of Nigerian leaders that were willing to sacrifice true service to the nation for personal interests.

Achebe’s satirical fourth novel, ‘A Man of the People’ set in an unnamed African country explores the incompatible relationship between a probing and radical intellectual class and a corrupt political class. The result is a military coup d’etat that ushers in an uncertain dimension in the national life. A few months after the novel was published, the Nigerian government of the time was overthrown in a bloody coup!

Apart from these books, Achebe published other major works, such as the ‘Anthills of the Savannah’, which came close to winning the prestigious MAN Booker Prize in 1987, and ‘The Trouble With Nigeria’. Beyond writing about the tradition, culture and politics of the Africa, he was committed to his role as a watchdog of the society, perpetually on the lookout for stumbling blocks on the paths of progress and relentlessly warning the people against trudging the wrong path in his literature.

More than any other Nigerian of his stature, throughout his career, the late writer had a great deal of insight into the character of this country. Little wonder he said in the ‘The Trouble With Nigeria’, “In spite of conventional opinion, Nigeria has been less than fortunate in its leadership. A basic element of this misfortune is the seminal absence of intellectual rigour in the political thought of our founding fathers – a tendency to pious materialistic woolliness and self-centred pedestrianism.”

Coming at a time when the survival of the Nigerian was (and still is) under peril, no thanks to a weird campaign by poorly-guided Islamic insurgents operating in the northern parts of the country, Achebe’s last seminal work, his memoir titled ‘There Was A Country: A Personal History of Biafra’, completes his oeuvre.

In many ways, the book, which was published last year, could be described as a ‘parting gift’ to his numerous readers, especially on this side of the globe; whose quest to unravel the missing links in our collective political history had met with very little or no success.

Apart from igniting an explosive national debate that lasted several weeks at a stretch, the memoir goes down in history as a genuine effort by the author to tackle headlong certain issues previously considered ‘forbidden’ for open discussion.

 

culled from Punch

The Nigerian Woman – by Fati Abubakar @bebe_licious

‘Is your hair peruvian?’ ‘No, its actually Mongolian’… The usual question modern Nigerian girls toss at each other at silly birthday parties at hotspots or lounges as they are termed these days. Glamorous, dressed to the nines, in groups or cliques, they eye the man in the Mercedes. Whether or not he is a man of honor or a man that prays is not considered. He has a Mercedes! And the batting of the fake eyelashes continues.
‘I love your wrist watch!’ ‘Its Micheal Kors!’ Yet again another batch of vain talk as the others summon the courage to talk to the man that arrived in the Mercedes. Assuming a bolder girl/woman doesn’t beat one of them to it.
There was a time when girls sat in the kitchen and talked vastly about various meals they could cook, gushed secretly about the neighbour’s son in silent whispers knowing Mother must never hear, mumbled extensively about school works and whether or not the course work would entail in-depth research. The mothers would reprimand and the daughters would listen. The fathers would command or subtly hint and the children obeyed. The older brother ruled with an iron fist. He would be sterner than the father. And the household needed no foreign culture or newer gadgets.
But alas, those days are gone. The modern Nigerian girl or woman as she would believe herself to be no longer lives at home or is hardly ever home. She freely roams. Whether her morals move with her is unknown. The brother is ‘hustling’ or playing PS3. The mother is busy at the office or at the salon. The father is on a trip somewhere. She has all the freedom in the world. But all the freedom may not corrupt. That’s not the issue at all. Adventure and being a social butterfly in itself is a beautiful thing. But it is the new socialite way of life that is disturbing and destructive to our Nigeria. The vanity.
This need to own everything in vogue. The new phone. The newest shoes. The un-natural hair. The long nails. The car. The up scale house. The birthday parties. We are no longer defined by what our brain holds but the phone our hand cradles. ‘Who’s Zimbabwe’s president?’ ‘Why did Mandela go to prison?’ are questions that cannot be answered at posh parties by the Marc Jacob wearing women we see sipping Red wine. But ask ‘Is your bag a Celine?’ and they’ll say its a ‘Prada’.. Ultimately being fashion concious is hardly a bad thing but is that all our women will know in this generation of gadgetry and pretence of ‘poshness’? An overhaul in our appreciation of the little things, culture and intellect is in dire demand.
‘When did you get back from(insert white man’s country)?’ ‘Oh last week, this weather is harsh’… A common banter between our Nigerian girls. Travel to broaden your horizons they say but it is never about experiences for our people these days. It is a trip purely made out of decadence and a need to show our ‘friends’ on social networks that we live ‘the good life’.. This is almost as tragic as our economy.
One could go on about what is wrong with our mind frame but it is as tiring as waiting for grass to grow. But the question remains: Should your hair be peruvian and your skin Nigerian? Is your mind British? Is your accent American? Why are your trips Australian? What is your wrong with being Nigerian?

 

Fati Abubakar wrote in from Maiduguri

You can follow her on twitter: @bebe_licious

Nigeria’s Budget and the Dance of the Masquerade – by Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai

Traditional masquerades have one enduring commonality: they run backwards and forwards; jump up and down and generality create an atmosphere of chaos. At the end of their exertions, though, not much would have changed because both the masquerade and the spectators know one thing:  it is all drama.

 

If any scenario can be used to describe the imbroglio surrounding Nigeria’s budget this year, it must be that of the dance of the masquerade – from the Presidency to the National Assembly and back again, with little substance by way of policies and programmes to create jobs, stimulate economic activity and reduce poverty. If anything, the Nigerian public who are little more than befuddled spectators are left with nothing but the dust from the meaningless exertions for which they would be charged about 5 trillion naira.

 

Nigerians heaved a sigh of relief in September 2012 when the Finance minister, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala announced that the N4.92trn 2013 draft budget had been concluded. She was emphatic that it would be presented to the National Assembly as soon as it resumed from its recess in September. Being the second time since 1999 that both chambers were likely to pass the Appropriation Act before year end, Nigerians thought the nation would mark a return to the normal budget cycle of January to December as opposed to the current cycle which runs from about April to March the next year, mainly due to arguments between the executive and the legislative arms and all the paraphernalia surrounding passing and signing the budget.

 

However, between the battle for an oil bench mark of $79 or $75, the N63bn added to the original budget proposal and the non-inclusion of a budgetary vote for the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Senate only confirmed receipt of the signed 2013 budget from President Goodluck Jonathan on the 14th March, thus ensuring that any hopes of a January-December budget cycle are crushed.

 

In the course of the budget analyses, we would see if like previous budgets, this budget does anything to put Nigeria’s battered economy on the path of growth or sustained development. What provisions does it offer the tens of millions of unemployed Nigerians with no hope of better future? What are its provisions for rescuing the 61% of Nigerians currently living in absolute poverty?

 

The 2013 Appropriation Act envisages spending N4.98trn, an increase of about 6% from the N4.69trn for 2012. This consists of statutory transfers of N387bn (7.7%); 11.9% (N591bn) is set aside for debt servicing; while personnel and overhead costs amount to N2.38trn (47.8%) and capital expenditure is some N1.62trn (32.5%). Less than one out of every three naira budgeted in 2013 would be invested in education, healthcare, roads and electricity. Whichever way one looks at these figures, they confirm surely that this budget is likely to be a failure on arrival.

 

For instance, with all the rhetoric that the cost of governance is reducing, one would expect figures that are closer to 25% as is the internationally acceptable standard for recurrent expenditure, but no, the recurrent budget is about 68% – more than double the capital expenditure provisions. In fact, 2013 recurrent figures show only a pathetic reduction of about 3.6% from the 2012 levels.

 

Let us look to the performance of the 2012 budget for an idea on the possible results of the 2013 budget, considering that the economic team is unchanged and contrary to expectations, the time of commencement of execution for the 2013 Appropriation Act would most likely replicate that of 2012.

 

Implementation in 2012 was shrouded in controversy; by the third quarter of the year, the finance ministry pegged implementation at 56% but when new facts emerged, the ministry reverted the figures to about 12.6%. The House of Representatives came up with a different figure entirely and issued a threat to have the President impeached if by September the same year the budget was not implemented 100%. The budget was not implemented 100% and neither was the president impeached. Interestingly, the implementation for the four quarters of 2012 fell below the projected estimates.

 

Looking at the above picture, it is clear that unless something drastic is done by government, the 2013 capital budget implementation will remain at similar levels with that of 2012 and the nation’s infrastructure deficit will continue to widen. There is the need to put in place checks and balances to ensure that Ministries, Departments and Agencies actually provide services with capital funds that have been budgeted and released to them.

 

One would have expected that the over-hyped performance contracts signed between the President and his ministers would lead to the weeding out of non performing ministers, or the Directors General of MDA’s that fall short on performance and implementation, but in spite of the dismal 2012 figures, they have all mostly retained their positions.

 

The President should be aware that this poor budgetary performance will turn out to be a major hurdle in his quest for a possible re-election. Nigerians will demand to know what he did with resources entrusted to him in the last five years before considering him for another term. The performance of this government has been below average at best and contrary to the Jonathan posters that flooded Abuja earlier in the year; we cannot describe poor performance as one “good term” and therefore deserving another.

 

An analysis of some key ministries would reveal the following structure: N278.8bn is budgeted for Health; about 79% (N223bn) of the entire sum is voted to recurrent expenditure, and 55.7bn (19.9%) for capital expenditure. The minister lamented a few days ago that the trio of HIV/AIDS, Tuberclosis and Malaria were still major public health issues in Nigeria. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), Nigeria has the highest number of malaria cases in the world contributing about 30% to the global burden. Our current doctor to patient ratio is 1 to 3,500 people and this miserable capital allocation at tertiary level is not sufficient to adequately address the challenges facing this sector. How does a forward thinking government justify allocating under one-fifth of its health budget to capital expenditure?

 

Education is generously allocated some N427.5bn. Problem is, like health, the major chunk of its allocations are misdirected; N60.1bn (14%) is allocated to capital expenditure. At N367bn (85.8%), recurrent expenditure is about 6 times the size of capital provisions in a country where about 1.5m (8.7% of 6-14year olds) children of primary school age are not in school, and only about 57.9% of the adult population is literate in English and even school teachers cannot pass basic primary school tests. The allocation is hardly adequate to cater for qualified teacher recruitment, school construction and raising the literacy rate among Nigerians. Sadly, a large slice of the federal education budget and administrative energy go to secondary schools that ought to be the business of state governments, while tertiary education – the proper purview of the federal government, suffers.

 

While this column feels that ‘stricto sensu’, agriculture ought to be the business of states and local government, the federal intervention in the sector has been confused, with mixed results at best. Agriculture is apportioned some N81bn in 2013 showing an increase of about 3.4% over 2012 allocations of N78.98bn. N32bn (39%) is allocated to recurrent expenditure and a slightly higher N48bn (59.2%) to capital expenditure. This capital allocation also is not adequate for targeted intervention in a sector that once provided employment to about 70% of rural Nigerians but currently employs barely 35%. The decision to procure cellphones for un-named farmers instead of spending the amount on improved seedlings, agro-chemicals, fertilizers, extension services and farm-to-market infrastructure, is indicative of the “spend-without-results” symptomatic of virtually all Jonathanian programmes since 2010.

 

Ironically, if you look at the Presidency’s budget of about N35.5bn you would see that all talk about an anti-corruption fight is just that, talk. There is N14.4bn (40.5%) provision for ‘State House Headquarters’ while only N9bn (25%) is allocated to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission. Worse still, there is a paltry allocation of about N1.3bn (3.6%) to the National Emergency Management Agency; it is not therefore surprising that the agency is incapable of responding timely to emergency situations, and when they do so, often too little, too late.

 

Incidentally, even as you read this, the Presidency has sent the 2013 Appropriation Act Amendment proposal back to the National Assembly for approval and has requested for the review of some clauses in the budget which, according to him, can be detrimental to the work of the executive arm of government. Even by the warped processes that characterize the method of budget making and non-implementation, this must be a new record: budget review after two weeks of passage and presidential assent.

 

Next week, this column would further analyze budgetary provisions for some federal ministries. It is hoped that somewhere in the continued budget disagreements between the National Assembly and the Presidency, the budget structure would be changed into a functional document that is guaranteed to bring about some sort of change. In its current form, the 2013 budget is nothing more than the dance of the masquerade: forward, backwards, up, down, raise dust, while our nation generally records increasing levels of poverty, deteriorating human development indicators, infrastructure deficiencies and youth unemployment!

 

 

Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai (elrufai@aol.com)

Chido Onumah: IBB’s Two-Party Solution

Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, also known as IBB, must be a deeply-troubled man; a retired General haunted by his past. There is no other way to explain his constant attempt to intrude into our national psyche after ruling the country for eight inglorious years. The former military president, as he labelled himself then, never misses an opportunity to show how relevant he is even though history can’t support that delusion. The recent merger of major opposition political parties to form the All Progressives Congress provided a good opportunity for him.

“IBB okays merger of political parties, insists on two party system”, was the headline in one newspaper a few weeks ago. The report seemed to have gone unnoticed by the horde of news junkies and commentators on Nigeria. It was expected. I don’t know anyone out there who hasn’t grown weary of Babangida and what he has to say about the political and social trajectory of the country. For him, the merger talk is a vindication of his two party philosophy which he believes “is the best political option for Nigeria”.

“When I introduced a two-party system, you people said I am a soldier, now you have seen why I went for a two-party system. I am happy for the emergence of the APC. It is a welcome political development’’, IBB noted. The self-styled evil genius has since gone ahead to expand on his two-party theory. Though a founding member of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party, Babangida said he had not made up his mind on the political party to vote for in 2015, and that he was leaning toward voting for the APC. “I have enough time to think and I am thinking and they will be anxious to come and see me”, he boasted.

“I am a firm believer in a two-party system and I also studied the emergence of political parties in this country immediately after independence and it shows that this country will be heading for a two-party system”, Babangida said in his familiar fit of self-adulation. “When we were doing it in 1989, some of you wrote us in the media that, no it is going to be one Christian party, one Muslim party, then you said, it is going to be one northern and one southern party and it did not work and everybody blended. The chairman of the National Republican Congress was Chief Tom Ikimi, the chairman of Social Democratic Party was Babagana Kingibe and everybody was in one or the other; you just have to have an accommodation”. If you have problems comprehending this balderdash, you are in good company. Finally, Babangida reminded us that as a Nigerian he had “a right to vote for any candidate of his choice,” never mind the fact that he denied millions of Nigerians who voted on June 12, 1993, the benefit of their vote.

Asked why he orchestrated the return of Olusegun Obasanjo to rule Nigeria again in 1999, the self-styled Evil Genius said, “The need to save Nigeria from a looming crisis gave rise to bringing back Obasanjo”. According to him, “We have to simplify a lot of things without going back to what happened before; the emergence of Obasanjo came about as a result of what happened in the country; the country was in a very serious crisis and we had to find the solution to these problems and therefore we needed a leader known in the country, we did not believe in foisting somebody who is not known; so, we looked for a man who has been involved in the affairs of this country, who held positions either in the military or in the cabinet and who has certain beliefs about Nigeria. Now, all of us that were trained as soldiers, there is one belief that you cannot take away from us; we believe in this country because this is part of our training. We fought for this country, so when you have a situation like that, you need a leader that has all these attributes and quite frankly, he quickly came to mind”.

What Babangida failed to mention was his role in the crisis that led to foisting Obasanjo on Nigerians. It is important we deconstruct IBB because we, as citizens, are central to understanding his newfound penchant for democracy and the rule of law. For those too young to remember and those who have conveniently forgotten, IBB was the military president of Nigeria from August 27, 1985 to August 27, 1993. He claimed he overthrew the Muhammadu Buhari regime for its highhandedness even though, as Chief of Army Staff, he was very much a part of the regime.

IBB immediately embarked on a charm offensive by abrogating Decree 4, the anti-press law of the Buhari regime. He freed the two journalists that had been imprisoned under the decree. He also released from prison Second Republic politicians who had been jailed by his predecessor. He insisted on being called president. His desire was granted. Babangida launched a transition programme to return the country to civil rule. By the time he was through with the media and Nigerians in general eight years later, one editor, Dele Giwa, had been letter-bombed to smithereens, several military officers executed, hundreds of anti-SAP and pro-democracy activists murdered, a presidential election annulled and the country left prostrate and polarised as never before.

IBB achieved notoriety for his transition, one of the longest, the most expensive (gulping over N40bn at the time) and certainly the most convoluted political transition the world has witnessed. As a prelude, he set up a Political Bureau made up of some of the finest minds the country had produced. The bureau came up with a document which IBB tossed into the waste bin. He then set out to do things his own way, based on his fanciful study and knowledge of the two-party system.

He set up two political parties, the SDP and the NRC, the former “a little to the Left” and the latter, “a little o the Right”; built two national secretariats for the parties, two secretariats in each state and two secretariats in each local government. After banning those he termed “old breed politicians”, he then proceeded to assign politicians to each party based on his whims. It was a grand vision, except that it was not meant to be. Today, those edifices, where they have not been taken over by “smart” Nigerians, are home to rodents and “area boys”.

I have gone this far to show what Babangida did when he had the golden opportunity to set the country on the right path. The high point of his infamous transition was the June 12, 1993, presidential election won by Moshood Abiola who was later murdered while in detention. On June 23, 1993, IBB, through his goons, announced the annulment of the election. On August 27, 1993, exactly eight years after he seized power, Babangida “stepped aside”, leaving his evil alter ego, Sani Abacha, in charge. The rest, as they say, is history. June 12 this year marks the 20th anniversary of Babangida’s failed diabolical two-party experiment. The country has come full circle. The remnants of that perfidious era, including David Mark, who now holds court as the Senate President of the Federal Republic, call the shots in our so-called democratic order.

Babangida’s recent outburst is a sad reminder of the true character of the Nigerian state; a state built on a feeling of entitlement. Two decades after he and his cohorts annulled the sovereign will of Nigerians, IBB unabashedly tells us that they did it to save us from ourselves. This feeling of entitlement that makes IBB and his ilk think they have a divine right to rule or determine who should rule us is our greatest undoing as a nation. Babangida, in his wisdom, handpicked Obasanjo without caring what majority of Nigerians thought or felt. After eight ruinous years, Obasanjo selected Umaru Yar’Adua to succeed him. Today, we are stuck with an oddity we never bargained for.

IBB’s sins are numerous. It may be uncharitable to hold one person responsible for the problems of a nation; but more than anyone else, Babangida ought to take the biggest blame for the current crisis facing the country. Someone should please tell him that the formation of the APC is not about Nigeria operating a two-party system. It is about a much greater need which IBB does not and would probably never understand.

 

Chido Onumah (conumah@hotmail.com)

Boko Haram: Between Amnesty And Dialogue For The Ghosts Of Terror – by Theophilus Ilevbare

 

The call by the Sultan of Sokoto and National leader of the Muslim faith, Alhaji Sa’ad Abubakar III, to grant total amnesty to the dreaded Boko Haram members was rather outrageous and unfortunate. In what has become a public show of genuflection, prominent Nigerians from the north has since echoed the sentiments of the sultan to grant amnesty to a terrorist sect that has received funds and training from global terror groups, such as al-Qaeda and al-Shabaab. The insurgents have almost collapsed the economy of North-East, leaving more than 4,000 people dead and thousands injured. The sultan has emboldened others in the drum beat of amnesty that has eclipsed public discourse in the weeks that ensued, and surely for a long time to come. One would have expected to hear a better argument than the reframe that suggests; If the Niger Delta militants were pardoned to bring about peace and security in the country, why would same not be extended to Boko Haram? I will revert to this shortly.

My first thought on President Jonathan’s disapproval of the sultan’s amnesty call was commendation. I reasoned he struck the right note for once but on a closer look at his remark, I was crestfallen. President Jonathan said: “For you to declare amnesty, you have to be communicating with people. You cannot declare amnesty for people that are communicating under a veil…” This can be rephrased to insinuate, as soon as they identify themselves and declare their intention, the government will consider granting them amnesty. And with the pardon gate flung open by him for Alamieyeseigha and others, this might prove to be a tricky one for the president, particularly as there are cheap political points to pick up from the north ahead of the 2015 general elections.

The amnesty that was granted to the Niger Delta militants should not in any way translate or equate to same for the Islamist fundamentalist. The agitations of the militants then, to some extent, was germane save for the violence. They were been ripped off by multi-nationals leaving them and their environment marginalized and underdeveloped even though their zone produced the oil that provides for the entire country. They agitated for resource control. They wanted their lives to be touched by the oil that was been explored daily from their neighbourhood. We all agreed, at some point in the their struggle, that the Niger Delta region has been neglected for too long. Regardless of the sympathy their plight elicited, their resort to armed banditry was condemned in strong terms.

Juxtapose with the Boko Haram uprising and its attempt to forcefully impose a religious ideology on a secular Nigerian society. The terror, senseless and wanton destruction of lives and property they have unleashed on Nigerians in a gutsy bid to oppose not only Western education, but western culture and modernisation is despicable. Their acts of terror have gone from the horrendous to the tragic as reflected in the ghastly suicide attack on five luxury buses in Kano that left about 25 people dead and over 50 others injured. These attacks are based on a warped and shallow religious ideology; the islamisation of Nigeria. They ignorantly disdain anything western, but wittingly get by daily with the help of simple machines, the very symbol of western influence in our lives. The blood of Nigerians should not atone for such a cause that does not only trivialize what amnesty stands for, but it seems to suggest that the activities of the sect are legitimate and tolerable. Niger Delta militants focused their attacks on oil installations and multi-national oil expatriates hostage, but Boko Haram is engaged in indiscriminate killing and maiming.

There is a thin line between amnesty and negotiation (dialogue) in the light of the controversy raised by the sultan’s comments. To canvass for amnesty is to promote the culture of crass impunity that desecrate the sanctity of human life. The government can sit with the leaders of the sect, if they wish to reveal themselves, for dialogue. Whatever be their demands, excluding amnesty, can be met by the government. As Bill Clinton rightly pointed out recently while in Nigeria, deprivation, illiteracy and poverty are root causes of Boko Haram. The government can dialogue with the sect for a cease fire and then develop the region, by creating employment and putting infrastructure in place. At this juncture, we must all come to the realisation that sometimes battles are not won with brute use of military force but on the table of dialogue.

The United States and other developed countries posit that they don’t negotiate with terrorists because they have the capacity and intel to crush – in the case of al-Qaeda, the killing of Osama Bin Laden – the terrorists. Same cannot be said of Nigeria where there has been nothing to show for billions voted for security in the last few years. Security issues should be holistically approached because it takes more than JTF boots on the ground, armed to the teeth in troubled states to restore peace and stability.

There is a bigger picture to the diversionary and ill conceived amnesty being canvassed for the Islamic extremists. The government will be sending a wrong signal to the teeming population of unemployed Nigerian youths and yet another dangerous precedent after the amnesty to Niger Delta militants. It is akin to presidential pardon to felons, or a national honour which is a reward for criminality.  It will only buck up splincter sects like, Ansaru, and new rebellion from other parts of the country.

And if the government were to give unconditional pardon to the Boko Haram, will the government use the same methods of rehabilitation and reintegration for the Niger Delta militants? Skill acquisition centres, training and re-training methods at home and abroad? How will the government change their mentality to prepare them for their return to mainstream Nigeria? Whichever approach the government intend to employ, it will be a clear negation of the sects’ ideology of abhorrence for anything western. It is not rocket science that their angst with the government has nothing to do with money. All they seek is that sharia be entrenched across the country.

Amnesty should not be a leeway for the Nigerian government to wriggle itself out of security challenges. Only a weak government, with its security and anti-corruption agencies bereft of ideas reward criminals, militants, extremists, rapists and ex-convicts with pardon. Granting amnesty to Boko Haram is a latent approval to other forms of social vices and a continuum of the vicious cycle of legalised lawlessness.

Finally, there is a need to understand the Boko Haram agenda before contemplating amnesty for the sect. They are part of a global network of terror. Their Jihad is not motivated by money but a relentless drive in their fanatical religious ideology of eradicating all forms of western influence on the African continent using Nigeria and Mali as springboards. The promise of material wealth that an amnesty holds for the sect is a disincentive. The counter-terrorism war has never been won anywhere in the world with amnesty.

 

 

Theophilus Ilevbare (theophilus@ilevbare.com)

blog: http://ilevbare.com

Twitter: @tilevbare

A NOTE TO UMARU- I STAND AND I FIGHT by Femi Fani-Kayode

F-Fani-Kayode

The word of God is immutable and unassailable and He is faithful to keep it to the very end. If I know nothing else, this I know to be true. I know that scripture cannot be broken and that whether we live or die tomorrow is in the hands of God alone. I also know that injustice and deceit can never last and that persecution only fuels dissent. There comes a time in the life of a man when he must be a man and stand up and speak the truth, even where others are too timid and intimidated to do so. And he must do this in the knowledge that whatever the price that he may have to pay, whether it be assassination, arrest, detention, harassment, persecution, prosecution or utter destruction, he is ready to pay that price and take the glory and the honour that goes with it.

By the grace of God I have today reached that point and I will bare my mind to the sickly tyrant freely. And after I have had my say I shall gallantly take my stand and with faith proclaim: let the demons of hell be invoked and conjured up and let them come forth and do their very worse, for they shall not pass and neither shall they prevail. For the word of God says “if thou shalt say in thine heart, these nations are more than I, how can I dispossess them? Thou shalt not be afraid of them but shall well remember what the Lord thy God did unto Pharaoh, and unto all of Egypt. The great temptations which thine eyes saw and the signs and the wonders, and the mighty hand and the stretched out arm, whereby the Lord thy God brought thee out. So shall the Lord thy God do unto all the people of whom thou art afraid….. thou shalt not be affrighted at them, for the Lord thy God is among you, a mighty God and terrible.”

And so it shall be as I stand on these holy words and boldly proclaim, o wicked tyrant, I stand and I fight against you. I stand and I fight in the name of the Living God. I stand and I fight in the name of Harrow and Cambridge. I stand and I fight in the name of Kelly and London. I stand and I fight as the son of my father. I stand and I fight as a proud and strong African. I stand and I fight as a resilient and irresistible Nigerian. I stand and I fight as a man of courage. I stand and I fight as a beautiful and irrepressible black man. I stand and I fight as a man of faith, a Christian who knows that his God is mighty and can never be defeated. We are what we believe ourselves to be. I am unbeatable, irrepressible and indestructible. I am a covenant child of the Living God, a prince of the Faith and a son of the Kingdom. My head may be bloodied but it is not bowed. I do not know the meaning of fear and I have learnt to master the affliction of pain. I do not flinch.

I stand and I fight with my whole being: with my body, with my spirit and with my soul. I stand and I fight to win and not to lose. I stand and I fight, tall and proud and by the power of the God that I serve, I shall always prevail. I stand and I fight because children of Israel are never alone. I stand and I fight because all tyrants must be resisted. I stand and I fight because God’s word says “He shall cut off the spirit of princes” and “He is terrible to the kings of the earth”. And so to King Ahab the sickly tyrant, I have just this to say: you can detain me, you can malign me, you can arrest me and you can misrepresent me. You can persecute me, you can subjugate me, you can lie about me and you can scatter my household and my loved ones. You can villify me, you can torment me, you can jeer at me and you can mock me. You can sack my associates, you can query my loyalists and you can cause my friends to flee the land.

You can humiliate those who stand for me, you can pour scorn on those who love me, you can threaten those who speak for me and you can bribe those who work for me. You can plan, you can scheme, you can assign and you can direct and delegate destruction at my doorsteps and at my gates. You can intimidate and torment and you can use your kingly power to abuse and to destroy. You can make our destruction your eighth point agenda and you can commission your minions to ensure that it is perfected. You can do all these things yet ultimately you will fail because, like all beastly tyrants, you have forgotten the power of God in all your subterranean wickedness and in all your sinister schemes.

Holding on to power at all costs? That is nothing new, Saul tried it and failed. Agag tried it and failed. Herod tried it and failed. Pharaoh tried it and failed. Sennacherub tried it and failed. Athalia tried it and failed. Nebudchadnezzar tried it and failed. Ahab tried it and failed. Haman tried it and failed. Omri tried it and failed and so did Nero and Caligula and Jezebel and countless others. For the God that stopped them is still alive and continues to rule in the affairs of men and He alone forges the destiny of nations. And in all this know one thing: that you cannot break me, you cannot kill me, you cannot defeat me and you cannot destroy me.

This is because I am anointed for greatness and I am truly blessed by He who sits above the circles of the earth and by He who created all that is. The lines have fallen for me in pleasant places and yea I have a goodly heritage. My future has been established and decreed by the oracles of God. It has been inscribed in the stars and it has been written in the books of heaven. It cannot be altered or aborted by you or your invocations and spells and your wicked ways. And yet perhaps you should know another: that your end has already been decreed by the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac and the God of Jacob and it is only a matter of time before it suddenly comes.

For my soul stands defiant against you. I defy you with all my being. My contempt for you is resounding, for you are nothing but sickness and weakness and failure and deceit and emptiness. You are nothing but the darkness that seeks the darkness, both you and the Amalekite foundation from which you come. My God has spoken and on His word I stand. My spirit is lifted and it is filled with joy and strength. I stand and I fight because my victory is assured. I stand and I fight because I despise the shame. I stand and I fight because there is a greater tomorrow. I stand and I fight because I will never bow before this beastly and deceitful tyrant. I stand and I fight because like Macbeth I must fight “until the flesh be hacked from my bones”.

I stand and I fight because I am who I am. I stand and I fight because I am a son of the great “I Am, That I Am”. I stand and I fight because my God is “a man of war”. I stand and I fight because you cannot kill a man that is already dead. I stand and I fight because I have a lioness, a Daughter of Zion, who proudly stands by my side. I stand and I fight because the Lord has steeled my body, my spirit and my soul. I stand and I fight because the fewer the number, the greater the share of honour. I stand and I fight because King David stood and fought, and Gideon and Joshua and Jehu that went before him.

So let the sickly tyrant rant and rave. Let him do his very worse. Let him, like Nero, play his fiddle whilst Rome burns and let him make merry in his wickedness and inglorious ways.Let him punish the father of the nation for giving him power. Let him plot and plan both night and day. Let him invoke strange spirits, consult the stars, torture, detain, defame, destroy, charge, frame, kill and maim. Let him bomb and burn and kill his 20 million. Let him appease the militants of the Niger-Delta and let him offer them a plagued and unsustainable amnesty. Let him “cry havoc” and let slip the horrific dogs of war. Let him break and let him crush the very spirit of the people. Let him enslave the whole of our nation and cower us all into silence and submission.
Let him enshrine the words “there is none besides me” into the federal constitution. Let him turn us into cowards and quislings, let him plunge us into darkness and let him bewitch our feeble souls.

Yet in all his treacheries and schemings let him know one thing, that we are not shaken and neither are we moved. For even if he were to carve up our flesh and send our dismembered limbs to the four corners of the kingdom, our God is able to put us back together again and give us life, even more abundant. And even if he can kill our weak and worldly bodies, he cannot break our spirits and neither can he take our souls. For if our God can move mountains who and what is he?

If our God be for us, what can he possibly do? Our God’s word says “who is he that sayest a thing and it cometh to pass when the Lord God of Hosts has commanded it not?” It says “who is he that lays a charge before God’s elect, is it not Christ that justifies?” It says “whose report will you believe and to whom has the arm of the Lord been revealed?” It says “who can separate us from the love of the Lord?” and that “nay, in all these things we are more than conquerors through Him that loved us”.

We stand and we fight because we are indeed “more than conquerors”. We stand and we fight because tin pot tyrants come and go: they are a dime a dozen, soon to be forgotten. We stand and we fight because heroes and martyrs, even if they fall in their course, will always live forever. We stand and we fight because we serve a mighty God who never fails and who will never leave us or forsake us. We stand and we fight knowing that the victory is ours. We stand and we fight for our honour, for our nation, for our women and for our children. We stand and we fight with courage, strength, defiance and joy knowing that though weeping may tarry in the night, “joy comes in the morning”.

We stand and we fight because His word says “once has it been spoken and twice have we heard that all power belongs to God and the heavens do rule in the affairs of men”. We stand and we fight because we have no other choice, for good will always triumph over evil and light will always overcome the darkness in the end. We stand and we fight because we fear not death, we fear not the tyrant and we fear not his gods and idols. We stand and we fight because our God will always love us and through Him and by Him our salvation is secure. We stand and we fight because we have been prepared for war. We stand and we fight because the Lord is our defence and the Holy One of Israel is our king and our God.

We stand and we fight because His word boldly asks, “who is this uncircumcised Phillistine that has chosen to defy the armies of the Living God?” We stand and we fight because He goes on to affirm that “I have found David my servant and with my holy oil have I anointed him”. We stand and we fight because His holy word proclaims “who art thou o mountain before Zerrubabel? Thou shalt be made a plain”. We stand and we fight because we wax strong in battle. We stand and we fight because we cannot be defeated. We stand and we fight because we are not in the hands of men but rather we are under the power of God. We stand and we fight because He is our shield, He is our glory and the lifter of our heads.

We stand and we fight because He will “pour out His wrath upon the heathen that have not known Him and upon the kingdoms that have not called upon His name.” Of this I am sure, that our Lord will make them like a wheel and as the stubble before the wind. As the fire burneth a wood and as the flame setteth the mountains on fire, so will He persecute them with His tempest and make them afraid with His storm. He will fill their faces with shame, that they may seek His name night and day. He will let them be confounded and troubled forever; yea He will let them be put to shame and perish that men may know that He, whose name alone is Jehova, is the most high over all the earth. So let it be and so it is and yet until then, we stand and we fight, we stand and we fight, we stand and we fight. (CONCLUDED)

(N.B. THIS POEM WAS WRITTEN AND FIRST PUBLISHED BY CHIEF FANI-KAYODE ON 23rd OCTOBER 2009. EXACTLY ONE MONTH LATER, ON THE 23rd NOVEMBER 2009, PRESIDENT UMARU YAR’ADUA FELL INTO A COMA AND WAS FLOWN TO SAUDI ARABIA. HE NEVER CAME OUT OF THAT COMA. HE WAS FLOWN HOME 3 MONTHS LATER ON 23rd FEBRUARY 2010 AND WAS STILL IN THE SAME COMA. HE LATER DIED)

Ogaga Ifowodo: Yes, I Pardoned A Serial Treasury Looter But What Can You Do About It?

Presumably, President Jonathan and the members of the National Council of State who granted a state pardon for the convicted former governor of Bayelsa State, D. S. P. Alamieyeseigha, are aware of Section 14 (2) of the Constitution which states that “The Federal Republic of Nigeria shall be a State based on the principles of democracy and social justice,” and accordingly “sovereignty belongs to the people … from whom government … derives all its powers and authority.” It is possible that Jonathan’s image-makers, better known as his “attack lions,” believe in this principle, just as much as they believe that the people are always ignorant, misinformed, mischievous, unpatriotic and wrong. Jonathan may also remember Abraham Lincoln’s famous definition of democracy, which we all learned in secondary school, as “government of the people, by the people, and for the people.”

 

Still, it is clear to the world, now more than ever before (assuming that further and better proof were ever needed) that Jonathan thinks or knows very little of the concepts of democracy and the people.  Neither matters to him in his sordid game of power-for-its-own-sake. Thus, no deed appears to him too indefensible to warrant discretion. He may very well be a king since he operates by the credo of might is right. Indeed, that is what he meant when he said “I don’t give a damn” about transparency and leading by example. And that is what he has told us again by pardoning a confessed and convicted kleptomaniac who also happens to be his former boss.  By this latest show of contempt for the will of the people, Jonathan thumps his chest and sneers, “Yes, I pardoned a serial treasury looter. What can you do about it?”

It explains why he hardly tried to hide his hand. For, he has to have known that his ruse of granting absolution to a poster-face of corruption by simultaneously pardoning persons “previously pardoned” would be exposed before long. But, then, Jonathan does not give a damn about what the people think; does not believe the people can think. He does not care if the world thinks as Transparency International does, that his “decision undermines anti-corruption efforts” and “encourages impunity.” Those blokes at Transparency International, like the ignorant fools under his rule, assume, erroneously, that he has to prove his anti-corruption bona fides by strengthening and not relaxing sanctions against treasury looters. One might be tempted to say that Jonathan has hammered the final nail into the coffin of the war against corruption, but that would be admitting that there was ever such a war. In any case, rather than review his action, he has set his attack lions loose on the people.

I think I know now the source of Jonathan’s ill-advised bravado, strikingly unbecoming of one whose ascent to power has been more a matter of sheer good luck (I can’t tire of the pun) than merit or accomplishment. In being so dismissive of Jonathan as weak, clueless and totally out of his depth as president, we may have unwittingly created a political monster. Like the poor boy picked upon by every kid in the schoolyard and neighbourhood and who, to restore his dignity, finally takes a stand, Jonathan is now totally blind to reason or consequence. He will take on all comers, even if every one of them be twice his weight; even if he must spit in the face of the people at every turn. At least, then he can go to bed beating his chest and saying out loud, “I did it! That should teach them to call me weak and clueless!” Every serious decision has become for him an occasion to assert his political manhood. The unreflective display of machismo is spawned by a desire to appear strong and decisive. In short, Jonathan is governed by the fear of being thought weak, like the tragic Okonkwo in Achebe’s Things Fall Apart.

Yet, there are better ways for Jonathan to prove his political manhood. He could, for instance, have publicly declared his assets, thereby assuming the role of commander-in-chief of a real war against corruption. Or implemented all the recommendations of the Justice Uwais panel on electoral reform, thereby going against self-interest and the entrenched privileges of the powerful few who profit from rigged elections. Or prosecuted and jailed the trillion-naira oil subsidy thieves that bled the country white. He could convene or facilitate a sovereign national conference at which, for the first time since independence, we as a free people would agree on the articles of association for a prosperous, peaceful and equitable nation. He could … but none of these would project the image he craves of a strongman in a tall hat; they smack of bending to the will of the people, which is incompatible with an I-don’t-give-a-damn philosophy of governance.

Yet, for all the great wisdom we have been told informed the pardon, one crucial detail was omitted: an unreserved apology to Alamieyeseigha for his conviction in the first place. After all, how many treasury looters have been asked to explain the source of their instant wealth, never mind being charged to court? Bode George, Tafa Balogun …the few who did not get away scot free, must be wondering how much longer they must wait before getting their pardon.

 

Ogaga Ifowodo (omoliho@gmail.com)

via SaharaReporters

Dear President Obama, Goodluck Jonathan Must Be Invited To Washington! – By Pius Adesanmi

Dear President Barack Obama: Greetings. On behalf of the good citizens of the District of Columbia, who, in their infinite wisdom, entrusted me with the Office of the Mayor, I am writing to draw your attention to an issue of urgent municipal importance. Although my aides here in the Mayor’s Office are yet to crosscheck things with Mr. Jay Carney, your Press Secretary, after he issued a curious statement today, I have decided to be proactive by reacting to that extremely disturbing statement.

Mr. President, it would seem that you have convened a prestigious summit between your esteemed self and four Heads of State from the continent of Africa. They have been invited to parley with you in the White House in order to explore avenues of strengthening democracy in Africa. According to the statement released by Mr. Carney, “President Obama looks forward to welcoming President Ernest Bai Koroma of Sierra Leone, President Macky Sall of Senegal, President Joyce Banda of Malawi, and Prime Minister José Maria Pereira Neves of Cape Verde to the White House on Thursday, March 28.” The statement concludes that, “the visit of these four leaders underscores the strategic importance the President places on building partnerships and substantive engagement with sub-Saharan Africa, and our commitment to working with strong and emerging African democracies.”

Mr. President, this is obviously an unmistakable snub of the Nigerian President, Dr Goodluck Jonathan, who leads a country that prides herself as the giant of Africa. While we understand the fact that your administration needs to send a clear message of zero tolerance for corruption to the Nigerian President, who has acquired a reputation for running Africa’s most corruption-friendly government, we at the Washington City Hall would like to register our disagreement with your decision to exclude the Nigerians from next week’s parley in the strongest possible terms.

Mr. President, we believe that you have not been properly served by your advisers in this matter. We believe that the economic implications of excluding the Nigerians from this parley should have been painstakingly explained to you to help you reach an informed judgment. We believe that the economic wellbeing of a major American city should be more important to your administration than helping the people of one far-flung country in Africa deal with their corruption enabler of a president. At a time when most American city administrations are groaning under budget cuts, at a time when the ability of American cities to deliver basic services to residents is being streamlined to reflect the dire economic circumstances of the times, any opportunity for a massive injection of funds into any American city’s economy ought to be seized with both hands. Your administration is about to deny Washington DC one such fantastic opportunity through the hasty and wrong-headed exclusion of the Nigerian president from the forthcoming parley.

Mr. President, we believe that you are aware of the fact that the President of Nigeria does not travel light to foreign destinations. During meetings of the US Conference of Mayors, my brother Mayor Bloomberg of New York never fails to regale us with stories of the economic boom that New York City receives whenever the Nigerian president comes to town for UN functions. He and his wife are said to travel with a harem of presidential jets – some travel as advance delegations. The plane loads of raw cash and aides create an economic ripple effect. They stay in the best hotels, charter limousines, and spend days in shopping malls since they hardly ever attend the functions they came for.

Mr. President, you are perhaps aware of the fact that the 127th Assembly of the Inter-Parliamentary Union was hosted by our sister city, Québec City, Canada, from October 21-26, 2012. The word on the street is that the South Africans who arrived in Québec City thinking they had a huge delegation were humbled by the benumbing size of the Nigerian delegation. Almost five months after the event, I can tell you authoritatively, Mr. President, that Québec City, Canada, is still reaping the benefits of the economic boom created by the one-week presence of Nigerian parliamentarians in that city. Need one mention what the city of Dubai in the Middle East benefits from weekly injection of funds by Nigerian officials?

Mr. President, we urge you to seriously reconsider your decision to snub Dr. Goodluck Jonathan. It would be a great idea of you could even invite him ahead of the others so that he and his potentially large delegation could get to spend an extra week here in Washington. If he comes here with two or three jumbo jets, as is his wont, this translates to enormous parking fees for Washington Dulles Airport. He, his wife, and their aides are going to take over major hotels in the city and that would be a tremendous boost for our hospitality services. Our limo rental services are going to benefit immensely from the presence of a Nigerian delegation.

In addition, while Dr and Mrs. Jonathan spend time with you at the White House, two or three planeloads of aides are going to spend all that time in our shopping malls. Furthermore, virtually every member of the large delegation would take the opportunity to do a quick medical checkup. Since they have no medical insurance here, they would naturally be paying cash. Imagine, Mr. President, the possible cash inflow to our medical system in these austere times. We understand that Nigerian officials are fond of German hospitals. This could be an opportunity to showcase the superiority of American medical services to these petro-wealthy Africans.

Mr. President, I could go on and on with details of the economic benefits of having the Nigerians here. Please allow me to say, Mr. President, that for the sake of the economy of Washington, DC, the Nigerian president deserves to be pardoned for pardoning corruption. He is of more economic value to us here than the four African presidents you are hosting combined. I therefore look forward to being able to host him and his lovely wife here at City Hall after their White House event.

 

Yours sincerely,
John-Smith Budweiser
Mayor of the District of Columbia

 

via SaharaReporters

Uche Igwe: Implications of Jonathan’s Unpardonable Pardon

A man who has no tincture of philosophy passes through life imprisoned in the prejudices derived from common sense, from habitual beliefs of his own age or his nation, from convictions which have grown up in his mind without the cooperation or consent of his deliberate reason. To such a man, the world seems to become definite, finite and obvious; common objects rouse no questions and unfamiliar possibilities are contemptuously rejected

—Betrand Russell

Since President Goodluck  Jonathan announced a pardon for his former boss and ex- governor of Bayelsa State, Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, and others last Tuesday, many Nigerians have, understandably,  been incensed by his action. Realising the blunder, his handlers in the Presidency and other apologists immediately swung into action, struggling  in the last few days to offer either a justification or at least an explanation to douse the fury of both the citizens and friends of our country. It may be true that the President ‘innocently’ exercised his constitutional right and tried to spread the largesse to other geopolitical zones. It may also be true that the beneficiaries — at least in the case of Alamieyesigha and Shettima Bulama — have suffered enough and might have become “sober” and remorseful. It could also be possible that this could be yet another script in the well-crafted dance drama that will water the ground for the eventual announcement of Jonathan’s formal interest in the Presidency, come 2015. It may even be just a simple token of gratitude to a former boss who plucked him from relative obscurity to limelight.  Whatever the reasons that anyone can conjure, what is clear is that this may turn to be one of the “daftest” and most politically-disastrous decisions that the President has ever taken. Simply put, he goofed. The revelation that some of those in the list had benefited from the same thing or something similar, whether called clemency or pardon, makes the whole exercise even a bigger caricature. I do not want to be drawn into the difference between pardon and clemency. I leave that to the lawyers among us who delight in ontological promiscuity. Rather, I will try to draw out three probable political extrapolations from his action. The first is superlative political insensitivity. The second is naïve confidence in his instrumentality of manipulation. The third is ignorance of the possible global repercussions of such an action.

Frankly speaking, the political support of President Jonathan is diminishing by the day. There is hardly any week that passes by that he will escape the critical radar of the Nigerian public. He has been very slow in delivering on any of his campaign promises. Electricity supply is still unstable nationwide. The security in the northern part is worsening despite celebrated rhetoric to contain it. Decaying infrastructure litter the country. High level corruption and impunity have been going on unchallenged in our public service. Many governors and even his own appointees do not seem to respect him. The verdict on the street is that he lacks the courage, somebody said the balls to play the ball, to appropriate the powers of his office to cause improvement in the lives of citizens.  Therefore, one should naturally imagine that it is only an insensitive politician that will be seeing all these as they are and still go ahead to take any decision that potentially narrows down his/her political support. By the action of pardoning Alamieyeseigha at this time, the President has portrayed himself as a politician who is not only tactless but  out of touch with the pulse of the street.

Another reason discernible from such an action at this time could be that Jonathan has received assurances from his strategists that all is set to manipulate the polity and possibly maximise the rigging machinery to his advantage. They may be thinking that 2015 is already a fait accompli. His recent moves to capture the soul of the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party has yielded fruits with some of his loyalists now in charge of vital party organs.  A few others in the party hierarchy who are not necessarily supportive of him are now busy with one case or another and so they have been taken care of. The President’s men have also invaded the Nigerian Governors’ Forum. The agenda ostensibly is to castrate the “overbearing body” and enthrone a leadership which will be a rubber stamp in endorsing policy positions that are pleasing to the President whether or not they reflect the aspirations of the Nigerian people. The offspring of his desperate approach is the PDP Governors’ Forum — a coalition of cronies, which is set to do the President’s bidding and who has sworn to cleanse the party of alleged ‘Judases’.  If all these machinations and shenanigans succeed, a smooth ride will be provided for the emergence of Jonathan as the “consensus” candidate of the ruling party come 2015. With an adequate financial war chest allegedly accumulated already and well-oiled machinery, the ruling party will aim at foisting an unpopular candidate again on the Nigerian people. How can a man who is aware that his lieutenants are putting final touches to such a  “master plan” give a damn about taking unpopular decisions?

The third and probably most important dimension is the insinuation (nationally and globally) that granting the pardon is tantamount to high level endorsement of corruption. The question in the minds of many relates to the kind of perception this will trigger in the global community and its consequences on the image of the country. Corruption hurts. It portrays state institutions as ineffective and diminishes a nation’s ability to attract foreign direct investment, leading to lower growth rate, stumpy GNP per capita, poverty and inequality. Since the Obansanjo era, Nigeria has been posturing in the war against corruption through the establishment of anti-corruption agencies like the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the Nigerian Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative. These efforts, however, have been dismissed by many as largely selective and hypocritical; however, it earned the country some mileage in the perception of the world. Pundits believe that Jonathan’s action has just landed a big blow on whatever remains of the war against corruption. Granted, the President may not be vast in international affairs to know that what powerful countries and potential allies think about his leadership style is important; but at least he should know that his so-called transformation agenda will make little progress unless investors have confidence enough to bring in their resources to partner him in delivering the deliverables.

In drawing my conclusion, I want to deliberately ignore the incompetence evident in the handlers of the President and the blunders they often commit. Rather I want to dwell momentarily on the person of the President. The famous philosopher Betrand Russell, in his book, The Problems of Philosophy, reminds us of “an instinctive man” — one who is shut within the circle of his private interests, family and friends and who considers the outer world only from the lens of how it helps or hinders his instinctive wishes. Such a man possesses an arrogant form of dogmatism and lives a life that is in a “constant strife between the insistence of desire and powerlessness of will”. That sounds to me like a picture of what Jonathan personifies.  But a President of such a complex country like ours needs to break away from such a beleaguered fortress. He needs the impartiality of deep contemplation to weigh every action he takes no matter how urgent. He needs to see the bigger picture.  In short, he needs a tincture of philosophy. The other option is to pretend or grandstand and continue in that imaginary confinement until 2015, when the righteous anger of the Nigerian people will likely prevail.

 

 

Uche Igwe (ucheigwe@gmail.com)

Article culled from Punch

BOKO HARAM: To Negotiate Or Not To Negotiate?

Only time will tell whether or not this is a valid question for the Boko Haram terrorist group, which boasted only in January that “We will consider negotiation only when we have brought the government to its knees…You don’t put down your arms in Islam, you only put them aside.” However, it is no longer the question for the Federal Government, which appears ready to embark on yet another attempt at negotiation with Boko Haram.

Ordinarily, negotiation, typified by give and take between the negotiating parties, is not a bad approach to conflict resolution. The practice of “engagement” in international diplomacy is premised on the idea that the two parties to a conflict must talk to each other, either directly or indirectly through some mediators, in order to achieve a resolution.

But negotiation could be a dangerous method of resolving conflict with a terrorist group which has no sovereign status whatsoever. It is even worse when the demands of such a group are rooted simultaneously in faith-based fanaticism and anti-Western ideology like Boko Haram’s. Negotiation may lead to  temporary ceasefire. It will not take away their faith or change their anti-Western stance.

This partly explains why controversy has always surrounded the Federal Government’s attempt to negotiate with Boko Haram, which is viewed as the weakening of state power. Another reason for controversy is whether or not Boko Haram should be granted amnesty like the Niger Delta militants. President Goodluck Jonathan’s “No” on this issue should be total. It should not be premised on the facelessness of Boko Haram alone.

What is even more worrisome is Nigeria’s lack of the four major conditions to be satisfied before such a negotiation is embarked upon. First, the state involved must have a subsisting terrorism policy. It must not make negotiation the policy upon which conflict resolution is based. We know, for example, that the United States has a policy of elimination — capture or kill terrorists wherever and whenever you find them — while Israel has a policy of containment — prevent terrorists from entering your territory. Second, the leaders and sponsors of such a terrorist group must be known in advance, usually through state intelligence. Third, such negotiation must be limited in scope and targeted at a specific goal. Fourth, the terrorist group must have been sufficiently weakened by the terrorised state in order to make negotiation attractive to the terrorists.

Israel provides a good example. It negotiated the 1993 Oslo Accord with the Palestinian Liberation Organisation and the prisoner swap with Hamas in 2011. The Israeli government had satisfied the four conditions listed above before entering into these negotiations. First, its policy of containment, supplemented with elimination, of terrorists is well-known: The movement of the terrorists into Israeli territory is controlled through the erection of a fence and the mounting of a checkpoint with tanks and armed soldiers. Terrorist activities are further curtailed with 24-hour surveillance, intelligence gathering, and ad hoc preemptive and reactionary strikes. Second, the rank and file of the PLO and Hamas leadership as well as army movement by these groups are always well-known to Israel. That’s why it has been possible for Israel to eliminate the leaders of the terrorists at the slightest opportunity.

Third, negotiation was often targeted at a specific goal. It was never meant to be a substantive policy upon which lasting national security was based. Otherwise, Israel would have been in a dilemma when the Oslo Accord eventually flopped. Finally, Israel has put the entire Palestinian territory, including Gaza, on the defensive for nearly 65 years. The exchange of hundreds of Palestinians for only one Israeli is symbolic of the stronger position from which the Israeli government negotiated with Hamas.

Compared to the Israeli case, the Federal Government’s negotiation with Boko Haram rests on a very weak foundation. To start with, neither the leader nor the sponsor of the terrorist group is known. This means that the Federal Government may well be negotiating with “shadows” again. It will be recalled that Boko Haram once denied the government’s publicised negotiation with the group, arguing that “fake negotiators who are pretending that they are in talks with the Federal Government on our behalf …  are collecting large sums of money from the government under false pretences.” The Federal Government’s inability to identify the leaders of Boko Haram and its genuine representatives is surely a disastrous lapse that must be corrected.

But, what if the leaders show their faces and the negotiations eventually fall apart? What plan would the government fall on in the absence of a substantive terrorism policy? The Anti-Terrorism Act passed by the National Assembly only focuses on what to do with and to terrorists after they have been captured. It does not state how they will be captured. The latter should be the focus of the government’s terrorism policy, no matter how covert it may be.

Understandably, the Federal Government cannot adopt the Israeli policy of containment, because Boko Haram is located within Nigerian borders. But then, its version of the American policy of elimination is not yet a coordinated policy. On several occasions, various security agencies and the Presidency have talked past each other on Boko Haram. In the absence of a coordinated policy, the group remains elusive to the government. Only recently, a Boko Haram spokesperson, Sheikh Muhammad Abdul’aziz, indicated that the group, or at least a faction of it, has been in negotiation with the government of Borno State: “As regards the statement by Mr. President that we are ghosts, let me say with due respect that we are not ghosts; we have sat with officials of the Borno State Government and a delegation of Northern State Governors’ Forum on Peace and Reconciliation, headed by Air Vice Marshal Mukhtar Muhammad (retd.).”

In the same breath, Abdul’aziz denied allegations by yet another spokesperson for Boko Haram, said to be Sheikh Abubakar Shekau, who denounced such peace talks. According to Abdul’aziz, whoever spoke on behalf of Shekau was an impostor. The pertinent questions are: How many factions exist within Boko Haram? Which faction is the Federal Government negotiating with, if one was already negotiating with the Borno State government? And what exactly is the relationship between the two negotiations?

On the basis of available evidence, it is safe to conclude that Boko Haram has not been sufficiently weakened. Nigerian security agents have devoted more time to taking charge of terrorist crime scenes, and capturing or killing suspected terrorists, than to pursuing a coordinated policy of fishing out and eliminating them. To date, it is not clear how many of those captured or killed were actually terrorists and what percentage belonged to the leadership rank.

Two critical questions still remain: One, if the Federal Government negotiates with Boko Haram, what will it do with Ansaru, another terrorist group on the rise, and others that may still surface? Two, how will negotiation address the root causes of terrorism, whether they be religious fanaticism, poverty, or power politics?

 

 

Niyi Akinnaso (niyi@comcast.net)

Article culled from Punch

#AwakeningYou: WHEN CHANGE COMES… ~ @StevenHaastrup

 

Good day and welcome to #AwakeningYou, a Tuesday weekly script of #StartupNigeria. My name is Haastrup Steven.

 

One of the greatest hindrances to progress and development in life, career and family is resistance to change. No one loves change, especially when you have to be the one to initiate it. Change takes you out of your comfort zone. It moves you away from the familiar, the comfortable, and the preferred. Change challenges your comfortable position to a review. If you have ever moved house before you will understand why you resist change. Where do you start from? The garage? Some call it a junk, but each item in your garage has a use. Which do you retain? Which goes into the garbage? Your house may be small, but it has been your home for sometime now. The room, the kitchen, the sitting and all, have become the familiar. By reason of the familiarity, you can negotiate your way even in the dark. At worst, your home is disorganizely organized. You know where things are kept. From the car keys to the post office keys; from the personal files to your child’s report cards. The utility bills have their place. And so are the car documents.

 

But now you have got to move. Oh, why? Should it be now? When reminded you are leaving a smaller house to a bigger one. Yes, to the one you have always hoped and prayed for, you feel motivated to go through the chore. But it is still painful. Sometimes you wish for a miracle. You wish you wake up in the morning and discover an angel has done all the packing for you, putting all the items in their separate boxes for easy identification and unpacking.

 

Now that does not happen in real world. In the world that you and I live in, angels don’t do for us what we should and need to do for ourselves. Change is one of those things the angel will be delighted to watch you do yourself.

 

But why should you change? Why can’t you just remain where you are? Why rock the boat? Why change the winning team? I am married and happy, what else do I need? I have a good job, good pay, good boss, what else can anyone ask for? Our business has hit it big. We have made back our money in three years; that is two years earlier than projected. Our competitors are feeble, insignificant. You can talk about change to another company; but not to us.

 

In the world of fantasy, good things last forever. In the real world, the only one there is, change is the only permanent feature. Dear friend, you have got to make change a friend, if you desire a life that is full and beneficial to the world around you. I am going to help you do that in the next couple of weeks.

 

Thank you for reading through.

—————————————————————————————————————————–

Haastrup Steven is the Executive Director of Startup Nigeria; He is a freelance writer, Impact public speaker, a startup trainer and a lover of God. He is a fan of technology and its influence over our lives and the society.

 

Follow me today on twitter @StevenHaastrup

Email: haastrupsteven@gmail.com

ALAMIEYESEIGHA’S PRESIDENTIAL PARDON: When Comedy Becomes The Norm – Stanley Chinkata @MrChinkata

 

“In all ages, the people have honoured those who dishonoured them. They have worshipped their destroyers; they have canonized the most gigantic liars, and buried the great thieves in marble and gold.”                                                                    —Robert Green Ingersoll (1833-1899)

“…Alamieyeseigha, a man who until now was known and addressed as His Excellency, has shown himself to be a dishonourable fellow, unfit to rule, unfit to sit among men and women of honour and integrity, unfit to preach to the people he leads about ideas and values…”

Dr. Reuben Abati (Special Adviser on Media and Publicity to President Jonathan, in his article titled, “His Excellency, the Executive Fugitive of Bayelsa state”, written in 2005)

“If immorality is pardoned, then there is no incentive for morality.”  –Anonymous.

It was on a Wednesday morning, March 12, 2013, I have just woken up from sleep and the weather was wet and slightly windy. After saying my morning prayers, I lay on the bed, lost in thought; I strategized on the imminent journey I was to embark on that day. I was to transverse through four states in the southeast via road, the dilapidated state of the Enugu-Aba-Port Harcourt expressway was my major concern, I thought of how to avoid this road that has caused more harm than good to Nigerians of south-east extraction. My sojourn in wonderland was cut short when my phone beeped, it was the morning update from an online newspaper I subscribed to. I was shocked to my marrows when I saw the first headline, “Alamieyeseigha, others may get Presidential pardon today”. ‘It is a joke’ I told myself. Out of curiosity, I clicked on the attached link, and within seconds, starring at me in the face, were the full details of the news report. The language used by the author of the news report that morning was speculative and unconfirmed, based on that, I declined to write on it. My action was a deliberate attempt to avoid being tongue-lashed by some attack dogs\lions, who would readily call me one of the ‘collective children of anger’ (apologies to Reuben Abati), had it been the report was false.

Subsequent news report that evening confirmed that Alamieyeseigha and Shettima Bulama (former head of the Bank of the North) have been granted state pardon by the Council of State. The Council of State is made up of the President, Vice President, all State Governors, former Presidents, the Chief Justice of the Federation, the Senate President and the Speaker House of Representatives. Other beneficiaries of the State pardon were; former Chief of General Staff, Oladipo Diya, ex-Major Bello Magaji NA/6604, Mohammed Lima Biu, Major Segun Fadipe, former Chief of Staff Supreme Military Council, Major General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, and Major General Abdulkareem Adisa (Post Humous).

If the Kangaroo trial and subsequent conviction for coup-plotting by the Sani Abacha administration was sighted as the reason for granting pardon to the ex-Military officers, which I personally consider as a step in the right direction, what could be the reason for extending such magnanimity to Alamieyeseigha and Bulama?. I am completely aghast, aghast at the jaw-dropping affection, effusive support and encouragement showered on Alamieyeseigha and Bulama under the guise of pardon, capped with a well-done-thank-you handshake.

It is a truism that Alamieyeseigha and Bulama were entrusted with leadership roles in the past, yet they failed to impact positively on the lives of the masses. Not only did they fail woefully in attending to the leadership responsibility associated with the position they occupied, they did the unthinkable; they corruptly enriched themselves with public fund, our collective wealth that was supposedly meant to be used for the benefit of the greater majority. It is also on record, that Alamieyeseigha exported corruption out of the shores of Nigeria, having been caught in London by the Metropolitan police. Alamieyeseigha’s model of corruption is emulated by corrupt public officers today. If one is to compile a detailed account of Alamieyeseigha and Bulama’s dealings while in office, one would find embezzlement, short-changing, financial recklessness, racketeering, money laundering, deception, trickery and inflated contracts written all over it. That was the height of wickedness meted out to Nigerians as it were, a stab in the back, akin to an act in an Igbo folk-tale where the dog ate the bone that was hung on its neck for safe-keeping.

Section 36(5) of the Nigerian Constitution as amended provides that, every person who is charged with a criminal offence shall be presumed to be innocent until he is proven guilty. Having made the above disclaimer, it must be said, and quickly too, that Alamieyeseigha and Bulama were thouroughly investigated, prosecuted by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, and convicted by a court of competent juridstiction. Based on the for-going, it was established and proved beyond every reasonable doubt that both men were guilty of the offence(s) as charged. Asking if the sentences pronounced on both men were commensurate with the heinous offences they committed would be a topic for another day.

However, what I am yet to establish is the basis for the National Council of State, NCS, to have granted pardon to men, who threw the decorum and sanctity associated with public office to the dogs, having been convicted for corruptly enriching themselves while superintending over our common wealth. The decision in this wise, a collective one by the National council of State, NCS, to grant state pardon to men whose actions exhibited one of the worst case of corruption creates credibility problem in this government’s acclaimed anti-corruption policy.

 

In drafting this article, so many questions keep popping up in the inner recess of my mind;

if Alamieyeseigha and Bulama merited such pardon, based on the deceptive reasons adduced in some quarters, why shouldn’t the likes of Ishola Oyenusi, Lawrence Anini, Ching Chong, Osisikankwu, Obidiozor Otokoto, Monday Osunbor, Derico and other notorious robbers, kidnappers and general crime perpetrators who terrorized Nigerians in the past receive such pardon posthumously?

What of James Ibori and Tafa Balogun, don’t they merit such pardon?

What will the Metropolitan Police that found £1m (one million British pounds) in cash at Alamieyeseigha’s London home think of Nigeria?

What message will this act send to our teaming hardworking Nigerian?

What will the International community think of Nigeria?

Are we (Nigerians) serious at all to put a stop to mediocrity?

How can one justify a rouge because he is one’s uncle?

What of Farouk Lawan, the lead actor in the $620,000 dollars fuel subsidy bribery scandal, is he not qualified for a role in the comedy playing out?

John Yakubu Yusuf was the former deputy director in the Police pension office, he was convicted and fined a paltry N 720,000.00 after pleading guilty in a N32.8billion pension fraud case, does he not merit the list?

Are we really fighting corruption or are we doing a lip-service in the crusade against corruption?

What of the Boko Haram sect that have displayed willingness to dialogue with the government, shouldn’t they be granted amnesty if former convicts were granted pardon?

Questions! Questions! Questions!

Recall that on November 10, 1995, the Ogoni born environmentalist, Ken Saro Wiwa, alongside eight other Ogoni sons, namely: Saturday Dobee, Nordu Enwo, Daniel Gbooko, Paul Levera, Felix Nuate, Baribor Bera, Barinem Kiobel and John Kpuine, were found guilty, albeit illegally, by a specially convened tribunal, without legal representation, and sentenced to death by hanging, by the Abacha regime, for what many believed was largely because of Mr. Saro Wiwa’s strong stance in pursuit of the rights of the Ogoni people. They were executed in the hands of military personnel. Their execution generated outcry around the world and Nigeria was subsequently suspended from the Commonwealth of Nations, the suspension lasted for over three years.

Since 1995, a period of eighteen (18) years, we have repeatedly called for justice in the case of the Ogoni nine who were unjustly convicted, yet our pleas have fallen on deaf ears. If Alamieyeseigha and Bulama could receive presidential pardon, why didn’t Mr. President deem it fit to pardon Ken Saro Wiwa and the other Ogoni eight based on the circumstance surrounding their unjust conviction and execution?

Indeed a comedy script is being played out in the movie box (Nigeria), and the stage is in the villa, the main characters in the comedy play have defied the cry and call of the audience (masses) in the movie box. Mr. Presidents words of “I owe no apology for the action”, (while reacting to the pardon through his spokes-man, Dr. Reuben Abati), and his “I don’t give a damn” answer not long ago, shows the arrogance of power displayed by our leaders. The comedy play is getting feverish-hot; it seems the actors on the stage at the villa will cease to be someday, maybe after 2015. If need be, let it come to pass.

 

Stanley Chinkata (mr.chinkata@gmail.com)

Follow on twitter: @MrChinkata

PDP: The Devil’s Umbrella by Abubakar Usman

Nigeria’s political landscape took a new dimension on the 6th of February, 2013 when four major opposition parties namely Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) announced the result of their merger that birthed the All Progressives’ Congress (APC). It was a remarkable and unprecedented achievement not just to the people of the opposition, but a large percentage of Nigerians who believed that a true opposition is needed to challenge the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party.
During the build up to the 2011 general elections, a similar attempt by the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) to jointly present a candidate for the presidential election, failed due largely to what many described as the personal interest of individuals of the two parties which prevented them from forming a common ground. The result of that failure is the election of Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, whose government is now renowned for crass corruption, ineptitude and retrogressive leadership.
Reeling from the sad experience of that failure, the move by the CPC, ACN, APGA and ANPP to form a mega party was quickly dismissed by the PDP as an exercise that will never work. Calling the merger moves all sorts of names; the PDP said it will fail like similar moves failed since the advent of democracy in 1999.

It remained unclear why the PDP believes that any attempt for merger and alliance by political parties will fail, because it has always happened in the past, but events that trailed the announcement of the formation of the All Progressive Party on the 6th of February, proved that the PDP has no basis for such conclusion. As a matter of fact, it showed that the party merely just engaged in rhetoric. The truth of the matter was that the party is scared to its bone marrow that it began to engage in sinister moves to either cause confusion in the camp of the opposition or frustrate its plan to conclude a formidable merger.
Aside the psychological war fare that the PDP engaged in, one critical move it made that shows it is rattled with the merger of the four parties is the sponsor of a group known as the African Peoples’ Congress which shares the same APC acronym to apply to be registered as a political party with INEC, thereby denying the All Progressive Congress who had earlier adopted the APC acronym, the chance of registering with the same name. Except for the fact that people know the PDP for what they are, nobody would have pointed accusing fingers at the party, but revelations that were to follow shortly after the phantom APC unveiled its logo, flag and party secretariat in Abuja confirm what people had known all along.

First was a bombshell from Mr. Nwokorie Samuel Chinedu, the legal representative whom the PDP through its hatchet man, Ugochinyere Ikenga had engaged to register the party. Mr. Nwokorie said kenga paid him N30,000 before he filed the papers. The “client” paid him N50,000 later and gave him a Samsung Galaxy phone after the job had been done.
Mr. Ikenga himself, a youth activist in the Peoples’ Democratic Party is known to have done dirty jobs for the party hierarchy, either against perceived enemies within and outside the party. Two examples among the dirty Jobs Ikenga has done are his roles in the expulsion of Atiku Abubakar from the PDP in 2006 and the persecution of former Senate President, Ken Nnamani who agitated for a review of the provision in the party’s constitution which made the office of the Board of Trustees the exclusive preserve of former presidents and national chairmen of the party.

Nigerians had barely digested the revelations from the lawyer when strong evidences that the PDP is behind the phantom party surfaced. This time around, it was an email sent by leaders of the phantom party using PDP leaders email addresses. The phantom party obviously on the instruction of the PDP, in an attempt to pull a propaganda string, cooked an assassination alarm and mailed it to media houses alleging that it has uncovered plan by the opposition to assassinate some of its members. The mistake it however made was to copy the mail to top PDP leaders like Olisa Metuh, Baraje Kawu and John Odey.

While this was going on, some members of the Save Nigeria Group (SNG) said they’ve uncovered plots by a Director in INEC in connivance with the presidency of being the brain behind the registration of the phantom APC. The group alleged that it found fake documents which the phantom party had submitted for its registration in a hurried attempt to block the registration of the All Progressive Congress (APC).

Looking at this plethora of moves by the PDP to frustrate the efforts of the merging opposition, one can conclude that this are well thought out plans to throw spanner(s) in the wheels of the opposition All Progressives’ Congress. What was poorly done however was the execution of those plans that eventually boomeranged and exposed what would have scored them some points. Be that as it may, I believe the evil plots of the PDP may not have been exposed if not for divine intervention. All these revelations we have seen are not borne out of the brilliance or vigilance of those who exposed them, it is because God too is tired of the PDP.  He knows how much Nigerians have suffered since 1999. He knows how much of our common wealth has been stolen and laundered out of the country. He knows how the common man has been deprived of basic necessities of life. He knows that the Peoples’ Democratic Party is a failed political party, which had not only deepened poverty in the country but had continued to marginalise the common man and that is why he exposed their efforts to scuttle the plan of the opposition which has promised to assuage the sufferings of the people.

One thing the opposition must learn from this however is that it must really step up its game. I believe the PDP will go down, but it won’t go down without a fight and that fight is going to be very dirty, so the opposition needs to really be at alert and ensure that whatever move it is making, that move is already two steps ahead of what PDP would do.
The political devils under the umbrella of the PDP have perpetrated the worst political evils as witnessed in the political history of Nigeria since the Second Republic. And if we do not destroy these evils, they will destroy us.

_______________________________________________________________________________________________

Abubakar Sidiq Usman is an Urban Planning Consultant; Blogger and an Active Citizen working towards a better Nigeria. He blogs on Abusidiqu.com and can be engaged directly on twitter @Abusidiqu

There is blood in the land ~ Femi Fani-Kayode

F-Fani-Kayode

Permit me to begin this contribution by quoting the insightful and powerful words of Hon. Dino Melaye who is undoubtedly one of the rising stars and stronger voices of the new and up and coming generation of political leaders in Nigeria. On the 19th of March 2013, just a day after the terrible bombings in Kano in which between 30 and 65 innocent Nigerians were killed (depending on whose report you choose to believe), Melaye wrote the following words on his facebook wall-

”The Kano bombing is barbaric, callous and wicked. God save us in this country. The Federal Government and indeed President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan has demonstrated incapacitation and ineptitude by their inability to contain this growing insecurity. According to our constitution the fundamental objective of government is the provision of security and welfare for the people. Unfortunately Jonathan has failed in both regards. Our President is overwhelmed. He should take the path of honour, take a bow and resign. There is too much blood in the land. There is blood in our roads, air, police stations, army barracks, churches, mosques, clubs, car parks and homes. There is blood every where”.

This is a courageous contribution from a young man who obviously has tremendous passion for our country and who is deeply troubled by all that is happening today. I only wish that there were more young men like Melaye in Nigeria. Can any serious-minded person disagree with his observations on this matter? Is Nigeria not in a state of undeclared war today? Is this not a season of complete anomie in which human life no longer has any value and where life itself has little meaning? Do we actually have a government in this country today? Are the murderers that killed the innocents in Kano on the 18th of march worthy of life let alone amnesty? Are they really human beings?

Though bitter, the simple truth is this- Nigeria will not know peace until the blood of every single one of the over 4000 innocent souls that have been cut short and slaughtered by Boko Haram, Ansaru and all the other Al Qaeda-affiliated islamist terrorist groups that have plagued our land and bled our people in the last 2 years, is fully avenged. Until this is done that sea of innocent blood that has been shed will continue to cry out to God in heaven for vengeance and it will attract all manner of misfortune and curses on our beleagured land.

My solution to the Boko Haram scourge is simple and clear. The President, the Federal Government and the people of Nigeria must join hands together, rise up as one and seek them, their secret backers and their secret sponsors out. They must be unmasked, brought to justice, systematically eliminated and sent to hell where they belong. Enough is enough. Call it what you like- a crusade, a war against terror, a fight for justice and righteousness, a war against the kingdom of darkness, the final battle for the soul, liberation and independence of Nigeria or any other name that you choose. Let us take our country back from these heartless men called Boko Haram that were sent to our shores by the devil himself to slaughter and torment our people and to paint our land red with the blood of our women and children.

Mr. President needs to wake up, smell the coffee, rise up to the occassion and do his job diligently by defending and protecting the lives and property of the Nigerian people effectively. He must have no sense of restraint and he must give no quarter in this war. Yet if for any reason he cannot muster the will to do so then I would have to agree with my brother Dino Melaye that it is time for him to do the honourable thing, to resign and to leave the job for someone else who has the guts, the strength of character, the sense of urgency and the courage to do what needs to be done.

Nigeria is dying. She is being bled to death by Boko Haram, Ansaru and Al Qaeda. Who will deliver her? Who will save her? Who will take the bull by the horns and ”fight the good fight”? We need a President that has the stomach for that fight. We need a leader that harbours no fear, that has the courage of the biblical Joshua, Jehu and David and that is ready to stand up and openly confront the greatest evil that our country has ever known. It is time for old men to hold their peace and for young men to rise up in rage and anger and defend their lifestyle, their values, their families, their faith and their nation. It is time to put on the mantle and recite the inspiring words of young King Henry V at the Battle of Agincourt. It is time to invoke the spirit of the great Greek warrior, the noble Achilles . It is time to remember the words of Mark Anthony and to scream ”Cry havoc ! And let slip the dogs of war”. It is time to save our beautiful nation Nigeria from the evil that stalks the land and from the enemy that resides within.

Letter to Alamieyeseigha: Not all who steal are thieves… ~ Alkasim Abdulkadir

diepriye alams
My Dear Governor General,

I write to congratulate you on achieving this pardon and for clearing your good name from where it was wrongly placed in the book of Nigerian ignominy, they say prophets are not honoured in their homes but what honour can be greater than a presidential pardon after all your meritorious service to state and country. To paraphrase Alexander Pope -to err is human; to pardon is Presidential

When I remember the sweat under that Gele you tied from Heathrow and the torture of the corset that swaddled your belly as you entered the plane, the garnishing mascara and effeminate swag a whole Governor-General had to endure. I must say you have indeed made great sacrifices in life including saving us from Obasanjo’s third term junta.

Sir, forgive the vituperations of your fellow countrymen, who are covetous of your comeback, we have been told they are suffering from sophisticated ignorance. The most vociferous anger is from the children of anger on social media sites who have been busy maligning your name in this season of your rejuvenation. Let them be told that this callousness, the attempt by anti-corruption agents, newspaper editorials and the din from men of goodwill sorry -ill will is a move that will not succeed.

After all you did in Bayelsa your detractors are still yapping and accusing you of stealing, allow me educate them that it is not all those who steal that are thieves, some are statesmen but not thieves, some are pension reformers but not thieves and some are pickpockets but not thieves.

They said they found just 1 million Pounds in your London house, haba, is it not the same 1 million Pounds that common MDA Directors in Abuja keep in their bedrooms. I shake my head at them Your Excellency, instead of them to marvel at the meagre amount you kept as petty cash. Didn’t they know you were the Governor General of an oil rich state?

Another bunch of your jealous political detractors now came up with the malicious rumours that your houses in the UK were worth 10 million Pounds ONLY which could have built and equipped at least 50 primary health care centres, built 1000 blocks of ICT enabled class rooms, or empowered a minimum of 1 million young people with varied skill sets, or established 500 small/medium factories. They kept calculating on and on, yet upon all these calculations, none of them I repeat none of them has won the Nobel Prize for economics or even the Mathematics Olympiad for secondary schools.

One man who is jealous of your acquisitions and chief detractor is Nuhu Ribadu he has described your grand state pardon as a sad incident, well, with your permission I hereby ask him to go and hug a wet transformer. However, if and when he comes back to his senses and decides to pay a courtesy call to you, you can in principle promise him a shot at the presidency in 2019, because obviously Your Excellency with this pardon it means an automatic anointment of your political son, to whom much is given is not much deserved? Sir you can pause smile and say Jonah my pikin carry go!

The trio of Doyin Okupe, Tony Uranta and Reuben Abati should be singled out for commendation in their display of gallant eloquence and sophistry. Theirs is a much needed skill in such times of national amoral revisionism. Abati has atoned for his past caustic commentary on you in your moments of persecution; such Volta-face has earned him a perpetual exit from the political wilderness.

For the London Metropolitan Police it is now your turn to “Ntooii” at them, a tongue out will suffice for what they made you go through. I hope they have learnt a vital lesson that not all who steal are thieves some are statesmen! And the Americans why are they crying louder than the bereaved, they said they have calculated what you stole, sorry I mean the small something you put away for yourself and family that it was 55 million Pounds, is it their money?

My dear Governor General, let me drop my pen here and allow you receive guests who have come from far and near to felicitate with you on this milestone, this blow to do-gooders and other sabi-sabi people.

Sir now is the best time for you to also write a book for your traducers to understand your inner battles. I have taken the liberty to suggest a title –Politics, Persecution and Pardon a riveting tale of personal triumph. I assure you that the part of your miraculous voyage back to Nigeria in disguise shall hold readers spell bound.

As you make your way to the hallowed chambers of the National Assembly to become a Senator; the phrase Senator-General just rolled of my tongue, it has a nice ring to it already. May your enemies live long to see you become a Senator General, always remember sir; there are many pardons where this came from.

I am remain yours sincerely,

Alkasim Abdulkadir

#OgaAtTheTop: That Mr Shem Obafaiye May Not Suffer Unjustly – by Ayodele Daniel (@ayodaniel)

When one certain Mr Shem Obafaiye goofed on a Channels Television breakfast programme – Sunrise Daily – by confidently expressing ignorance of the web address of the organization he represents, the Nigeria Security Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) of which he is a commandant there and made reference to ‘my oga at the top,’ a phrase which has now become an instant hit, nobody in their wildest imagination could have believed such an innocuous mistake will bring smiles to the face of many. But it did.

 

I had a jolly good laugh. I shared a YouTube link to the video on my girlfriend’s wall on Facebook and as intended, she quickly caught the ‘oga at the top’ bug. But that was how far I went. How far did you go? And no, this is not a judgement call but how many of us have not made an honest mistake before?

 

I feared for Mr Shem Obafaiye on two grounds – his psyche and his job. In other climes, assuming he is a ‘white man’ no pun intended, he would have committed suicide! There’s no two ways about it. His job already is on shaky grounds if media speculation is to be believed – that he has been suspended by his ‘oga at the top’.

 

Wow! Not like I am surprised but such is the power of social media – a virtual yet very powerfully effective tool if and when deployed. Little wonder the oppressors of the Nigerian people are jittery and whenever they have the opportunity never cease to call for its censorship. While I support responsible and conscious use of social media tools, I do not support its outright censorship! I digress.

 

While the ‘oga at the top’ joke was going round, I could not help but notice two salient points: that while Mr Shem Obafaiye was the butt of all the jokes, no one cared to know his ethnicity or religion. And when calls were made to desist from doing further damage, no one used either religion or ethnicity as an excuse. For once in a very long time, these two key ingredients which have always been our focal points in an argument or counter argument, was conspicuously missing. How did we achieve that feat?

 

Which brings me to a somewhat inconclusive end – it is either we are smart by half or simply foolish! Where we need to discuss the real issues devoid of religious and ethnic sentiments, that is where we display our ignorance and where it is not really required, we play intelligent. Who are we deceiving? Those who were so quick to print the ‘oga at the top’ t-shirts, make video and audio remixes of the phrase and so on thereby cashing in on the unfortunate mistakes of one man, I ask, where was your thinking cap when the National Council of States headed by President Goodluck Jonathan granted DSP Alamieyeseigha a fraudulent state pardon?

 

This saga once again reveals the thinking of the average Nigerian man – kill the fly with a sledge hammer but decorate the path of the poisonous snake with sweet scented flowers. It is that same attitude in us that will make a mob kill four young men in their prime over a false allegation but praise the likes of Peter Odili to high heavens for being a smart thief. It is that same spirit that will not let us constructively dissect issues of national importance from a nationalist and unbiased point of view but will allow us do same when matters of less national importance are brought up. Are we alright? If left unabated, this ‘oga at the top’ joke will last longer in national discourse than the pardon granted Alams and the everyday brazen pilfering of our commonwealth by our ogas at the top who are by the way having a field day while we concentrate all our energy on the mundane.

 

The same passion, zeal, forthrightness and thoughtfulness with which we attacked the ‘oga at the top’ phenomenon, can we at least translate same into our everyday lives?

 

The moment we realise that every mobile phone, personal computer, tablet, or device that grants us access to the internet is a very powerful tool that we can use in causing a change, positive change, that is the moment we begin to reclaim our country back from those who have made it their birth right by virtue of luck, appointment or by our own ignorance.

 

The moment we realise that there are bigger fishes to fry than gathering around the fingerlings just to satisfy our transient pleasures and fantasies that is the moment we begin to indicate our seriousness to challenge the status quo and keep our ogas at the top on their toes.

 

Now, may I seize this opportunity to join those who have called for an end to this rude joke? Enough said, because if I may recall correctly, no one, maybe with the exception of President Jonathan though, has been at the receiving end of Nigerians use of social media like Mr Shem Obafaiye. The poor man has suffered enough and deserves our collective pardon.

 

After all, DSP Alams, a convicted felon who still has cases pending in the UK and maybe U.S., was recently granted pardon by the state – what more could be worse? Who else could be less deserving of our forgiveness and mercy?

 

Ayodele Daniel (ayodeleadaniel@gmail.com)

Follow on Twitter @ayoadaniel

 

Eze Onyekpere: Wobbling And Fumbling As An Art Of Governance

The Online Dictionary defines wobbling as, inter alia, “to move or rotate with an uneven or rocking motion or unsteadily from side to side”; “to waver or vacillate in one’s opinions or feelings”. Fumbling on the other hand includes touching or handling nervously or idly; to proceed awkwardly and uncertainly in a bid to accomplish a mission; to make a mess of, to mishandle, among others. From the way governance is run in Nigeria, it is becoming clearer by the day that at all levels, it has become a directionless act of wobbling and fumbling. Every official attempts to outdo others in acts and omissions that would qualify the official either as a long-term guest in a penitentiary institution or someone that needs to have a serious chat with his psychiatrist. Other officials who do not belong to this category engage in acts that can only be likened to the proverbial man busy hunting rats with the full knowledge that his house is on fire. Only a tiny minority qualify as leaders properly so called.

In recent times, we have been inundated with outrageous conduct of men and women of power. It is either that pension thieves are ravaging our land with the active connivance and support from the highest echelons of governance or a state government is busy presiding over the withdrawal of a certificate earned by a former governor at a state university. In another instance, the Executive and the National Assembly cannot resolve their differences over the 2013 budget leading to unnecessary delays whilst the Minister of Finance who also coordinates the economy is announcing that we spent only 14.6 per cent of appropriated funds on capital expenditure in 2012. In other developments, some charlatans apparently in connivance with state officials rush to apply to usurp the name of an emerging opposition party whilst the President decides to pardon persons who have been convicted of high-level fraud and who have in no small measure contributed to the economic adversity of the nation. At every turn, it is all sad news for Nigeria!

For the greater part of last week, the discourse was on the state pardon granted the former Bayelsa State governor, Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, and others for the crime of corruption. This pardon raises various posers: On what rating and parametres did granting state pardon to persons convicted of corruption become a state priority? What public interest is served by the pardon or more pointedly, what message is the President sending to Nigerians and the international community? Are there no others deserving of pardon for purported offences against the state? Why is the President finding it difficult to channel his attention to more ennobling things that border on the security and welfare of the people? Considering our enormous economic, security and social challenges, the President and his team are expected to be very busy attending to these challenges.  They are expected to have a scale of priorities and preferences in terms of how they use their time and energy, which by virtue of their being in public office, have become state resources.

Nigerians had expected President Goodluck Jonathan and his team to focus more attention on solving the security challenges ravaging all facets of Nigerian life. From the Boko Haram crisis to armed robberies, kidnapping and general life-long insecurity, there is enough work to occupy our leaders. The high level of poverty- over 70 per cent of the populace live in poverty- should also find work for our leaders. If the President is looking for persons to pardon, what has he done for the Ogoni rights activists, Ken Saro-Wiwa, and his kinsmen who were murdered by the state in 1996? Has the President forgotten the role played by these men in the Niger Delta struggle which contributed to his eventual emergence as the President of Nigeria?

The President promised Nigerians that he was going to implement a Transformation Agenda and part of that agenda was a life and death struggle against corruption. It was going to be his struggle and our struggle and we were not supposed to retreat or surrender because surrendering was not option until that great monster was finally thrown into the deepest part of the deep blue sea. We thought we were fighting the same cause and now our leader has turned his gun on us. The President’s agenda also promised to improve infrastructure through a number of options including the budget. Yet, in 2012, the money was available through the capital budget for infrastructure improvement and under the watch of the President and his Coordinating Minister for the Economy; yet, over 49 per cent of available funds were not utilised. And the beat goes on.

If Alhaji Abdulrasheed Maina, the alleged pension thief, escaped arrest as the police want us to believe and there are reports that he is no longer in Nigeria, has he been formally declared wanted using the international policing system to track him wherever he may be?  Or, is that case now part of the of dustbin of our history? If James Ibori, the former governor of Delta State left our shores and was nabbed by the INTERPOL to face trial in the United Kingdom, why is Maina’s case different? Do our leaders think that Nigerians are idiotic and lack reasoning faculties? It is imperative that the Senate follows up this case to its logical conclusion by ensuring that the Police take the appropriate steps to guarantee Maina’s arrest and repatriation back to Nigeria.

For the 2013 budget, it was announced three days ago that N400bn had been released for the first quarter capital budget. This is coming in the middle of March and the release does not amount to the money being available to the MDAs as there are many intermediate stages before it will be available for project implementation. The whole amount indicated in the release may not even be cash-backed. Very soon, the rains will set in and all major outdoor construction work will be halted. Like in previous years, the Federal Government may find it difficult to exceed 60 per cent capital budget implementation.

All these happenings are not accidental. Indeed, they are planned and the natural consequences of the actions and inactions of our leaders. In all these, the overwhelming determinant of results is the les than noble volition of those who parade the corridors of power. A majority of them have no hunger in leaving positive and lasting impact for generations to come. They are too concerned with politics and ignore governance. Selfishness characterised by the grabbing syndrome pervades official conduct – meetings of the Executive Council of the Federation have a recurring agenda item solely concerned about award of contracts. Little or no time is dedicated to thinking through and reviewing policy issues and their implementation.

All through history, wobbling and fumbling have never been the basis of national regeneration and growth. Instead, they have been the basis of retardation in policy formulation and implementation. Without clear-cut ideas for improvement in national life and a deep commitment by the leadership, Nigeria is bound to face more challenges. But, it is still not late for Jonathan to find his bearing and stabilise the nation on an even keel.

 

Eze Onyekpere (censoj@gmail.com)

Article culled from Punch

OPINION: Of State Pardon and Ribadu’s Frustrations – By Danlami Ibrahim Maikano

Fact: Nuhu Ribadu is a frustrated man. He is hardly a happy man, at least outside his small cycle of family and friends. The once fiery anti-corruption czar got frustrated and disappointed on many counts. He was unceremoniously axed from the helms of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), in 2008, a few months after the ascension of late President Umaru Yar’Adua. His then rank of Assistant Inspector General of Police (AIG) was brought to question and eventually trimmed to a Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) – two steps down the ladder. And, in clear manifestation of his oft-stated fears over his job the man narrowly escaped the assassin’s bullets on two occasions before he managed to escape the borders of the country. He became disenfranchised, exiled and, ultimately, ostracised. But it didn’t came to him as a surprised because he had for long realized that fighting the high and mighty is not without a price on one’s side. “Corruption fights back and it fights dirty!” he often says. No other Nigerian, nay African, is more competent to report on how embedded official corruption and fraud are in the fabric of the society, and how corruption also haunt anyone that attempts to cleanse it.

Like in a well scripted fantasy novel, President Goodluck Jonathan last week convoked the National Council of States (NCS) meeting to grant state pardon to convicted corrupt former Bayelsa state governor, Diepreye Alamieyesiegha and former managing director of the defunct Bank of the North, Shettima Mohammed Bulama. Nothing is as lethal to Nigeria’s skulking fight against the menace of corruption as this is ever recorded, apart from the move to scrap off the EFCC itself that was hatched by some politicians around 2008.

Listening to Ribadu commenting on the controversial pardon over the BBC Hausa at the weekend, one hears a voice of a frustrated man. There was discernible anger from the way he responded to the questions about the whole show of shame that is the state pardon jamboree. The tone of the voice alone was enough to tell a story: a story of series of disappointments of man who, like a messiah trying hard to cure his society of odious stench of evils got spikes sprinkled along his path by the same people who should clear thorns and pebbles off the road to a better future.

The former anti-graft czar has valid reasons to be angry. As he stated, he and his team at the EFCC had underwent great difficulties in meticulously investigating these two individuals and, eventually, bringing them to book. It was, for Ribadu, something of joy and celebration when Bulama, and, later, Alamieyesiegha was convicted. Joy not for celebrating another’s ‘misfortune’ but for the fact that the once powerful treasury looters who, over the years, collectively siphoned over $380 billion since independence and stashed them abroad, could now be brought to books to account for their fraudulent past.
Ribadu’s effort to bring those two figures, and subsequent other corrupt public servants to justice, was something that should be rewarded with the highest honour the country could give an individual. Through the ideas and selfless works of one individual, the global image of Nigeria was greatly embellished, leading to the deletion of Nigeria’s name from FATF’s “List of Non-cooperative Countries and Territories” as well as appreciable debt relief from the Paris Club. To his eternal credit, Ribadu worked with a great deal of self-restrain. Thus, he avoided several financial inducements that came his way, like plague. A story was told of how a notorious internet scammer who duped some Brazilians to the tune of $150 million, fervently begged Ribadu to halve the money and let him go with one portion while he (Ribadu) takes the other half. The then EFCC chairman refused and he went ahead to prosecute the man and returned the forfeited money to the people duped. This was neither the first, nor the last in the series of barely known incidences of Ribadu choosing the less traded path to sincerity and honesty, as against personal interest. Well before his days in the EFCC, Ribadu had once rejected bribe to the tune of N20 million while prosecuting a case of fraud involving some Central Bank of Nigeria and Ministry of Finance officials in the mid-1990s. Indeed, the case of the $15 million Ibori bribe saga, which Ribadu declined, has become a reference point worldwide, for sheer magnitude of the bribe money and highest sense of responsibility exhibited by the target of the bribe.
However, to the chagrin of anti-corruption campaigners and the global community, the first ‘reward’ Ribadu got from his years of untainted work at the EFCC was a tactical though brazen butt out. Yet, those who engineered his removal from the EFCC were not done yet. They kept masterminding heinous plots to distort the course of his entire life, the height of which was a ploy to send him off the face of the earth.

But still resolute on seeing that Nigeria is cured of its number one malady – corruption, Ribadu accepted to chair the Petroleum Revenue Task Force, last year. He worked against the odds, including starvation of funds, to bring about a report that unearthed unimaginable level of corruption perpetrated in active connivance with those who should have checked such rip off of the country. However, instead of government taking the committee’s revelations seriously, we saw how an obviously government-backed tragic-comedy was staged to rubbish the report from the day of its presentation. Yet, President Goodluck Jonathan still promised to act on the report. However, six months since the report was turned in, mum is the word from the side of the government.

The same government that showed this lackadaisical gait in dealing with this clear case of disservice for the nation is now reversing the good works Ribadu did many tears back.

Typical of the saying that prophets are not valued at home, Ribadu’s honours and accolades often come from the outside. A few months after he escaped the twin assassination attempts, Ribadu secured Senior Fellowship position at St. Anthony’s College, Oxford University, UK and another offer came from the prestigious Centre for Global Development where he served as a Visiting Fellow. The height of it all was the World Bank’s Jit Gill Memorial Award for Outstanding Public Service, the first from Nigeria to fetch such a reputable award.

Indeed, the Alamieyesiegha pardon-gate has once again brought to the fore the insincerity of the Jonathan Administration to fighting the scourge of corruption and fraud in this country. Already, the torrent of criticism from within and outside the country, including – significantly – from the US government, has shown how unpopular this decision is. It amounted to dragging the image of the country to the pre-EFCC days of money laundering, advance fee fraud and impunity. The sooner President Jonathan decides to eat the humble pie, the better for the country.
– Maikano writes from Kado Estate, Abuja

Jonathan’s unforgivable Pardon and Nuhu Ribadu’s many frustrations

Ribadu

Fact: Nuhu Ribadu is a frustrated man. He is hardly a happy man, at least outside his small cycle of family and friends. The once fiery anti-corruption czar got frustrated and disappointed on many counts. He was unceremoniously axed from the helms of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), in 2008, a few months after the ascension of late President Umaru Yar’Adua. His then rank of Assistant Inspector General of Police (AIG) was brought to question and eventually trimmed to a Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) – two steps down the ladder. And, in clear manifestation of his oft-stated fears over his job the man narrowly escaped the assassin’s bullets on two occasions before he managed to escape the borders of the country. He became disenfranchised, exiled and, ultimately, ostracized. But it didn’t come to him as a surprise because he had for long realized that fighting the high and mighty is not without a price on one’s side. “Corruption fights back and it fights dirty!” he often says. No other Nigerian, nay African, is more competent to report on how embedded official corruption and fraud are in the fabric of the society, and how corruption also haunts anyone that attempts to cleanse it.

Like in a well scripted fantasy novel, President Goodluck Jonathan last week convoked the National Council of States (NCS) meeting to grant state pardon to convicted corrupt former Bayelsa state governor, Diepreye Alamieyesiegha and former managing director of the defunct Bank of the North, Shettima Mohammed Bulama. Nothing is as lethal to Nigeria’s skulking fight against the menace of corruption as this is ever recorded, apart from the move to scrap off the EFCC itself that was hatched by some politicians around 2008.

Listening to Ribadu commenting on the controversial pardon over the BBC Hausa at the weekend, one hears a voice of a frustrated man. There was discernible anger from the way he responded to the questions about the whole show of shame that is the state pardon jamboree. The tone of the voice alone was enough to tell a story: a story of series of disappointments of a man who, like a messiah trying hard to cure his society of odious stench of evils got spikes sprinkled along his path by the same people who should clear thorns and pebbles off the road to a better future.

The former anti-graft czar has valid reasons to be angry. As he stated, he and his team at the EFCC had undergone great difficulties in meticulously investigating these two individuals and, eventually, bringing them to book. It was, for Ribadu, something of joy and celebration when Bulama, and, later, Alamieyesiegha was convicted. Joy not for celebrating another’s ‘misfortune’ but for the fact that the once powerful treasury looters who, over the years, collectively siphoned over $380 billion since independence and stashed them abroad, could now be brought to books to account for their fraudulent past.

Ribadu’s effort to bring those two figures, and subsequent other corrupt public servants to justice, was something that should be rewarded with the highest honour the country could give an individual. Through the ideas and selfless works of one individual, the global image of Nigeria was greatly embellished, leading to the deletion of Nigeria’s name from FATF’s “List of Non-cooperative Countries and Territories” as well as appreciable debt relief from the Paris Club. To his eternal credit, Ribadu worked with a great deal of self-restrain. Thus, he avoided several financial inducements that came his way, like plague. A story was told of how a notorious internet scammer who duped some Brazilians to the tune of $150 million, fervently begged Ribadu to halve the money and let him go with one portion while he (Ribadu) takes the other half. The then EFCC chairman refused and he went ahead to prosecute the man and returned the forfeited money to the people duped. This was neither the first, nor the last in the series of barely known incidences of Ribadu choosing the less traded path to sincerity and honesty, as against personal interest. Well before his days in the EFCC, Ribadu had once rejected bribe to the tune of N20 million while prosecuting a case of fraud involving some Central Bank of Nigeria and Ministry of Finance officials in the mid-1990s. Indeed, the case of the $15 million Ibori bribe saga, which Ribadu declined, has become a reference point worldwide, for sheer magnitude of the bribe money and highest sense of responsibility exhibited by the target of the bribe.

However, to the chagrin of anti-corruption campaigners and the global community, the first ‘reward’ Ribadu got from his years of untainted work at the EFCC was a tactical though brazen butt out. Yet, those who engineered his removal from the EFCC were not done yet. They kept masterminding heinous plots to distort the course of his entire life, the height of which was a ploy to send him off the face of the earth.

But still resolute on seeing that Nigeria is cured of its number one malady – corruption, Ribadu accepted to chair the Petroleum Revenue Task Force, last year. He worked against the odds, including starvation of funds, to bring about a report that unearthed unimaginable level of corruption perpetrated in active connivance with those who should have checked such rip off of the country. However, instead of government taking the committee’s revelations seriously, we saw how an obviously government-backed tragic-comedy was staged to rubbish the report from the day of its presentation. Yet, President Goodluck Jonathan still promised to act on the report. However, six months since the report was turned in, mum is the word from the side of the government.

The same government that showed this lackadaisical gait in dealing with this clear case of disservice for the nation is now reversing the good works Ribadu did many tears back.

Typical of the saying that prophets are not valued at home, Ribadu’s honours and accolades often come from the outside. A few months after he escaped the twin assassination attempts, Ribadu secured Senior Fellowship position at St. Anthony’s College, Oxford University, UK and another offer came from the prestigious Centre for Global Development where he served as a Visiting Fellow. The height of it all was the World Bank’s Jit Gill Memorial Award for Outstanding Public Service, the first from Nigeria to fetch such a reputable award.

Indeed, the Alamieyesiegha pardon-gate has once again brought to the fore the insincerity of the Jonathan Administration to fighting the scourge of corruption and fraud in this country. Already, the torrent of criticism from within and outside the country, including – significantly – from the US government, has shown how unpopular this decision is. It amounted to dragging the image of the country to the pre-EFCC days of money laundering, advance fee fraud and impunity. The sooner President Jonathan decides to eat the humble pie, the better for the country.

Maikano writes from Kado Estate, Abuja

Whose Daughter Are You? – Ike Amadi @ikeamadi

 

This article was written after reading Genesis 24. If you will read through the chapter, it will do you much good.

Firstly, “The girl [Rebekah] was very beautiful, a virgin; no man had ever lain with her.”

Both men and women should strive to enter into marriage chaste and pure. The Lord will help us.

Secondly, the servant asked as every responsible man would, “Whose daughter are you?”

Ask yourself this question, young woman, “Whose daughter are you?”

You should be traceable to someone; accountable to someone. Granted, some misfortune must have happened, but even at that, you should try to submit yourself under the authority of someone who can account for you.

Later in verse 34-51, we see Laban telling the history of how he met with Rebekah. You must think he was babbling, but no. He was telling of how he met the lady. What God had said to him concerning her? Young man, if you are going to ask the hand of a lady in marriage, make sure your story is authentic. You will surely be questioned, “Where did you meet her? How do you know she is the one?” So friend, start practicing your story.

Laban confirmed in verse 50, “This is from the Lord!” Is your proposed union from the Lord? SIt back and think about that for a little while.

Verse 56 tells us not to relax after we have achieved sudden success. Don’t stop until you have fulfilled your mission. Be mission conscious! Abraham’s servant was very mission conscious; didn’t wait to relax any ten days. He stood up the next morning and departed.

And finally, Isaac, in verse 63, went to meditate; Ike Amadi, when last did you set yourself aside to meditate?

 

Gen 25: God is the #OgaAtTheTop.

In Genesis 25, we see that Esau and Jacob were about to be born, but God had already said that the older will serve the younger. It is the Lord who chooses whom to show compassion. It therefore pays to be on His side.

 

What will you sell?

When you trade what is eternal for the temporary, you have yourself to blame. We must never forget that this world is passing away, and thus must make every effort not to “gain the whole world and lose our only soul.” Esau quenched his hunger, but lost his birthright.

The problem was not in asking for the food, the problem was in what he said, “Quick! Let me have….” Most of us want to have everything now. Now! Now! We don’t want to wait, no, we must have it now. We must have that lady now; that man now; that husband, now; that wife, now; that job, now; that admission, now. And because of our, ‘Quick,’ we run into great troubles. Let us learn to be patient so we can obtain the promise. The Lord will help us!

 

#la187:

La187 is a program the Lord has been using to draw us back to His Word. Join us today by following the hash tag, #la187 and sharing what you learn from looking into God’s Word. I know you’ll be blessed! For the program, kindly visit http://www.ike-amadi.com/la/la187p

 

Ike Amadi

@ikeamadi on twitter

Blogs on www.ike-amadi.com

Alamieyesegha: Goodluck Puts Jonathan On Trial

By the state pardon granted the disgraced former governor Dipreye Alamieyesegha last week, President Goodluck Jonathan confirmed that he does not understand the joke.

One thing is for certain: the joke is on him.  Nigeria’s most powerful man, but the joke is on him.

Mr. Jonathan said something of great significance last year.  In an interview with TELL Magazine, he said, “When I look at some people that shout ‘Corruption! Corruption!’ I shake my head.”

That was exactly three years after Jonathan took the presidency.  The statement suggested that he knew how deeply corruption was ravaging Nigeria.  But neither in that statement nor in anything else that he told his interviewers did he appear as if he would ever do anything about it.

Clearly, Alamieyesegha, whom Jonathan tried to clean up last week, was not among those shouting ‘Corruption!  Corruption!’

I am not an admirer of Jonathan.   I have never admired weak or hypocritical rulers, and last week, he reminded us he is both.

His first defence of the Alamieyesegha pardon was that it was done by the Council of State, not he.  Not true; it was his initiative.  Even if someone else managed to smuggle it into the agenda; even if it came from someone who was trying to win favours from him; even if it came from an enemy who was trying to make him look bad, he could have struck out that name, Not only was it the patriotic and responsible thing to do, it might have saved his presidency.

When that ruse did not work, he tried to ram the decision down the throats of citizens, declaring he had no apologies for the decision, and that Nigerians will one day thank him for it.

When that patronizing approach failed, Jonathan unveiled the saddest argument: that Alamieyesegha is a national economic asset who is responsible for the increase in the barrels of oil now being sold by Nigeria.  Besides, the President said, the man is sorry.

This is partly why there is so much laughter around Mr. Jonathan that he probably interprets as applause.

But the pardon goes far beyond that.  By making it, Jonathan has effectively put himself on trial.

Prior to it, Nigeria was set for a 2015 election that could well have been a referendum on Jonathan’s presidency.  In this column, I have pointed out how almost everything that Mr. Jonathan has told Nigerians has turned out to be questionable.

As we approached 2015, he would have had the task of justifying his track record.  That would have been a daunting task it itself.  With last week’s event and the absurd justifications his government came up with, he confirmed that his presidency is not on the side of Nigerians.

That is why he has now unwittingly rephrased the road ahead as his own trial.  I am not sure that this is clear to Jonathan.  But it is certainly clear to many of the people who are traveling with him.  In 2011, he did not have to campaign; he simply showed up at campaign events where somebody gave him a list of promises, tailored to meet local expectations, to read.  He read the list and moved on to the next venue.

That is why he wound up with the astonishing list of electoral promises I posted in this column on May 22, 2011, one week before he took his oath of office.  He has done everything since then to avoid identifying with those promises, but if he wants to retain the job, he will have to confront them.

In 2011, he did not have to debate anyone.  At the only debate at which he showed up, he debated himself.  All of that was good for a man who was being swept along by a tidal wave of sentiment; in 2015, he will have to show up at his trial and speak.

There are two obvious problems here.  The first is that the people to whom Jonathan was making his promises in 2011 did not know he was from Nollywood.  They believed him; it resonated with them that as one who once “had no shoes,” he would bring them shoes.  And possibly socks.
But Jonathan then took office, and the only people who have ascended in the world are such men as Doyin Okupe, Tony Anenih and Alamieyesegha.

In 2015, Mr. Jonathan will not have the advantage of a soliloquy.  He will campaign, on the basis of his record or lack of it, and answer questions.  Unless Anenih and the electoral commission intend to count votes in the dark, it was always clear before last week that Jonathan would have to attend live debates and answer his father’s name.

That was the picture before last week when he announced the pardon to Alamieyesegha, a pardon which was stunning only because Jonathan had tried to prepare the ground weeks earlier by declaring the man to be his mentor.

Still, Jonathan ought to have known that the pardon was not a sale he could make.  His former boss cannot suddenly become a saint or an admired citizen simply because somebody—anybody—has declared him pardoned.  He symbolizes Nigeria’s darkest hour.

By pardoning the man in this way, Jonathan achieves the opposite: he alerts the people of Nigeria to the simple wisdom that, in the end, the people who have driven Nigeria to the edge are sticking together.  These people laugh at how easy it is.  They exchange favours, from huge massive homes and prime parcels of land in Abuja to massive government contracts and private jets.

That is the reminder that Jonathan provided to the public last week, arguing rather ingenuously—at the same time as he was describing Alamieyesegha as “hounded,” that the man is sorry.

This explains why the most prominent feature of Jonathan’s administration is its repeated ability to defend and explain.  His government has demonstrated a singular lack of capacity to come up with strong initiatives, but even of the everyday clichés it has announced, think about it: when was the first time the government accomplished something it set out to do?

The answer is: apart from an Almajiri school he promised in the North, Never!  Instead, the government is loaded with twists and turns, circumventions and circumlocution.  He hired the ethically-challenged Okupe, with absolutely no hint of irony, to provide muscle to the image of a weak presidency, adding to the layers of personnel he agreed with Danjuma’s Presidential Advisory Committee he would whittle down.  It is a government of defence, the principal business of which is to explain not how something was achieved, but why it was not.

In this one respect, we must concede something to Jonathan: it is consistent.  Consistent in a character of negativity and under-achievement; he has no problems digging up dead bodies so he can argue he has provided meat.

Most world leaders are engaged with the challenge of finding a positive message.  Our leaders send for the dung that is the product of their malice and their incompetence and call declare it food.

That is why Jonathan has no achievements.  If you know of any, please list them next to your name and I would be happy to publish them on this page.

But if he seeks a way forward and an accomplishment he can beat his chest about, let him revert the tragic pardon of Alamieyesegha he inflicted on Nigeria last week.   It is a cynical action for a man who claims to be fighting corruption. It is corruption winning by a landslide, and Jonathan is certain to pay for it.
Sonala Olumhense (sonala.olumhense@gmail.com)

via SaharaReporters

Pius Adesanmi: What Joe Okei-Odumakin Says

Joe Okei-Odumakin was in Washington last week to be honored along with other exceptional women of courage from across the world. When she mounted that podium and was greeted admiringly by US First Lady, Michelle Obama, and US Secretary of State, John Kerry, she did not do it for herself and her children. She did not do it for her husband, my good friend Yinka Odumakin.

She did not do it for her immediate constituency – Nigeria’s civil rights, women’s rights, and pro-democracy community. She did not do it for Nigeria as is. She did it for the promise and possibility of a new day. She did it for the possible Nigeria that our genuine heroes past fought for, a battle they lost to a succession of national rapists. She did it for the possibilities of national becoming that our genuine heroes of today are still burning sweat for in the trenches. She did it so that the current rapists of our collective dreams and aspirations may not have the final word in the argument that is Nigeria.

We have produced nearly two generations of Nigerians who are not familiar with the path that Joe Okei-Odumakin trod from Lagos to Washington. In my opinion, mine is the last generation still in possession of vague memories of the receding tail lights of such a path from Nigeria’s national life. We came of age when the Nigerian spirit and character were still defined by the dual concepts of personal capital and the personal example. Those were the two building blocks of our national ethos. The operative metaphors of our national life and identity revolved around certain keywords which, today, make Nigerians who fall roughly in the 40-60 age bracket to indulge in a daily ritual of teeth-gnashing nostalgia.

The coming of age of this generation (now 40-60 years-old) coincided with the agonal respiration of such keywords as merit, honesty, probity, integrity, service, hard work, dignity of labour, and selflessness, all of which defined a sufficient number of Nigerians across the country to form what was recognizable as our national spirit, our national character. If you are a Nigerian in the aforementioned age bracket, just think back to your years in elementary or secondary school and tell me what happened when your father or mother found you in possession of a five kobo coin whose origin you could not satisfactorily explain. Some thirty or forty years later, I am sure your buttocks still have warm memories (pun intended) of the day you failed to explain the source of your five-kobo “sudden wealth” to your father.

If you look at things closely, the job of instilling these values in you, of building your character with the aforementioned blocks, was made easier for your parents by the reinforcement you got away from home. It wasn’t just that your teachers operated from the same template at school and reinforced the training at home. It was about our national space and our public sphere: both boasted credible role models and heroes who were the sum total of these values. From home to school; from school to the national public sphere, what guaranteed your rise to the top, secured your upward mobility, and defined your space and place in the hearts and minds of your compatriots were merit, honesty, probity, integrity, service, hard work, and the selfless energy with which you put these attributes and your other God-given talents to work for the progress of your country and the upliftment of your compatriots.

The role model was central to this picture. At the local, state, and national levels, role models were the characters your parents and teachers pointed to as they taught you that there was no alternative to merit, honesty, probity, integrity, hard work, and, above all, selfless service to humanity. Role models were people you saw at the apex of their game and you knew that the recognition society accorded them was merited because the path they trod to success, to accomplishment, was not crooked. You wanted to grow up to be like your role models.

How this version of Nigeria survived the military usurpations of the 1960s and 1970s with rather minimal damage requires deeper analyses beyond the brief of this treatise. However, it is precisely because this version of ethos-driven nationhood survived military coups and a disastrous civil war that my generation witnessed it. Sadly, we were a transitional generation. We witnessed this Nigeria on her way out of the scene. Indeed, we were unlucky to be living witnesses of the deleterious social engineering performed on national mores by the generation of military rapists who came in the 1980s. Conventional wisdom singles out Ibrahim Babangida as the principal culprit. He it was who introduced “settlement” and other amoral shortcuts to success, social climbing, and arrival.

We must not make the mistake of thinking that institutionalized corruption in the shape of massive plundering of the treasury is the greatest damage done to Nigeria by the soldiers who raped our 1980s and maimed our 1990s. The greater damage was in their social engineering. As corruption, looting, settlement, and plain dishonesty became the surest pathways to success, to “making it”, the saliva dried up in the throats of parents and teachers clinging stubbornly to the old ways of raising young Nigerians across the country. Quite frankly, by the time the 1990s set in, it had become plain foolish, if not downright stupid, for parents and teachers to continue to sell merit, honesty, probity, integrity, service, hard work, dignity of labour, and selflessness as the pathways to success and “making it” when national ethos had been put on automatic gear in the opposite direction by the military social engineers of the day. Under this dispensation, Nigeria’s pool of credible public role models began to dry up.

It is, of course, now very clear today that the military traducers of the 1980s and 1990s were in fact small boys in the business of social engineering when you compare them with the civilian rulers that have so tragically happened to Nigeria since 1999. Ironically, where the soldiers assaulted our national character and values using dane guns, their civilian successors went to work using fighter jets and laser-mounted drones. This, of course, is not the place to run through a laundry list of our colossal loss of national values and ethos under the most useless bunch of civilian rulers ever to happen to any country on the face of the earth. Suffice it to say, however, that it might take five generations for Nigeria to recover from Goodluck Jonathan’s wholesale assault on personal capital, the personal example, and all the barometers with which we once measured success, accomplishment, social climbing and arrival.

If his military and civilian predecessors grievously wounded all the ingredients of our national character (merit, honesty, probity, integrity, service, hard work, selflessness, etc); if they began the process of euthanizing the public role model, Goodluck Jonathan, ever since tragic fate inflicted him on Nigeria, has behaved like the Chosen One, anointed prophetically to administer the coup de grâce. With him, it is one deathblow after another deathblow on core national values and morals. Youths who came of age in the 1990s and the 2000s look around them and the examples of success they are given in Goodluck Jonathan’s Nigeria range from overnight billionaire prosperity pastors to Government-dependent billionaire businessmen whose wealth cannot be explained; from billionaire half-illiterate retired militants to suddenly-wealthy political aides and appointees of no known provenance. And this travesty of role modelhood is replicated in the states and local governments. Only a hypocrite would stand up in Nigeria today and preach honesty and hard work to the youth as the pathways to success. They will likely pick up Goodluck Jonathan’s National Honours List and ask you to show them who made it to the said list based on the criteria you are preaching.

This is the broad background and history against which we must evaluate and appreciate the significance of Joe Okei-Odumakin on that world stage of honour in Washington. Joe Okei-Odumakin’s life, the story of her struggle for Nigeria, and her service to humanity, are all public knowledge. I do not need to retail her biography here. However, I must return to my initial mention of the path she trod from Lagos to Washington. It is the path of merit, honesty, probity, integrity, service, hard work, selflessness, and total devotion to the advancement of civil rights, women’s rights, and social justice in Nigeria and Africa. These are not attributes that could get her to the National Honours list in Nigeria  –  perish the thought, anyway, that a woman of such outstanding integrity would keep the company of the kind of characters who make it to the honour stage in Abuja  –  but see where they got her in the eyes of the world and in the hearts of the Nigerian people.

Joe Okei-Odumakin, resplendent on that stage, with a beaming Michelle Obama and John Kerry, says so many things to Nigerian youths. Her presence on that stage is the most powerful vote for merit, honesty, probity, integrity, service, hard work, and selflessness to come out of Nigeria in recent times. What Joe Okei-Odumakin says is that these are really the attributes you need to “make it”; that it is still possible to “make it” this way, despite the message you receive daily to the contrary from the torrential bad examples of Goodluck Jonathan, his aides, Ministers, Senators, Reps, Governors, and the like. Think about it this way: what will be remembered of these characters who hold out ostentation, looting, sudden and unexplained wealth, crass materialism, and the pardoning of corruption to our youth as markers of arrival? I tell you, these characters will not qualify for admission into the dustbin of history when posterity begins its inevitable task of inscribing memory.

Joe-Okei Odumakin also tells us that despite the sustained violence of military rapists and civilian undertakers, the Nigerian role model has survived. We can always point to her on that stage and tell our youth about promise, about possibilities, about dreams. We can point to Joe Okei-Odumakin on that stage and teach our youth that no weapon fashioned against truth and steadfastness prospers. Here is a woman that the corrupt characters setting bad examples for our youth denounced last year. They said that she, along with her husband, Pastor Tunde Bakare, Femi Kuti, Seun Kuti, and other genuine heroes of our people, bribed the victims of their wickedness with bottled water and comedy performances during Occupy Nigeria. Well, apparently, those who have other ways of evaluating service to humanity and genuine heroism disagree with the conclave of the corrupt in Abuja.

In Washington, she stood on a stage and was feted by people who frequently have to verbally spank the moral Lilliputians of Abuja because of their corruption. What a spectacular way to restore the idea of the role model for our youth. What a significant re-energizing of the value of personal capital and the personal example. I salute this great daughter of Nigeria. I salute this extraordinary daughter of Africa. May the symbolism of her presence on that stage translate to an inspired and re-energized youth in Nigeria. Doctor Joe would love nothing more than that!

 

Pius Adesanmi

via SaharaReporters

#Pardongate: Mr. Jonathan Is NOT Clueless – By Kikiowo Ileowo (@ileowo4ever)

If someone had told me I would be writing this piece just a month after I decided to cut President Jonathan some slack, I would have waved if off as a big joke.  My focus in recent times has been on analyzing state budgets, most recently that of Ogun State, which is at best a comedy of some sort. My conclusion on Governor Ibikunle Amosun for now is that he might end up being an even worse governor than his predecessor, the legendary and alleged master thief Mr. Gbenga Daniel.  But lest I stroll off the point, let us return to President Jonathan’s administration.  In the past few months I have come to pity this ‘Doctor’ from Otuoke.

At the risk of been labeled a PDP apologist, I disagreed with twitivist and other opinion writers, asking them to cut our president some slack. The art of criticism had hit an all time low; we had people who simply joined the bandwagon, because criticizing the government was the in-thing in town. We had people practically calling President Jonathan names like fool, idiot, crazy, crook, stupid, clueless, dull, illiterate and worst of all corrupt.

“He has shown himself worthy of these names” they said, with his actions and inactions ranging from the unconstitutional sack of Justice Salami, who was likely going to give judgment against his election, to the fuel subsidy brouhaha and the bribery scandal that rocked the panel charged with investigating rot in the petroleum sector as instigated by his friend and personal confidant – Femi Otedola.

I decided to cut President Jonathan some slack because I erroneously believed he wasn’t prepared for the leadership position he plunged himself into. Reason being, he had always been satisfied with second position or assistant leader right from secondary school to the presidency, he was always in a position of assisting until something unfortunate happened to the leader.

Having witnessed his actions this past week alone, it is now clear that President Jonathan was prepared for the presidency, he was prepared to murder sleep and sleep he has murdered.

How could he possibly explain the granting of a presidential pardon to his mentor, godfather and political benefactor, the disgraced thief and fugitive Mr. Alamieyeseigha (who jumped bail in December 2005 and bolted to Nigeria from the U.K. after he allegedly disguised as a woman to deceive the U.K. border officials)? If you still don’t realize how immoral this act is, let me give you a snip view into the atrocity committed by Mr. President’s mentor.

Bayelsa state, created on October 1, 1996, is a very small state with eight (8) local governments and a population of 1.99m people.  It is endowed with natural resources and adjudged the richest state in Nigeria. Bayelsa State has one of the nation’s largest crude oil and gas deposits which makes it earn a lot from the Federal government, but as rich as the state is, its citizens wallow in poverty. There is no fully functional health facility in the state (remember that President Jonathan’s brother had to be flown to the State House Clinic in Abuja for treatment before he passed on), transportation is a joke and education is virtually non-existent save for the federal government established Niger Delta University.

Bayelsa has no trade or commerce worthy of note as the little subsistent farms have been destroyed by oil spillage and the fishes rendered inedible by polluted waters, thus making the Bayelsa State Government the highest employer of Labour in the state.

It may interest you to know that only one major road runs through the entire state, yet Mr. President’s guide and tutor looted the state dry. In my opinion, my president hates his state of origin. I see no other reason why he would grant a presidential pardon to that lunatic (yes, it takes a lunatic to loot at that alarming rate knowing the amount of poverty and suffering his people are entangled in).

The U.K. authorities seized $1.5 million (N225 million) cash in Mr. Alamieyeseigha’s London home as well as $2.7 million (N405 million) held in bank accounts at Royal Bank of Scotland PLC and Santolina Investment Corporation. His London real estate valued at $15 million (N2.25 billion) was also seized by U.K. authorities. He had £203,753.34 in his Barclays Bank Plc accounts while his Bank of America had $1, 600,000.00 account balance as at January 2005. £1.9 million in a Royal Bank of Scotland account belonging to his company Santolina which he had requested to be transferred to an account in Cyprus was also seized.

Other properties acquired with Bayelsa State funds in London include one at 247 Water Gardens, W2 2DG which he acquired for £1.75 million, another at 14 Mapesbury Road, NW2 4JB which cost £1.4 million and yet another at Flat 202, Jubilee Heights, Shoot uphill, NW2 3LJQ with an approximate cost of £3 million.  Properties in South Africa acquired with Bayelsa State funds include but are not limited to V & A Waterfront, Cape Town, which is worth over £1 millon.

You have to understand that the stolen assets listed above are just a fraction of the total amount stolen by one of Nigeria’s greatest thieves –Ex-governor DSP Alameyeisigha.

Contrary to what twitivist, politicians and ferocious writers conjure about the President, Dr. Jonathan is not clueless. In fact he has got lots of clues, vicious clues. Though one cannot trace an intelligent intervention, programme or policy he has thought of himself in critical sectors of our economy, he has come up with brilliant ideas for taking Nigeria backwards. President Jonathan was prepared for the presidency, so prepared that he doesn’t have to think twice before unleashing his unpardonable ideas on Nigerians.

This latest of his gaffes is worth condemning by every reasonable person on earth. Several CSOs, politicians, professionals, and international agencies like Transparency International (TI), among others, have condemned it. The only reasonable course of action left for President Jonathan is to reverse the pardon with immediate effect like he back tracked on the renaming of Unilag and the removal of the fuel subsidy.

It is clear to all that Nigeria’s President Jonathan is not fighting corruption. His wife clowns around with millions of Naira in cash, dolling it out to every Tomi, Dada and Akande. His friends and close confidants are convicted felons, criminals, ex-militants and folks who allegedly enriched themselves corruptly. Examples abound in Bode George, who he nominated as an executive in his party, also appointing his wife – Roli George – the chairman of the board of National Population Commission (NPC). Anthony Anenih, Asari Dokubo, Government Tompolo, Doyin Okupe, Alameyeisigha, Femi Otedola and several others are those the president who is supposed to be fighting corruption dines and rolls with.

The United States has come out to strongly condemn this act; it is up to the President to do what is expected. The US had in a statement through their Nigerian embassy twitter account, @USEmbassyAbuja, said “We see this as a setback in the fight against corruption.” It further tweeted that “the #USG (United States Government) is deeply disappointed over the recent pardons of corrupt officials by GON (Government of Nigeria)” and added, “We see this as a setback in the fight against corruption.” A State Department official has also said the American government is not taking the matter lightly and might apply sanctions. Speaking at the U.S. Department of State’s daily press briefing in Washington D.C. late Friday 15th March, 2013 Spokesperson Victoria Nuland said “the development in Nigeria might jeopardize the governance projects America is executing in Nigeria.”

Mr. Jonathan knows all that he is doing, he knows his chances of returning to power in 2015 are one in a hundred, and so he his perpetuating all these immoral acts he had carefully planned out before ascending the ‘throne’.

It is my hope that president Jonathan will reason with majority of Nigerians and the international community to reverse this latest gaffe, carefully serve his ‘mandate’ and vacate the seat by 2015. Enough of this international embarrassment called government in Nigeria.

In conclusion, here is a piece of advice for Mr. President if he is looking for people to pardon. He should go to the prisons, ask for Bayelsan residents who were convicted for stealing less than N10,000 due to hunger and unemployment during the tenure Mr. Alameyeisigha and pardon them. It is then and only then posterity can give him the benefit of doubt.

And if you still have hope in the presidency of Dr. Goodluck Azikwe Ebele Jonathan, you are of all men most miserable.

 

 

Kikiowo Ileowo is a public commentator and the Editor of The Paradigm, an online news medium.
I am @ileowo4ever on twitter.

#INSIGHTWITHLARIGOLD: There’s No Law Against The Granting Of Pardon To Any Criminal By @Lanre_Olagunju

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Just when you manage to allow yourself think that things can’t get worse with governance in Nigeria, you can be always sure to get one rude shock or the other. But with President Jonathan’s hopeless administration, you can be so sure of an overdose of rude shocks as each day brings up fresh absurdities and insane anomalies.

 

The unfortunate side of the story is that we the governed allow ourselves to   dwell in the delusion that President Jonathan is clueless. I beg to say that he’s not. He has an agenda and he wouldn’t mind to undo the little good deeds of past administrations to ruin Nigeria of any good that remains in it.

 

Who actually defends and speak for a thief, if he himself is not a thief. Beside the media debate over the pardon of Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, former governor of Bayelsa state, and the crazy excuse  of “there’s no law against the granting of pardon to any criminal” the Presidential spokesmen have uttered, Nigerians need to query and look deeper into the bigger plans of these charlatans.  I strongly believe that there’s more to this generous act of pardon than meets the eye

 

Though we must acknowledge that it’s a lawful act, but with what moral prism does President Jonathan justifies such act of pardoning a symbol of national disgrace who was arrested in Britain in 2005 on charges of laundering more than $3 million? He also jumped bail and flew to Nigeria where he was prosecuted, becoming the first ex-governor to be convicted of corruption. Report has it that he fled the UK to Nigeria disguised in a woman’s clothing.images

 

What severe punishment has he undergone that the presidency says he has become remorseful? Alamieyeseigha was released in 2007, two days after receiving a two-year sentence, because he had already served two years in prison since his arrest.

 

Yes, we can’t stop President Jonathan from having a thief as a mentor and former boss, but he must be reminded that this country doesn’t belong to him and his family alone. Neither does it belong to the PDP.  The state pardon granted Alamieyeseigha and other criminals shamefully reduce his hypocritical transformation agenda to a lousy joke. And not only that, it has also gone a long way in trivializing the previous war won against corruption in Nigeria. Now Nigeria’s shame isn’t limited to her geographical boundaries. Globally, we have lost the small reputation that we are yet to build, making us all look like a people of no value and collective morality.

 

The pardon Alamieyeseigha and his other corrupt allies now enjoy means that they can now run for political office come 2015. And that in every way is so very absurd! If we can’t clear away present corrupt office holders, why should we bring back their godfathers? Obviously, President Jonathan seems to be paying Alamieyeseigha for favours he has enjoyed in the past or for his personal and selfish 2015 ambitions. He certainly intends to achieve one thing or the order at the expense of over 160 million people.

 

In the words of Prominent Nigerian human rights lawyer Bamidele Aturu, he was quoted as saying “it is better to fling open the gates of all our prisons and ask all the inmates to walk out into the warm embrace of their relatives than pardon those who force otherwise decent Nigerians to take to crime as a way of life,”

 

My simple advice to President Jonathan is that he can as well declare Nigeria a lawless nation so we can bigheartedly pardon and give equality to all criminals. Because how many criminals in Nigerian prisons have stolen as much money as Alamieyeseigha?

 

I deeply think that the major prayer Nigeria needs at this point is to survive President Jonathan’s administration. The only fear is that no one can rightly ascertain that the worse of this administration has happened yet. We need not forget that we are being  governed by a President who publicly made it known that he doesn’t give a damn.

 

I am @Lanre_olagunju

 

#OgaAtTheTop: Lest We Subdue Reality With A Chuckle

This is a hilarious time for the Nigerian community online. The #OgaAtTheTop video has gone viral.

The ignorance of the Lagos State Commandant of the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps is now a common internet joke.

The video clip shows Obafaiye Shem the Lagos State NSCDC commandant unable to give the web address of his organisation during his appearance on Channels Television’s flagship breakfast show Sunrise.

The creative humour of the young Nigerian is on rampage with the joke now interpreted with several images courtesy of Photoshop splashed all over Facebook, Twitter and BBM.

While we may be having a good laugh over my oga at the top at the moment, the reality behind this public show of shame surpasses the humour by far.
Before we even go any further, has anyone realised that many top politicians, CEOs, and men of the Armed Forces these days can’t grant interviews without the exercise turning into a media gaffe? However you choose to look at it, this problem is a national crisis, in my opinion, especially since even our president is guilty in this regard, anyone in doubt please watch the Amanpour interview again.

My concern though is what our definition Leadership has become in the Nigeria. Our definition is simple: My ‘Oga at the top’.

What we have adopted as a nation, intentionally or otherwise, is the ‘Great man theory’ of leadership. The theory states that the leader is the great man we all answer to and he can do no wrong. This theory is perhaps why our country is the way it is.

The ‘oga at the top’ is the one who calls the shots, no one else. Every decision is taken solely by him, delegation is a foreign word. Followership in Nigeria is thus described as an uncompromising resolve to be loyal to a leader in any circumstance, following blindly.

Indeed promotion in the Nigerian Civil Service is hugely dependent on your loyalty to ‘the oga at the top’ initiative does not really count. If a follower shows any hint of initiative, he may be considered ‘too wise’. From that day forward, the Oga at the top would likely label him an enemy who is after his job.

So when the Lagos State Commandant of the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corp (NSCDC) cannot give the website of this organization correctly, don’t be surprised. Complacency is at work, the ‘great man’ doesn’t need to be at the top of his game, as he is now an oga at the top, even though he has an Oga at the top, who may likely not know the address himself, as we speak.

I personally believe that Leadership is communication, collaboration and continuity. However the leadership structure in the Nigerian setting lacks all three. If the leadership of the NSCDC take communication seriously, the web address would be at the commandant’s fingertips.

The Oga at the top mentality can even be found in religious circles. The religious leader is seen as an anointed man who is superior to others because of his anointing. It becomes a problem to address James by his first name, now he is Pastor James and if he has founded many parishes he is now Daddy.

This ‘man of God’ replaces God for several people and they take what he says wholeheartedly without embarking on a research on their own. This is why fake churches defraud members and fake prophets sleep with female members, if you are wondering what charm is at work, it is the Great-man theory of leadership.

“Our Pastor, the ‘Oga at the top’ said we should do it. What choice do we have?” they would say. You then wonder if these people consult their bibles at all, to check what they are being told.

The father at home is the ‘Oga at the top’ who is out to rule his family with a high-hand, punishing at will without taking time to explain what wrong the children did. He enjoys how he is feared by even his wife, confusing fear for respect, and in the end the children grow into dysfunctional adults eventually repeating the cycle which their parents began.

Please don’t get me wrong, leaders deserve a whole lot of respect, but leadership does not make one man superior over another. Leadership is collaboration and followers play a huge role in the success of any team.

In Nigeria, now is the time to redefine leadership, the ‘oga at the top’ great-man ideology needs to die fast for this nation to move forward.
Some of this ideology is rooted in our tradition with strange beliefs, for example, that ‘it is wrong to correct an elder’ or that; ‘old people don’t lie’. In certain contexts, this ideology applied can work well, but in practice Nigeria must move beyond this belief, a younger person can caution an older person with respect and yes old people do lie sometimes!

Leaders and potential leaders must have enough self-esteem to separate the position they occupy from who they are. A leader should be humble enough to admit ignorance, and where a follower bails the team out of a problem, a leader should give credit to that person.

Can you imagine what would have happened, had Obafaiye Shem simply said: “I can’t recall right now what the website is, but once you get on Google and search for us, you won’t miss it.”?

This ‘Oga at the top’ mentality must end fast!

 

Tim Konyehi

via SaharaReporters

Rudolf Ogoo Okonkwo: I Deserve a Pardon, Too

The first sentence in Janet Malcolm’s book, “The Journalist and the Murderer” states: “Every journalist who is not too stupid or too full of himself to notice what is going on knows that what he does is morally indefensible.”

If you have been following this page in the last few weeks you will agree that I deserve a pardon, too, just like DSP Alamiyeseigha, the former governor of Bayelsa State. I deserve a pardon, not from everybody and not for everything.

Mind you, I am not alone. One of my co-travelers is Jon Gambrell, Associated Press’s Chief Correspondent in Nigeria. Facing persistent attacks from Nigerians who believe that the AP does not publish enough positive stories about their beloved country, Mr. Gambrell recent applied for a pardon. He wrote: “‘Positive stories’ for the sake of doing positive stories are a drop of honey on rotten fruit. They belittle the subject. Nigeria is one of the most important developing countries in the world, with a population of more than 160 million people. The nation is rich in ethnic and religious diversity. People in Nigeria and outside of it should have an opportunity to better understand it. Honest, unflinching coverage helps that. While people may disagree which stories garner more worldwide interest, you cannot argue the facts if I report them correctly. If I do make a factual error, I will do everything in my power to promptly correct it.”

He continued, “Nigeria’s government and private industries have thousands of Public Relations officials. Their goal is to provide the best frame for their subjects. My goal, and the mission of the AP, hasn’t changed much since the cooperative’s founding in 1846: Get it right, get it fast and get it out, no matter what. As former AP General Manager Melville Stone once said: “I have no thought of saying The Associated Press is perfect. The frailties of human nature attach to it. … (But) the thing it is striving for is a truthful, unbiased report of the world’s happenings … ethical in the highest degree.”

George Bernard Shaw noted that once journalists touch a story its essence is lost to both the villain and the victor. This has been a constant worry of mine in the years that I have practiced journalism. Recently, as I interviewed subjects I became greatly aware that though we hear the same thing coming out of the subject’s mouth its meaning was different for the subject and for me.

Janet Malcolm’s ‘The Journalist and the Murderer’ is a proof that I am not alone, after all. Based on a lawsuit brought against Joe McGinniss, the author of “Fatal Vision”, by the subject, Jeff MacDonald, a convicted murderer, this book brought to the fore all the conflicting dynamics in the journalist-subject relationship.

Journalists must try to understand the motivation of their subject. Malcolm captured it this way: “For, of course, at bottom, no subject is naïve. Every hoodwinked widow, every deceived lover, every betrayed friend, every subject of writing knows on some level what is in store for him, and remains in the relationship anyway, impelled by something stronger than his reason.” That thing stronger than reason is compared to romantic love by Malcolm, “But how many of us with no illusions left about the nature of romantic love will for that reason turn down a plausible lover when one comes along?”

While most journalists can condemn McGinniss’ tactics of obtaining information from MacDonald(“promethean theft, of transgression in the service of creativity, of stealing as the foundation of making.”), all will acknowledge that at one point or another, they have treated a subject in a way the subject did not expect. Of course, Malcolm recognized the reasons journalists give for that – telling the truth, serving the people or making a living. Gary Bostwick, lawyer for MacDonald gave a definitive answer when he said during McGinniss’ trial that, “we cannot do whatever is necessary. We have to do what is right.”

In the process of actual writing, Malcolm observed that something changes in the comportment of the journalist. “An abyss lies between the journalist’s experience of being out in the world talking to people and his experience of being alone in a room writing. When the interviews are over and the journalist first faces the labor of writing, he feels no less resentful than the subject will feel when he reads the finished text.” That seems to be when the journalist begins to see a character that is different from the one he interviewed. If the character does not fit the picture in the mind of the journalist, he, like McGinniss, goes ahead and creates a new one.

That was why Malcolm wasted no time in passing judgment on McGinniss:

“From Keeler’s blue book I learned the same truth about subjects that the analyst learns about patients: they will tell their story to anyone who will listen to it, and the story will not be affected by the behavior or personality of the listener; just as (“good enough”) analysts are interchangeable, so are journalists… The journalist cannot create his subjects any more than the analyst can create his patients. McGinniss betrayed him and devastated him and possibly misjudged him, but he didn’t invent him.”

Having said that, what Malcolm called the “induced state of moral anarchy” under which journalists must work remained. It remained, Malcolm wrote, because if everyone – the writer and the subject- put their cards on the table the game would be over.

“It is all too natural for people who have been wronged or humiliated- or feel they have been – to harbor the fantasy that a writer will come along on a white steed and put everything to rights. As MacDonald v. McGinniss illustrates, the writer who comes along is apt to only make things worse. What gives journalism its authenticity and vitality is the tension between the subject’s blind self-absorption and the journalist’s skepticism. Journalists who swallow the subject’s account whole and publish it are not journalists but publicists. If the lesson of MacDonald v. McGinniss were taken to heart by prospective subjects, it could indeed, as Kornstein maintained, be the end of journalism. Fortunately for readers and writers alike (as Kornstein’s own fantasy-laden letter demonstrates), human nature guarantees that willing subjects will never be in short supply. Like the young Aztec men and women selected for sacrifice; who lived in delightful ease and luxury until the appointed day when their hearts were to be carved from their chests, the journalistic subjects know all too well what awaits them when the days of wine and roses – the days of the interviews – are over. And still they say yes when a journalist calls, and still they are astonished when they see the flash of the knife.”

In ‘The Journalist and the Murderer’, Malcolm gave an in-depth difference between writers of fiction and non-fiction in terms of what they confront. “… the writer of fiction is entitled to more privileges. He is master of his own house and may do what he likes in it; he may even tear it down if he is so inclined (as Roth was inclined in ‘The Counterlife’). But the writer of nonfiction is only a renter, who must abide by the conditions of his lease, which stipulates that he leave the house – and its name in Actuality – as he found it. He may bring in his own furniture and arrange it as he likes) the so-called New Journalism is about the arrangement of furniture.)”

Malcolm also made references to her own case where her subject accused her of altering his exact statements in quotes. Her effort to justify that appeared tedious to me. She wrote that, “When a journalist undertakes to quote a subject he has interviewed on tape, he owes it to the subject, no less than to the reader, to translate his speech into prose. Only the most uncharitable (or inept) journalist will hold a subject to his literal utterances and fail to perform the sort of editing and rewriting that, in life, our ear automatically and instantaneously performs…. The lawsuits in which transcripts of tape-recorded interviews are used to settle the question of what a subject did or didn’t say can degenerate (as, in my opinion, Masson v. Malcolm degenerated)   into farcical squabbles about the degree to which a journalist may function as a writer rather than as a stenographer.”

That journalism is an imperfect profession is obvious to all practitioners. And that most of that imperfection comes from the choice journalists make in search of their story is clear too. Only the self-righteous will make a case to the contrary. Malcolm got it right in her summation when she wrote that, “There is an infinite variety of ways in which journalists struggle with the moral impasse that is the subject of this book. The wisest know that the best they can do… is still not enough. The not so wise, in their accustomed manner, choose to believe there is no problem and that they have solved it.”

Rather than make me abhor the practice of journalism, ‘The Journalist and the Murderer” armed me to confront what is ahead and keep pushing for the best until it is good enough.

Earlier this month, Simon Allison complained in the Guardian of London that African journalism is being stifled by a lack of resources. He wrote: “the failure of Africa to tell its own stories for its own audience is curbing the continent’s freedom of expression.” Meanwhile, in his appeal for pardon, Jon Gambrell wrote: “My colleagues and I have been threatened, harassed, held at gunpoint, arrested and followed on numerous occasions by either the

Nigerian government or other groups. Despite that, we persevere and get the story out.”

Despite everything, my co-travelers and I persevere and get the story out. We do so because Chinua Achebe said in ‘Anthills of the Savannah’, “The story is our escort; without it, we are blind. Does the blind man own his escort? No, neither do we the story; rather it is the story that owns us and directs us.”

But since we are in the season of pardons, we deserve a pardon, too. I deserve a pardon – not from my subjects and not from my readers, but from that part of my conscience that says that what we do for the people, because we believe that it is right, is still morally indefensible.

 

Rudolf Ogoo Okonkwo

via SaharaReporters

INTERVIEW: Jonathan Lacks The Ability To Solve Nigeria’s Problems – Belgore

Senior Advocate of Nigeria and Kwara State governorship candidate of the Action Congress of Nigeria in the 2011 elections, Mr. Dele Belgore, talks about sundry political issues in this interview with  SUCCESS NWOGU

 

Do you believe that the All Progressives Congress project will succeed?

APC is an idea that is long overdue. The idea is inevitable. It is inevitable in the sense that we cannot go on like this. The situation in the country has got to a level where the Peoples Democratic Party has not been of any good to the country. The party is getting more powerful by the day not by legal means but through abuse of power, intimidation and unholy alliances with institutions that should check it.

So, when you are faced with that sort of situation, an alternative will emerge. That is what the APC is. It is not just a desirable thing, is a necessity and that necessity ensures that it will fully come into fruition and it will be at the helm of affairs in 2015.

 

There is the fear that because of the personal ambitions of some of its gladiators, such as Maj.-Gen. Muhammadu Buhari and Asiwaju  Bola Tinubu, there may be a problem in selecting the presidential candidate and others?

I do not think so because one of the earliest discussions before APC was announced was this concern that people had voiced. You have heard from the leadership of the various merging parties. They have all said that they are putting the country first. APC is not about the party, it is putting the country first. We would have no other place to go if we let the country collapse. So, the country is first and if the country is first, and we have gone this far, then personal ambition takes a second place. If someone’s ambition is going to be a problem, I think we would have started seeing signs of that.

 

Is APC not threatened by the emergence of a PDP Governors’ Forum and other PDP members said to be undermining APC’s prospects?

You only succeed with things like that when the house is divided. You cannot come into my family and break it up if there are no cracks already. So long as the merging parties in the APC are committed to their goals and they are focused, all these shenanigans can only weaken the PDP itself, because these are moves that will backfire on the PDP.

 

Are you sure that the emergence of the PDP Governors’ Forum will backfire?

Clearly it will, because it tells you that there is a division. The Governor of Niger State, Babagnda Aliyu, is asking why there should be a PDP governors’ forum within the Governors’ Forum. Is he not a member of the PDP? Clearly, it is because there is a crack in the house of the PDP. That is why they have deemed it necessary to have the PDP Governors’ Forum. The PDP is in the majority in the Governors’ Forum. So, it clearly shows that they are jittery over something, otherwise, why should the PDP governors’ forum be necessary?

 

How do you assess President Goodluck Jonathan’s anti-graft war? Do you believe that he is committed to the war?

I do not believe that President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration is committed to curbing corruption. If it is, the first place is all around him. He does not even need the ordinary Nigerian to tell him anything. He does not need any adviser. It is all around him and he can see it. If he starts from there, that will demonstrate his commitment.

 

What about Nigerians; are they committed to the anti-graft war?

Unfortunately we are losing the anti-corruption war. We are not committed to it as much as we ought to. In this regard, we have all ourselves to blame: the people in government, the people out of government, the police, the judiciary, the ordinary Nigerians, all of us should be blamed, because corruption is the biggest problem we have in this country.

The ordinary people still eulogise these corrupt people. As long as they come from our area, or the same religion, we eulogise them. The ones we do not eulogise are the ones we feel we are not connected to. We should ostracise corrupt people.

 

Do you think it is right for the President to think of continuing after 2015?

First of all, President Goodluck Jonathan is a Nigerian that enjoys rights like every other Nigerian that is eligible to contest or have ambition for 2015. So, he has that right. But as to whether it is appropriate for him to do so, I do not think so because in the last few years that he has been the President, it is clear to many Nigerians that he is incapable of handling the demands of that office. The patriotic thing for him is to go away. It might be too much to expect an open admission; for him to say, ‘it is too much for me,’ but in the interest of the nation, he can just quietly walk away.

 

A lot of agitation is coming from the North that the next President should be a northerner. But others are saying that we should not bring tribal or ethnic sentiments into who becomes Nigeria’s President. What is your take?

Nigeria needs a good leader. If a good leader comes from the North, that is all well and good. If to douse the tension in the country at the moment is that a northern President should emerge, then so be it. But let it be someone who can lead the country aright.

 

We cannot have good political office holders at the national and state levels without a credible electoral system. What is your advice to the Independent National Electoral Commission?

INEC needs to do a lot to convince Nigerians of its credibility and the fact that it is not a parastatal of the PDP. It does not appear to me that it is doing that. It is a credibility issue. I have never met Prof. Attahiru Jega, who is the INEC chairman, but I have spoken with a few people who are close to him. The way they described the man does not tally with the performance of the institution which he is heading.

So, if he is a man of integrity and a man that believes in fair play and sense of duty, then as the people say, he really has to wake up.  We all know what the problems are: manipulation of results, conferring advantage on one party against the other, etc. You cannot successfully rig an election without INEC support. So, what is INEC doing to cleanse its own house? That has got to be done. Between now and 2015, I think INEC should be running public enlightenments. There should be meetings of INEC officials and representatives of political parties. They should be meeting on regular basis and should be exchanging ideas so that all those problems will be tackled. But you are not going to see that now. A few months to the election, they will now say they are doing roadshows.

 

Are you saying that the performance of INEC has not been impressive?

It has not been impressive. I am saying that without a shadow of doubt. INEC’s performance has fallen well below standard.

 

Could you suggest some of the things needed for the development of Nigeria?

First, we should all work to build and respect constituted authorities and institutions. Let us respect authorities and institutions and not individuals. Let us strengthen our institutions and not individuals. We are strengthening individuals and weakening our institutions.

Let us tackle corruption in a meaningful and wholesome manner. Our leaders are being short-sighted in the belief that they can be corrupt and as long as they take what they want to take, it does not matter what anyone else is thinking or feeling. They are being short-sighted.  It is becoming very difficult for them to leave outside Nigeria without ill-gotten wealth. And very soon, the society is going to reject them but they still have to leave here. It is for everybody’s benefit for the country to fight corruption and win the anti-graft war.

There should be a new approach or a paradigm shift to the way we view our country. Let us put our country first. Any other thing that we are should be private to us. Whether you are a Yoruba, Ijaw, Hausa, Igbo, a Christian or a Muslim or you belong to this party or the other party, those things are private allegiances. One common allegiance which should be the first and foremost is “One Nigeria.”

 

via Punch

The Corruption Mascot Called Goodluck Jonathan

President-Goodluck-Jonathan-360x225
Corruption is like a ball of snow, once it’s set rolling it must increase.
~ Charles Caleb Colton.

The mask is off, the veil and façade of ‘fighting corruption’ has been yanked off by the man himself. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan is now the Poster Boy for corrupt leadership the world over. Jonathan became the president of Nigeria with no positive antecedent or manifesto to develop or make Nigeria a better place to live in. He rode to power on the back of base sentiments without any known achievements nor blueprint to show. He was “our” son. What most people who voted or supported him did not know was that he is an indicted felon. Hold your stone, before you hurl expletives at me, see the next paragraph….

From his antecedents, Jonathan is corruption personified and I say this without any fear or favour. However, intellectual laziness has blinded most of us from researching his past. Here is a little snippet into the past of Mr. Jonathan, a creation of the corruption he unashamedly tells people that he is fighting: In 2006, he was indicted for false declaration of assets by a Joint Task Force (JTF) on corruption that was set up by Obasanjo’s government. That powerful panel was headed by Nuhu Ribadu, who was then chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The Joint Task Force said Mr Jonathan was in possession of illegally-acquired property such as homes and exotic cars, all of which he could not explain within his legitimate income. While he was invited for hearing, he claimed he bought them from his “savings”. Meanwhile, he was a lecturer preceding his becoming a deputy governor. Kindly see for yourselves the worth of the properties which were bought from Mr Jonathan’s ‘savings’ as a teacher: seven-bedroom duplex worth N18 million at Otueke Ogbia LGA acquired in 2001; a four-bedroom duplex, valued at N15 million at Goodluck Jonathan Street, Yenegoa, acquired in 2003; and a five-bedroom duplex, at Citec Villas, Gwarimpa II – Abuja, valued at N25 million, also acquired in 2003. There were also two cars: a Lexus Jeep valued at N18 million; and a BMW 7351 Series worth N5.5 million. If you check the dates the purchases were made from 2001, it was just two years after GEJ became a deputy to a criminal Governor Alameyeisigha, convicted for fleecing Bayelsa state dry. The same Alameyeisegha Jonathan gleefully called “my mentor” and for whom he has now manoeuvred a State pardon.

Does Mr Jonathan have the right to grant such pardon? Absolutely! If so, why the hue and cry by “ignorant” Nigerians and “noisy” opposition figures? Well you may wish to glean into the “wonderful” past of Mr DSP, who was alleged to have been dismissed from the Nigerian Air-force on charges bordering on stealing and sundry offences.

Mr. Alamieyeseigha, whom Mr Jonathan recently described as his political mentor, is a fugitive who jumped bail in the United Kingdom. He was first elected governor on the platform of the Peoples’ Democratic Party in 1999 and re-elected in 2003 after his first term in office.

On September 15, 2005, while serving his second term, he was arrested at the London Heathrow Airport by the Metropolitan Police on the suspicion of money laundering. After he was granted bail, Mr. Alamieyeseigha jumped bail in December 2005 and bolted to Nigeria allegedly disguised as a woman after fooling U.K. border officials.

He was eventually impeached by the Bayelsa State House of Assembly in December 2005.
The U.K. authorities seized $1.5 million (N225 million) cash stashed in his London home as well as $2.7 million (N405 million) held in bank accounts at Royal Bank of Scotland PLC and Santolina Investment Corporation. His London real estate valued at $15 million (N2.25 billion) was also seized by U.K. authorities.

An adept criminal, Mr. Alamieyeseigha had spread his stolen monies across notorious tax havens and offshore destinations such as the Bahamas, the British Virgin Islands and Seychelles. Others were hidden in the U.K. and South Africa.

“His scattered stolen funds posed some difficulty for anti-fraud agents who were keen on confiscating the slush fund. But after he pleaded guilty to money laundering at home, it opened the way for the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to apply for a disclosure order for evidence gathered by the Metropolitan Police. This was used alongside evidence of Mr. Alamieyeseigha’s income and asset declaration to obtain a worldwide restraining order covering all assets owned directly or indirectly by Alamieyeseigha and a disclosure order for documents held at banks and by Alamieyeseigha’s associates,” reports the World Bank’s Stolen Assets Recovery initiative (STAR).

Also, with the help of South African detectives, he forfeited his luxury penthouse in South Africa. He also lost assets in Cyprus and Denmark.

List of assets and properties in the Code of Conduct Assets Declaration Form submitted by Mr Alamieyeseigha to the Code of Conduct Bureau in 1999 before becoming governor included:

• Five buildings with a total value of N50 million.
• 25 plots with a total value of N2.5 million.
• He owned a company, Pesal Nigeria Ltd. with a capital of Nl00, 000.
• He had four vehicles he acquired between 1982 and 1998 with a total value of N10 million.
• He had an account with Diamond Bank Plc, Trans Amadi, Port Harcourt, A/C No.0136900013 with a balance of N5 million.
•Cash in hand was N100,000.00.

His Asset Declaration Form signed on 25th of April, 2003 when running for re-election, contained the following assets:

•Six buildings acquired between 1985 and 2002 with a total value of N70 million and annual income of N3.5 million.
•He has 27 plots acquired between 1985 and 2001 with a total value of N5 million.
•Six vehicles acquired between 1982 and 2003 with a total value of N14.8 million.
•One boat acquired in 2002 with a value of N2.5 million.

In his Assets Declaration Form signed on 2nd December 2003, we had the following:

• Seven buildings acquired between 1985 and 2003 with a total value of N77 million and annual income of N4.5 million.

Additional information on the buildings and plots revealed the following:

• 5, Khana Street, D/Line, P/H – Storey building,

• 5, Khana Street, D/Line, P/H – 3 Bedroom Bungalow,
• 4, Tombia Street, G.R.A., P/H – Detached Duplex,
• 2, Oniye, lyana Ipaja, Lagos – 5 bedroom bungalow,
• Amassoma – duplex/bungalow,
• Opolo, Yenagoa – Duplex
• 3, Williams Jumbo, P/H – Duplex
• lyana Ipaja, Lagos – 3 plots
• Isolo, Lagos – 1 plot
• NTARoad,P/H – 4 plots
• Yenagoa, Bayelsa – 17 plots
• Amassoma – 2 plots

Properties, companies and bank accounts in Nigeria and abroad acquired by Mr. Alamieyeseigha after assumption of office as the executive governor of Bayelsa State were:

i) That he holds a personal bank account with Barclays Bank Plc which was opened on 5 January 2004 and the balance stood at £203,753.34 as at 15th February 2005.

ii) He holds a personal bank account with HSBC, London, but the account was closed sometime in March 2003 while all the money in the account was transferred to Santolina Investment Corporation’s account with National Westminster Bank, London.

iii) It was confirmed that he is the sole Director of Santolina Investment Corporation and sole signatory to the company’s account with National Westminster Bank with A/c No. 10182819 Sort Code 15-00-25 in London.

iv) He also holds personal account with Bond Bank in Lagos which was opened sometime in January 2004 and the balance stood at N105-14.942.61 as at 16th September 2005 and another personal account in Oceanic Bank Plc, as follows:-

The Salo Trust in the names of Enitonbrapa Alamieyeseigha, Embelakpo Alamieyeseigha, Ebipadei Alamieyeseigha, Oyamuyefa Alamieyeseigha, Saleaka Alamieyeseigha and Margaret Alamieyeseigha.

v) He holds an account with Bank of America in the name of Peter Alamieyeseigha with account number 0054 8256 2491 which balance stood at $1, 600,000.00 as at August 2003.

vi) The sum of GBP 1350,000.00 being the annual premium for Insurance Policy No. 1E1/0405/0012/AR/HQ m respect of the Kolo Creek Power Station Yenagoa, has been traced in an account at Barclays Bank, Knightsbridge, London, SW1X 7NT, A/C No. 80041262, Sort Code 20-47-35, IBNrGB 87 BARC 2047 3580 0412 62SWIFT BICGB22 held by a certain First Investment & Finance Corporation. The premium is for an All Risks Cover for the Gas Turbine for a period between 22/6/2005 and 21/6/2006.
Properties in London

•247, Water Gardens, London, W2 2DG, which is the registered
address of Solomon & Peters Ltd. This property was purchased
for £1.75 million on 20/8/2003

•14, Mapesbury Road, London, NW2 4JB. This property was
purchased for £1.4 million on 6/7/2001

• Flat 202, Jubilee Heights, Shoot uphill, London, NW2 3LJQ,
purchased for the sum of £241,000.00 on 28/10/99.

• 68-70, Regent’s Park Road, London, N3 which was purchased in
July 2002 for the sum of £3 million.

i) All the property listed above have a combined value in excess of £S 381million

ii) He had almost £1.9 million in a Royal Bank of Scotland account belonging to his company Santolina for which he had requested to be transferred to an account in Cyprus.

iii) Four transfers to the tune of Euro 2.36 million were made from Bayelsa State Ministry of Works Account held by Allstates Trust Bank to Germany through Commerz Bank, London at a time when Chief D. S. P. Alameyesigha was receiving treatment in a German hospital.

Properties in South Africa

i) It has also been established that he owned a property at V & A Waterfront, Cape Town, South Africa worth over £1 millon.

ii) Royal Albatross Properties 67 is a company registered in September 2005 in Cape Town, South Africa. This company is also believed to be owned and controlled by Chief Alamieyaseigha.

Properties in the United States

i) 504, Pleasant Drive, King Farm Estate, Maryland USA,
ii) 15859, Aurora Crest Drive, Whither, California, USA, 906

(Courtesy Premium Times)

That was the CHARACTER that the Nigerian Council of State at its meeting, attended by three former heads of states and some state governors on Tuesday March, 2013, approved a presidential pardon for. Note that the Nigerian constitution guarantees the president discretionary powers to grant presidential pardon and the council of state is merely advisory in nature.

Word out there is that Mr. Alamieyaseigha was pardoned preparatory to his eventual journey to the National Assembly as a senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Lord Have Mercy!!!

By this singular action, Dr Goodluck Jonathan has shown the world and whoever cared to listen that he is not interested in fighting corruption as he recently said Corruption was not Nigeria’s problem. Therefore he will be best advised to stop deceiving himself, pretending to fight corruption. It is time to disband the EFCC, ICPC and all other CLOWNS masquerading as agencies fighting corruption in Nigeria, because we ain’t fighting no corruption. Corruption is the MIDDLE NAME of this mascot called Jonathan, who unfortunately is our president. It is also time to throw open all the prison gates and pardon every known felon since (according to the reasoning of Mr. Jonathan) they have all suffered enough.

Revelation 22:12 : And, behold, I come quickly; and my reward is with me, to give unto every man according as his work shall be.

@Ayourb is on Twitter

Retrogressive Clogs In the Wheel of Progress: Ill Conceived Strategies Will Not Stop Us

apc logo

We have watched with keen interest, the unfolding drama orchestrated by the anti-progressive elements who currently hold our dear country, Nigeria, hostage. We, in the Youth Wing of the All Progressives Congress (APC) align completely with our parent parties in their call for rejection of the subterranean moves to scuttle our registration. We believe that a truly independent National Electoral Commission would not be so openly partisan as to partake in political shenanigans, but we are not exactly surprised since we – like all other Nigerians – are very much aware of how instrumental the body has been in imposing corrupt and unreliable elements on Nigerians since the inception of this ailing democracy.

The sense of collective ownership which many Nigerians feel towards the All Progressive Congress cannot be taken away by a strategy as ill-conceived as an attempt to frustrate registration by conjuring a party with the same acronym from thin air. The laziness and lack of due diligence which have become the hallmark of this administration have once more shown forth – in their desperate bid to hold on to power at all cost. A major part of their evil plan unraveled when the address of the fictitious law firm which filed the letter of intent was revealed to be fake. If these retrogressive corrupt elements cannot pay attention to such minute detail, how exactly are they supposed to pay attention to the needs of a hundred and seventy million people?

It is said that; ‘when you fight corruption, you must expect it to fight back’; those who have put our country in such a dire state will simply not fold their arms and watch their hold be broken. People who do not mean well for this country are not going to remain idle while those with noble intentions stand up for Justice, Peace, and Progress. We must know that saving Nigeria will not be easy, and it is for that exact reason that we must not give up on doing so.

The All Progressive Congress is not a Poverty Dispensation Party; those who deny the rest of us of our commonwealth and keep us poor are bound to try to protect their interests at all costs. The key is ensuring that they do not win.

It is in this spirit that we, the Young Progressives from all the merged political parties, call upon fellow Nigerian youths and ask them to keep faith. There is light at the end of every tunnel, and things get hardest just before they get better.
We will stand up and be counted. We will support our leaders and elders to fight for what is right; and we know that no matter what they do, we shall overcome.

Long Live the Progressives
Long Live the APC
Long Live The Federal Republic of Nigeria
Signed:
Ms. Rinsola Abiola
PRO,
For: APC Youth Wing

BUHARI: APC Looking To Get It Wrong At The 2015 Elections – by Richard Chilee @richardchilee

As the 2015 election draws closer, more and more dramas are unfolding in Nigeria’s political atmosphere. One of such, and in my opinion the strongest, dramas is the formation of the APC. This is regarded as the strongest drama because it is presently the only move by the members of the opposition that have succeeded in awakening the ruling party, Peoples Democratic Party – PDP, from their hibernation mode riddled with poor governance.

 

The 2015 election is really going to prove symbolic due to the two ever competing narratives of Nigeria. One is the story of poor governance, high spate of corruption and high levels of conflict. It is the story of poverty and marginalization. The second story is the story of development, transformation, political inclusiveness and awareness with a global perspective. It is the story of a revived economy, near constant electricity, job creation and poverty reduction. It is also the story of quality education and sustainable infrastructures.

 

These stories present the two pictures of Nigeria. While the first story describes where we are presently, the second story describes where we want to go. It is the duty of the 2015 election to push us from where we are to where we want to go.  From all indication, despite the abundant resources, the ruling party have failed to take us to where we want to go and as such they have to let go of their grip on Nigeria. But then, how possible is this aspiration? Are we willing to take that leap of faith needed to bring forth the change? Would the PDP easily let go of its menacing grip on Nigeria?

 

The answers to these questions fall on the shoulders of the newly formed APC and how seriously they take the job of redeeming Nigeria. They are the only hope of the Nigerian citizen, they have been mandated to redeem Nigeria from the clutches of the ruling PDP. But again, recent happenings in our messiah political party – the newly formed APC are revealing, with increasing accuracy, that they might not stand the chance to salvage Nigeria from the ruling PDP. I say this because the APC is nudging in the direction of parading General Muhammadu Buhari as their presidential candidate come 2015.  The general’s keynote speech at the Africa’s Diaspora conference in London is a clear testament to this fact.

 

His age is a huge impeding factor and based on my recent survey from Nigerians across the world, many Nigerians clearly don’t see general Buhari as a suitable candidate that will spearhead the change we desire. Beckoning on the retired general to shoulder Nigeria’s huge responsibility isn’t the best practice; he has been there and as such must not be entirely trusted. Nigeria is where she is today as a result of this habit of rotating yesterday’s leaders, leaders who aren’t open to modern political practices. At best, GMB should be a kingmaker, not a king. He should identify and canvass for a young Nigerian within the confines of APC, equip him/her with the necessary leadership skills and allow him/her to function within the confines of best practices in government.

 

If the APC is really serious about redeeming Nigeria, they must understand that Nigeria’s problem is structural and only a young, dynamic and structured mind that can drive strategic change and foster qualitative innovations must be called upon, a leader who has a global outlook to political issues and special penchant for science and technology. Nigeria needs a leader that can convert her natural resources and high commodity prices into well-organized and progressive changes that will sustain the economy for decades, with lasting impacts on welfare, manufacturing and industrialization.

 

2015 is an opportunity for rebirth. We need a renaissance leader with interests in improved health and education outcomes, enormous natural resources discoveries, democratic deepening and improved macroeconomic governance. A leader that can prudently manage our natural mineral resources revenues and implement strategic policy measures to boost job creation. A young leader who has proved himself in a particular sector, whose mental architecture hasn’t been clogged by the malfeasance present in our today’s political climate and a leader who can always maintain a clear line of reasoning under duress.

 

The opposition must look deep down inside, find that young and credible leader and campaign vigorously for him/her from the foundation. Election is not won on twitter and facebook, it is won by principles and by doing the actual job from the grassroot level. While looking for this renaissance leader, they must eschew every form of tribal and religious differences so they could arrive at the best possible candidate. I strongly believe we have that leader, yes I do, and until the opposition identifies and work vigorously with that young leader, believe me; Nigeria will still be at the mercy of the PDP come 2015.

 

If the young people in Nigeria still believe that they are the leaders of tomorrow, then they must stand up and be counted as one, the forthcoming election have given us the opportunity to make this stand.2015 is our time to rise, this time, it must not be a myth, it must be a reality.

 

 

Written by Richard Chilee…. follow  @richardchilee on twitter

OPINION: Pardon For Sale – by Ogunjimi James Taiwo @hullerj

“This has got to be the worst use of the benign prerogative by the executive branch since Pilate pardoned Barabbas.”Kingsley Obalola William Ewetuya

Like every sane Nigerian who heard the bizarre news that Diepreye Alamieyeseigha had had his own breath of ‘fresh air’ from Mr President, sad does not even do justice to my feelings; enraged is more like it. It lends credence to the general conception and knowledge that corruption and misuse of office is what characterise this government.

Few issues have irked Nigerians as much as this issue of ‘Presidential pardon’. Presidential pardon? Who pardoned him? The countless number of people who had their money stolen by this man? The hundreds of children who would not have had to drop out of school had this man not stolen their money? The relatives of those who lost their lives because of lack of a good health plan due to the fact that this same man used more than 6 years to build a general hospital? The relatives of those who lost their lives on the death traps called roads, because instead of constructing good roads, he chose to spend 10 billion naira on government house? Who pardoned him?

It is the ultimate shame of a nation when the leaders can not give a tenable reason for their actions save for the fact that ‘he is my benefactor’. So, the entire citizenry must be made to ‘pardon’ a man who dares not venture into the UK for fear of getting re-arrested and subjected to the same fate as his ‘thief-in-arms’, James Ibori? Nothing short of government-induced amnesia can make Nigerians forget or even forgive a man who jumped bail in the UK and had to disguise as a woman to escape prosecution.

In a ‘normal’ society, both the President and the Council of state members that approved the recommendation will be fighting to hold on to their jobs. How on earth can presidential pardon be granted to a man when his crimes are still fresh in our memories? Has Presidential pardon become as cheap as national honours? People like Bode George and Tafa Balogun can keep hope alive that their pardon is en route too.

We must speak up against these cases of obvious abuse of office. Things must not continue this way; we just must not allow it. Presidential pardon? Seriously? We either speak up now or watch in horror as criminal after criminal gets pardoned.

Ogunjimi James Taiwo

Twitter: @hullerj
Coordinator,
Committee for The Defence of Human Rights,
Olabisi Onabanjo University Unit.
Nigeria.

“Our pen must be used to increase the anxieties of oppressive regimes, to the very least, our pen must be used to murder their sleep by constantly reminding them of their crimes against Humanity.”James Ngugi Wa Thiong’o.

Quick Guide to Fighting Corruption: A step by step approach

Jaye Gaskia
‘QUICK GUIDE TO FIGHTING CORRUPTION: A STEP BY STEP APPROACH’- [SIMPLIFIED EDITION]
[AUTHOR: GEJ, THE PRESIDENCY; PUBLISHED BY: TRANSFORMATION AGENDA PUBLICATIONS; DISTRIBUTED BY: BREATHE OF FRESH AIR COMMUNICATIONS; MARKETED BY: NEIGHBOUR TO NEIGHBOUR WHOLESALES LTD]
· Vehemently reject public declaration of your assets – ‘you don’t give a damn!
· Protect Subsidy and Crude Oil Thieves
· Indict petty Subsidy thieves; while protecting the ‘majors’ and those aiding and abetting them in government and the MDAs
· Arrest and parade petty crude oil thieves; while protecting their main sponsors
· Set up audit, probe and investigative committees, and promptly proceed to disregard their findings and recommendations
· Uncover 45,000 Ghostworkers from assessment of 159,000 workforce; and fail to uncover those collecting the N100bn in annual ghost-salaries
· Award without due process and secrecy coastline, waterways, and pipelines protection multi-billion naira contracts to Ex-Militant Generals in your kitchen cabinet.
· Use armed troops, armed police and surveillance helicopters to disperse Anti-Corruption protesters
· Arrest and harass Anti-Corruption Protest organisers
· Reward renowned thieves and treasury looters with choice and juicy board appointments
· Enter into plea bargain arrangements with convicted treasury looters
· Pardon notorious Bandits and Pirates convicted of pillaging the treasury
PUBLIC DISCLAIMER/CAVEAT EMPTOR:
‘Let us remind the Pardoners and the Pardonees that this and past Generations of Treasury Looters Shall not go Unpunished, as long, and as soon as We TAKE BACK NIGERIA! #DPSR
Disclaimer Issued By – DPSR
Written and Circulated By Jaye Gaskia: 13-03-13

OPINION: Ill-Literacy Still Haunts Us – by Folorunso David @funsodavid

 

The storm seems to have calmed since Reuben Abati last took to writing. In a manner very typical of him he made swingeing criticisms of past political leaders in his last article titled, The Hypocrisy of Yesterday’s Men. He cited with implicit allusion a number of former serving members of government describing their shortcomings while they were in office and contrasted it with how well the present administration is doing. This, of course, led to a flurry of reprisals. Perhaps, the most fervid of the rejoinders came from Mr Femi Fani-Kayode, who claimed in his own wordy write-up to have seen through Abati’s thinly-veiled insinuations and responded accordingly. I do not say Abati is wrong or that Fani-Kayode is right; I write this piece because an episode like this represents what our democracy will need by 2015.

During the run-up to the 2011 elections there were ample campaigns by political activists and human rights personnel to ensure we had free and fair elections. The goal was to make the outcome of the polls a true representation of what Nigerians want. The question I asked then, and I am asking now is that Nigerians know what they want generally but do they really know what they want at the polls?

Before any untoward insinuation is drawn out of that question I should tell a story a friend told me. It was 2011. He was a corps member helping INEC with the elections in Kano when a young Hausa man came to cast his votes. He seemed rather impatient with the red tape of pre-registering, standing in line, having computer finger scans taken and whatnot. He came across to my friend as an opinion leader, gesticulating pointedly in livid Hausa to those around him. When it was finally his turn, he walked up to the polling counter and from a question or two it became apparent he could not read English. However, he had an important question for my friend: Which one be Alhaji?

This is the Nigerian story. A person, supposedly politically-opinionated, decides who will be a political office holder on the premise that he or she has been to Mecca! It does not matter if EFCC is on his trail; it does not matter if his health is frail; it does not matter what skeletons are locked up in his or her cupboard so long as he has been to Mecca once or more he is the politician of choice. That is what one Nigerian wants. Lord knows how many others voted like this!

So, back to Reuben Abati and Yesterday’s Men. It may have appeared like political ruse to have politicians trade words in the light of day but what mattered to me was the engagement. That Abati made claims and Fani-Kayode countered it with his own claims, and then the press jumped in and made breakfast out of it. My suggestion now is that the people on the streets are engaged in discussions like these. They need to know the facts and counter-facts. They need to see beyond the addendum of Alhaji or Otunba or Sir. This is the 21st century; we cannot allow nincompoops into office just because someone on the streets saw a banner of his proclaiming ‘Transformation 2015’. The facts must be out there on the streets, beyond twitter and the spread sheets of newspapers, we must find alternative means to reach out to the masses.

My proposal is not ground-breaking. I simply wish that we had more town-hall debates and meetings. Communities need to come together and hear out potential candidates. It would be in the lingua franca of the community. Pressmen will be there to dig out dirt and throw questions at them. It will be almost akin to press nights which we used to have at student elections back in my days at University of Ibadan: “You said this but did this”; “You had a car when elected. Now you own seven”; “How are you sponsoring your political ambition?”…

Every office holder is accountable to the people so I find it hard to believe suggestions that politicians will abscond from such meetings. It is the height of unaccountability –  and when Mr Goodluck Jonathan absconded, so to speak, from the first presidential debate in 2011 I could already guess how his presidency would be if he won. And I was right. Also, we know politicians will not always be honest but with town-hall meetings we have something we can refer to ahead of the next elections. For Goodluck Jonathan there are still YouTube clips of an empty lectern bearing his name while other contestants, conscious of accountability, debated.

There are market-women, tailors, carpenters, busy corporate men, students who did not even hear of Reuben Abati’s article and the reaction it got. So, perhaps I shouldn’t have called it a storm. But come 2015 we shall need to create a mega storm by letting Nigerians know the facts and go to the polls with those facts handy.

 

Folorunso David is a Pharmacist. He can be reached on twitter @funsodavid

Eze Onyekpere: The 2013 Budget Gospel According To Okonjo-Iweala

On Thursday, March 7, 2013, the Minister of Finance and the Coordinating Minister for the Economy, Mrs. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, presented the 2013 budget briefing through a document titled, “Overview of the 2013 Budget”. Considering that government is the largest single articulated spender in the economy, it is the imperative for this discourse to analyse that document, highlight its salient points and their implications for Nigeria’s economy and social progress in 2013. This analysis is anchored on the fact we cannot build a sound fiscal system by refusing to learn from experience and planning for developmental expenditure within full knowledge of the binding constraints that have held back full capital budget implementation and value for money.

In the opening protocols, Okonjo-Iweala thanked her colleagues in the executive for their contributions to the budget and also acknowledged the effort of the leadership of the National Assembly, all relevant committees and the Budget Office for completing the 2013 Budget in “record time”. The direct issue arising from this opening is that the minister started the presentation by deliberately misleading herself. A budget that had yet to be ready in the first half of March was stated to have been completed in record time when the law expected it to be ready on January 1, 2013. For the avoidance of doubt, the budget had yet to be ready and the details were not available anywhere including the website of the Budget Office of the Federation as of the night of Saturday, March 9, when this discourse was prepared. All that is available to the public are the sectoral broad figures.  Essentially, the 2013 budget is not ready and if it is ready, there is no reason for it not being available to the public.

In the overview of the world economy, Okonjo-Iweala presented growth figures of the United States which is forecast to average only two per cent in 2013. Similarly, the near-term outlook for the Eurozone has been revised downwards, with growth expected to contract by 0.2 per cent. In Asia, the short-term outlook for Japan is weak, with the Japanese economy expected to expand by only 1.2 per cent in 2013. Overall, global growth will average 3.5 per cent in 2013, a moderate increase from 3.2 per cent in 2012. Missing in this analysis are the projections for India and China and other front-runners. It is imperative to understand that the two per cent growth forecast of the US is against the background of an economy with unemployment rate in the single digit of about seven per cent.

On developments in the domestic economy, the minister painted a picture of a strong and resilient economy which has been validated by external experts. This is a great lie. The growth figure of 6.5 per cent is on paper and has no link with the living conditions of the majority of Nigerians whose poverty is on the increase. Not less than 70 per cent of Nigerians live below the poverty line, yet, the economy is said to be growing. There is nothing to celebrate in an inflation rate which is far higher than the deposit rate paid to bank depositors for placing their money in a bank. While bank customers get an average of three to four per cent, Okonjo-Iweala is celebrating nine per cent inflation rate. Thus, the economy is discouraging people from saving money in the banks by penalising them through loss of value as a consequence of patronising the banking system.

“The leading international rating agencies – Fitch, Standard & Poor’s, and Moody’s – have upgraded the outlook for the Nigerian economy, even at a time when other developed and emerging economies are being downgraded”, Okonjo-Iweala gleefully sang. Are these not the same rating agencies that were scoring the world leading economies with high marks until the financial crisis of 2008? How does this upgrade translate into improved living conditions for the populace? Put differently, how does it reduce the cost of living or improve the ability of a fresh graduate to secure employment easily? The days of the economics of sterile graphs, charts and rating agencies that are not linked to improvements in the human condition are over and should be given a decent interment. No one is interested in stories and stories have never worked and will not work in the present day. How can an economy that has over $47bn in debt but is dependent on crude oil sales as the major foreign exchange earner claim resilience?

The performance of the 2012 budget gives an idea about the possible results in 2013 considering that nothing has changed in the system and the facts relating to the time of commencement of execution for 2013 is taking concrete steps to replicate 2012. Contrary to the rhetoric that the cost of governance is coming down, only N686bn representing 14.6 per cent of appropriated funds was spent on capital expenditure in 2012 leaving the balance of 85.4 per cent for recurrent expenditure! If we disaggregate this capital expenditure further taking into consideration corruption and inefficiencies, it will come down to not more than 10 per cent of appropriated funds. Domestic borrowing in 2012 was N744bn which meant that we expended all our revenues duly earned from oil and non oil receipts in recurrent expenditure and used about 92.2 per cent of internally borrowed funds on capital expenditure. Indeed, some part of the internally borrowed funds went for recurrent expenditure contrary to the stipulations of the Fiscal Responsibility Act.

For the 2013 budget, statutory transfers of N388b is 7.78 per cent; debt service of N591.76bn is 11.87 per cent; recurrent expenditure of 2.38tr is 47.72 per cent with overhead’s N208.9b contributing 4.19 per cent and personnel’s N1.717tr  taking up 36.56 per cent. The capital vote of N1.894tr is 37.98 per cent disaggregated into N1.62tr being 32.5 per cent for normal capital expenditure and N273.5bn being 5.48 per cent for SURE-P. It is imperative to note that personnel expenditure is more than capital expenditure without the SURE-P.

Given the above scenario, it is clear that unless something drastic is done by government, capital budget implementation in 2013 will remain at the 2012 level and the nation’s infrastructure deficit will continue to widen. There is the need, therefore, to put in place checks and balances to ensure that Ministries, Departments and Agencies actually provide services, goods, works and construction for which they are handsomely paid. One would expect that the President’s performance contract with ministers would lead to the weeding out of non performing ministers who from the above budget performance figures are in the majority in his cabinet. It is important to remind the President that this poor budgetary performance will turn out to be a major hurdle in his quest for a possible re-election. Nigerians will demand to know what he did with resources entrusted to him in five years before considering him for another term. As it stands today, the score is below average and we cannot reward shoddy performance as one “good term” efficiently utilised deserves another.

Finally, Nigerians need to wake out from their deep slumber and bring together our strengths to kick out high level officials who refuse to use our money for the benefit of all but are content with earning the perks of office without contributing to our security and welfare.

 

Eze Onyekpere (censoj@gmail.com)

Article culled from Punch

#NoiseofRevolt: APC And The Burden of Power – By @Obajeun

Wait a minute, the power of narration is what we have used to break the barriers of misconceptions in the distorted stories, sold to the western public and the African diaspora; of existential doubts posed by methodical slavery and relentless poverty. The Ugandan poet, Okot p’Bitek in Song of Lawino shows the proximity of African values and the parameter on which integration is made–the integration of cultures at the point of contact–how a man’s anglophiliac inclinations made him treat his illiterate wife with disdain–the very instance where the question is asked, ‘Who is the African, and what is the African story?’ This is the mystery of narration that Obajeun is trying to unravel in the ambience of his Oluyole arena when a thought dropped like a thud. Then I veered towards politics and the newly formed All Progressive Congress came like an image.Who is this APC?

Can a progressive weaver of words like me pass for what the APC stand for? I think the task of the progressive writer is an enormous one that requires the art of systematic relation, the kind that keeps the detail for the sociological scholar and the fine sartorial of culture for the artistic tastes of the literary scholar. Progressive writers must never be like the bats that sleep in the same direction, telling a single story of love or of anger, of hate or of revenge, but the dialectical inquisition of the story-teller who sends the child on an errand of a didactic discovery, absorbing the listeners in the mysteries of the ancient wisdom locked in the entrails of the story, telling the story of the African ontological concept of being; of the humanity of detribalized Oyo warriors who look forward to a new way of life, of Nigerians who resist the duplicitous pleasures of graft to help their fellow compatriots. And in the ways only in which magic can be spurn with words would the story be told of the liberated Nigerian whose passion for the country opens the mind to new possibilities.

Is this what the APC stand for? There is never a river that flows backwards to its source but a herd of cattle that sends cattle egrets to herald its nomadic progression. The communion of Nigerian divinity dies slowly to the chromatic tunes of a cultural disintegration, in the name of integration, the reason why a vulture must not be seen near one’s dwelling place. It is this maddening constellation of contradictory forces that has thrown up the APC as the supposed beautiful bride of the current political scene. With an aggressive plan to make it admirable, openly courted by significant sectors of the society and fanatically worshipped by multitude across national divide as the only political party that can confront the PDP behemoth, then the players in the party must revisit the founding ideology of the party. I have a concern here.

There is never a drought in the wineskin of the drunkard. Unfortunately, we are still suffering from curable political kwashiorkor. The continuing shrinkage opportunities for progressive politics in the post-military Nigeria in past years has ended in the consolidation of oligarchic rule; every stirring revolt against the status quo has brought in a worse version of the status quo through the back door. Again, APC has come with the ideology to wrestle power from the PDP goons. This is what we are saying. It should not be about power, it should be about the people that give the power. I am afraid, it is still going to be the same old story. This is a wrong ideology.

Now, APC must not betray our memory again. I have said it before, too much memory, particularly negative memory, often leads to an awareness overloading which compels the mind to downsize negativities as a strategy of containment against unremitting hostility and persistent betrayal particularly in a post-colonial polity permanently rigged against rationality. Given that Nigerians are light-headed, garnished with strange happiness and loss of memory; an antidote against real madness in a nation of self-surpassing calamities and having been serially violated and subjected to serial betrayal by their leaders, what they need now is for them to take back their power.

I heard that some PDP govervors want to join the APC. What is right with this is if they will come as campaign supporters carrying campaign placards and singing campaign songs during rallies under the sun. What is wrong with this is if they will come as decision makers, pointing fingers to the direction we should go. Trust them, what is driving their move is the APC’s ideology of wrestling power from the PDP. Since these are men already drowned with power and seeing a clear handwriting on the wall that PDP is beatable, they have to make a safe-net call. If APC offers them a space, then ‘Goodluck’ to the progressive.

So while Nigerians keep reeking with ethnophobic malice, APC should be ready to be equally militantly patriotic. The APC must convince us to be able to see its puritanical prudence, its ascetic frugality, its stout refusal to cover corruption, its nationalist rebuff of Western interlopers, its economic offensive, its stirring and soulful rhetoric against indiscipline, national self-abasement and the forlorn cravenness of our elite and above all, its heroic attempt to recreate the momentum of the golden mid-seventies. We are waiting.

It is me, @Obajeun

Jonah Ayodele Obajeun blogs @www.obajeun.com. Reach him on twitter via @Obajeun

Marry Her: The Woman In Your Head! – @IkeAmadi

Our relationship adventure is getting really interesting.

 

I recently stumbled on a video by Myles Munroe- Yes, Myles again, and it substantiated some of the thoughts I have about relationships and marriage. I also had to unlearn some things, which were taught by Myles himself.

 

Firstly, the number one need of a man is not a woman, nor is it sex, but is the presence of God. This is made clear with the fact that God first provided man with his presence – depicted by the Garden of Eden.

 

So Ladies, make sure you endeavor to meet a man in the presence of God, and not in the bush!

 

Secondly, a man must work. God didn’t first give the woman work, he gave man work.

 

Thirdly, and the most interesting, God will never give a man a finished work. He created man to create the woman he wants.

 

“The woman you are waiting for doesn’t exist; use the raw material to create what you want.”

 

The Church is Jesus’ bride and in Ephesians 5:25-26, we see that Jesus washes her with His Word in order to present her to himself, without spot and blemish. Paul was actually writing to the Ephesian men to do likewise.

 

‘So ladies, keep chanting to your man, “Cultivate me, baby!”

IF your wife is putting on weight and you don’t like it, don’t criticize her, wake her up 6 o’clock and go jogging with her.

You don’t like her dress, buy her a new one.

She can’t speak good English, send her to school and pay for her tuition!’

 

God gave you man a stronger body mass, not to abuse the woman, but to protect the woman.

God commanded Adam not to touch the tree, he never told the woman about the tree. Adam’s job was to teach his wife the word of God.

 

These days, however, the woman knows more word than the man.

When a woman asks you, “what do you think?” Never answer, “What do you think?” Give the answer!

Have a plan guys!

 

Finally ladies,

If you meet a man who:

-can’t protect you;

-Doesn’t know God’s word;

-Doesn’t have anything doing;

-Doesn’t make effort to cultivate you;

Then my fine dears, it is good for that man to be alone!

 

And one other thing:

In order to encourage us to read our Bible, which is the constitution of our Heavenly country, we are starting something we tagged, #LA187 –

L – Learn
A- Apply
187 – 187 days of reading the Old Testament.

The benefits of reading the Bible cannot be overemphasized:

–          You get fresh inspiration for life and business

–          Your reasoning is freshened.

–          You are washed clean by the Word of God. John 15:3

–          Your face is enlightened. Psalms 34:5

–          And so much more.

If you consider the great pain it took men and women to ensure that the Bible you now do not read got to your hand, you’ll be inspired to read Him (The Word).

It is important to read the Word of God so that the Holy Spirit will have something to bring to your remembrance.

So friend, what are you waiting for? Join today!

 

 

By @ikeamadi

Ike Amadi is a fiercely passionate young man whose life is to motivate others to do something. He is Author of the book, ‘Do Something!’ Ike blogs at www.ike-amadi.com, and tweets via @ikeamadi.

 

#KakandaTemple: Big Man’s Burdens – by @GimbaKakanda

Don’t be rich. Except if you want to spend most of your life piggybacking on depression. Truth is, poverty is a criminal form of sainthood. The poor are always right, even where they also cheat to survive. So, sometimes, for the sake of tributes in which kind adjectives are generously used, being poor is, after all, not a heavy cross. But know, o smiler, that to be poor in this part of the world is worse than being a fasting chef in McDonald. This is why the gluttony of the Nigerian Big Man is celebrated.

 

Big Man is not entirely disliked. He is a student of Prophet Solomon from whom he’s learned so many things. He doesn’t pretend to be Solomon though; his outward devotion to God is a mastered trick. He womanises and drinks expensive wines. He knows that he is a product of an evil system. His money either comes from being a member of the political elite or from being a beneficiary of political booties or opportunisms. The political elite are the most interesting class. The men, when elected, use taxpayers’ monies as though they are ancestral inheritances. And, out of office, they build mosques and churches with stolen money for which they are celebrated by the cheated society. That’s what smart Big Men do. While a former leader maintains his relevance through religious philanthropy, the wannabe politician who has only benefited from contracts awarded through corrupt processes prepares his prospects with carefully projected stunts. He pays journalists a million naira to cover the public presentation of a N500, 000 “project”. These tricks happen especially as the election year approaches!

 

Philanthropies are the reasons the Big Man syndrome is still alive and well. Whoever hurts or disparages a man who has built a mosque or church knows that his ticket to hell is already stamped. It is un-African to confront a “giver”. Power comes from Allah. It is the Grace of Jesus. And of course it is the Creator who rigs elections and gives Big Man the wisdom to embezzle public funds. So, you see, Big Man laughs whenever he reads your incoherent rants predicting Nigerian “springs”. Touch Alhaji X, Chief Y and Otunba Z and see what happens to your wretched life. Don’t say I didn’t tell you.

 

Big Man doesn’t sleep. His life is a circuit of fears. On one side, he panics whenever his bankers begin to wear false smiles. “Honourable, I’m sorry my bank can’t afford that amount,” he imagines. Pity. On the other side, he knows what awaits him among those battalions of poverty-humbled supporters who paint his photographs on their weatherworn houses to earn a wad from his largess. He knows that the photographs may disappear when the money giving is finished. He is not a fool. So he will visit his political opponent in dead of night to strike out a deal. “I’ll let you win this election, you can rig it,” he would say, for which the partner would nod with a certain assurance to reciprocate through a streak of contracts when he is “elected”. All Big Men are friends and family pursuing the same ends.

And if you think that salvation may come with the eclipse of this generation of Big Men, then you need to come with me to a Shisha Lounge at Asokoro. You may pass out on discovering the population of Big Man’s children in various ivy-league schools, and Euro-America’s mega elite schools. Their expenditure at those headquarters of intellectual capitalism can endow a new Harvard on Africa’s plundered soil. Wallahi, I don’t exaggerate. My friendship with Big Man’s children has given me an insight into the extent of our hopelessness. While the poor man’s child struggles through strikes and the torture of unmotivated lecturers to earn a substandard education, Big Man’s child is already a ghost worker at an important MDA. The histories of my friends are shared in confidences, but know that they are enough to stir up your hypertension. Some of them are overseas mainly as “business contacts” of their fathers. Like a forward pawn destined for the Eight Square in chess. What does that mean? They’re overseas to represent business interests to which the parents post money as payments for certain consultancy services or contracts. Do I need to spell out M-O-N-E-Y L-A-U-N-D-E-R-I-N-G?

The wisdom with which Big Man manipulates his people inspires a generation of paupers to also break their ancestral curse. This is the reason for the mad rush to riches. This is why corruption is blown out of quantifiable proportions. Corruption has since gone out of the borders of redemption. It’s now our culture. The Big Man syndrome is a likable criminality. A pauper who manages to build one or two bungalows now goes about parading himself as “Business tycoon” or “international businessman” to match the reputation of Aliko Dangote. It’s chic to be Big! A wannabe Big Man once told me that he was into shipping. I’d already started massaging his ego with an undeserved “Sir”, to cement our future together, before I discovered that he was just an ordinary store keeper at, erm, well, somewhere around Apapa Wharf!  May God save us from us!

 

 

 

By Gimba Kakanda

@gimbakakanda (On Twitter)

Clinton on Nigeria: The Lessons Not Learnt – Ayo Olukotun

Travel notes and recorded insights of visitors to other countries constitute important aspects of the world’s intellectual heritage. Two quick examples are the classic reflection on America by the French lawyer and philosopher John Montesquieu and the 20th Century dispatches of John Hobson, an English journalist from South Africa; which eventually morphed into a much commented on theory of imperialism.

 

The discerning ought to pay attention, therefore, to the reflections of visitors to our countries all the more so when the august personage is a former President of the United States, Mr. Bill Clinton.  Speaking in Abeokuta last week at the 18th edition of ThisDay awards, the statesman credited with a turnaround of the American economy under social democratic auspices in the 1990s, came up with three postulations which should be of interest to our leaders who are feverishly strategising on how to win the 2015 elections.

 

There is, first, the dramatic waste of resources, much of it through soar away corruption and unbridled theft of the public kitty. Clinton, of course, did not put it that way, by reason of diplomatic etiquette; but he said enough for us to read between his lines. He did say that we have not done a good job of managing our natural resources, maintaining that “you should have reinvested it in different ways.”  This brings an international perspective on the raging debate within the country on the absurdly high cost of governance under Nigeria’s corrupt, distributive federalism. Interestingly, the Jonathan administration rolls out the drums on having reduced the share of recurrent expenditure from 74 per cent in 2011 to 71 per cent last year and projects a further reduction to 68 per cent in 2013.  Even if this modest goal is realised, and it is a tall order given the current election-related upswing in spending, it is still a far cry from realising the kind of investible surplus that can jumpstart sustainable development. Also budgetary allocation to prestige and non-revenue earning projects like mouth-watering sums for the vice-president’s official quarters and elongating the presidential fleet do not square with the advertised goal of bringing down the tide of consumption and personal emolument.

 

So far, various proposals and strategies for bringing down the cost of governance, some of them made by government-funded commissions have continued to gather dust in abandoned files to which they are consigned. At the political level, administration strategists are celebrating  such recent deft manoeuvres as the breakup of the Nigerian Governors’ Forum, the rebound of Mr. “Mr. Fix it”, Tony Anenih, as chairman of the PDP Board of Trustees as well as the legal clearance given to President Goodluck Jonathan to contest the 2015 elections by the Abuja High Court. Clinton’s subtle reference to squandermania and corruption as drivers of Nigeria’s prolonged, arrested development put a different gloss, altogether on these political triumphs.

 

Providing material for national reflection and stock-taking is Clinton’s second point about the pervasive poverty and worsening inequality that have attended Nigeria’s severely distorted version of neo-liberalism.  The difference must be striking between the splendour of the hall where Clinton spoke in Abeokuta and the rustic mien of the surrounding neighbourhood where many Nigerians barely make ends meet. In the same connection, The New York Times reported in an Op-ed article on March 1, that there exists a planet of difference between the recently razed down shanties of Badia-East in Lagos State and the “upmarket, Dubai-style shopping and housing development” projected in the Eko Atlantic City. And so, the Nigerian political elite, government and opposition alike are united in a growth agenda which has no place for the poor let alone the poorest segments of society.

 

In a revealing tribute paid to Dr. Ngozi Okonjo–Iweala, the Finance Minister, by the former presidential candidate of the Action Congress of Nigeria, Mr. Nuhu Ribadu, we catch a glimpse of the developmental ethos that unites both public figures.  Enthused Ribadu, “In her World Bank office, a beautiful portrait of the Sardauna of Sokoto, the late Sir Ahmadu Bello, occupied a central space on the wall. I once asked her the reason for exhibiting that picture. She said she admires his leadership and achievements, particularly the positive change he brought to the North of Nigeria.”  In other words, Nigeria’s economy is managed by a conservative reformer in the mould of Ahmadu Bello. To be sure, Sir Ahmadu Bello did a lot for the North, but his was an aristocratic vision of development in which hierarchy and royalty came well ahead of social equality or income redistribution.

 

Today our politicians are busy talking about labels – PDP versus APC – but they remain ominously silent on substantive policy direction and on how the common man figures in the never-ending shenanigans. Why does worsening inequality count?  The chickens are coming home to roost and the wails of the underclass mean that the rich can no longer take peaceful rest in the fabulous comfort of their fortified homes.  In Clinton’s words, “As you keep trying to divide the power, you have to figure out a way to have a strategy that will help in sharing prosperity.”

 

This is a much different approach from merely celebrating growth in gross domestic product while failing to take cognisance of rising unemployment, especially among the youths and the downward slide in the productive sectors of the economy. Purposive redistributive politics anchored on prudent management of resources is what Clinton recommends to a nation adrift; and what better time to make the point than now when politicians are preparing themselves so ostentatiously for mandate renewal.

 

Worthy of rumination is Clinton’s third point about the manifest waste of human resources constituted by the substantial number of highly educated and well-trained Nigerians, many of who are making waves in the US and other countries of the world. Clinton believes that Nigeria should harness this powerhouse of intellect for national development. The irony of the current situation whereby our government pays through its nose to hire foreign nationals to undertake jobs which our own nationals could have better done is of course a most gripping one.  However, at a time when travel advisories on Nigeria are being issued by several nations around the globe warning their countrymen to stay off the country, it is doubtful if Nigeria can successfully launch a bid to recover its manpower lost to immigration. For this to happen, there must be evidence of improvement in the conditions of professionals at home as well as in the environment in which Nigerians as a people make a living outside of the special advantages of those who have political appointments.

 

The point must be underlined, however, that as the example of the Asian Tigers demonstrate, the primacy of the intellect and of knowledge workers must be asserted before laggard nations can be made whole and find a place on the world map. Too often, sound advice given by Nigerians who are not in government are treated with disdain or dismissed as partisan. Hearing these words from the lips of an eminent visitor like Bill Clinton should hopefully make a difference to what has frustratingly become a dialogue of the deaf. And that is if they have not heard such before from another equally eminent foreigner.

 

Ayo Olukotun (ayo_olukotun@yahoo.com)

Article culled from Punch

How to fix Nigeria – by Muhammadu Buhari (Text of speech delivered at The Africa Diaspora Conference, House Of Commons, London, United Kingdom, on Tuesday, 5th March 2013)

Protocols

 

1. May I thank the organizers for inviting me and my associates to this conference which, if I may say so, is growing in influence by the day. The presence of many Nigerians and distinguished Britons on these historic premises testifies to the importance and to the high expectations of this occasion. At the end of today’s proceedings many of us hope to have a better understanding of our problems and perhaps identify more effective solutions to those problems.
2. My contribution today is based on reflection and practical observation rather than on studious research or scholarly presentation. It is a soldier’s and politician’s broad observations on democracy and economic development in my country, Nigeria.

 

By convention one usually would like to talk about his country outside its shores in glowing terms extolling its virtues and defending its values and interests. But the situation in our country is so bad and no one knows this better than the international community, that it would be futile to take this line today.

 

Furthermore, it would be counter-productive to efforts we are all making to understand and accept our shortcomings with a view to taking steps towards a general improvement. If you continue to be in denial, as Nigeria’s government and its apologists are wont to do, you will lose all credibility.

 

DEMOCRACY

3. There is no point in rehearsing all the text-book theories of democracy to this august gathering. But in practical terms there are, I think, certain conditions without which true democracy cannot survive. These conditions include, but are not limited to, the level of literacy; level of economic attainment; reasonable homogeneity; rights of free speech and free association; a level playing field; free and fair elections; adherence to the rule of law and an impartial judiciary. But these imperatives are not applicable to all countries and all climes. India for example, suffers from great poverty and diversity but its efforts at running a democracy are exemplary.
4. Democracy can best flourish when a certain level of educational attainment or literacy exists in the society. The vast majority of the voters must be in a position to read and write and consequently distinguish which is which on the voters card to make their choices truly theirs. In recent elections in Nigeria, many voters had to be guided – like blind men and women – as to which name and logo represent their preferred choices or candidates to vote for. When one does not know what the thing is all about, it is difficult to arrive at a free choice. It will be even more difficult to hold elected office holders to account and throw them out for non-performance at the next election. Under these circumstances, democracy has a long way to go. Our collective expectations on a democratic system of government in less advanced countries must, therefore, be tempered by these realities.

 

5. Nor must we discount the role of economic development on the democratic process. An even more compelling determinant to human behavior than education is, I think, economic condition. I will return to this topic when discussing elections, but suffice to remark here that if, for example, on election day, a voter wakes up with nothing to eat for himself and his family and representatives of a candidate offer him, say N500 (£2) he faces a hard choice: whether to starve for the day or abandon his right to vote freely.
As the celebrated American economist, late Professor J.K. Galbraith said: “Nothing circumscribes freedom more completely than total absence of money”.

 

6. For democracy to function perfectly, a reasonable level of ethnic, linguistic or cultural homogeneity must exist in a country and this applies to all countries whether more developed or less developed. In the US, which like Nigeria is a federation, Hawaii and Alaska send two senators each to Washington as do California and New York. In our own country, Bayelsa with a population of less than two million elects three senators to the National Assembly in Abuja equal to Lagos State with a population of over ten million. Nassarawa State with about two million people and Kano State with over five times the population also send 3 senators each to Abuja. Such dilution clearly negates the intent and spirit of democracy.

 

7. Central and critical to democracy is adherence to the rule of law. That is to say, no individual, institution, not even government itself can act outside the confines of law without facing sanctions. Executive arbitrariness can only be checked where there is respect for the law. Other desirable conditions of democracy such as freedom of speech and association can only flourish in an atmosphere where the law is supreme. Law does not guarantee but allows a level playing field. In the absence of the rule of law, free and fair elections and an independent judiciary cannot exist.

 

8. As a result of the virtual absence of the rule of law, elections in Nigeria since 2003 have not been free and fair. As a participant, I can relate to this audience my experiences during the 2003, 2007 and 2011 Presidential elections. Hundreds of candidates have similar experiences in State, Federal legislature and Gubernatorial elections. Under Nigerian law, these elections are governed by the 1999 constitution, the Electoral Law and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) acts of 2002, 2006 and 2010. Ordinarily, an election is an occasion when contestants will join the electorate in celebration of freedom, because the will of the majority has prevailed. Winners and losers alike come together to work in the interest of their country. But this happens only if the elections were deemed free and fair. In 2003, INEC, the body charged with the conduct of elections in our country tabled results in court which were plainly dishonest. We challenged them to produce evidence for the figures. They refused. The judges supported them by saying, in effect, failure to produce the result does not negate the elections! In a show of unprecedented dishonesty and unprofessionalism, the President of the Court of Appeal read out INEC’s figures (which they refused to come to court to prove or defend) as the result accepted by the Court. The Supreme Court, the highest court in the land, said this was okay.

 

9. In 2007, the violations of electoral rules were so numerous that most lawyers connected with the case firmly believed that the elections would be nullified. I will refer to just two such violations. The Electoral Act of 2006 stipulated that ballot papers SHALL be serially numbered and voters result sheets must also be tallied on serially numbered papers. INEC produced ballot papers with NO serial numbers and also used blank sheets thereby making it well nigh impossible to have an audit trail. At all events, at the final collation centre the chief electoral officer, after 11 (eleven) states (out of 36) were tallied excused himself from the room – apparently on a toilet break – and announced the “final results” to waiting journalists. He had the “results” in his pocket. At the time, several states had not completed transmission of their tallies. As in 2003 the courts rubber-stamped this gross transgression of the rules. Some election returns confirmed by INEC stamps included, 28th April, two (2) days before the election, 29th April, a day before the election and astonishingly, 31st April a date which does not exist on the calendar, illustrating the farcical nature of the election. The Supreme Court split 4-3 in favour of the Government.

 

10. In 2011 all pretences at legality and propriety were cast aside. In the South-South and South-Eastern States, turn-out of voters was recorded by INEC at between 85% – 95% even though in the morning of the election the media reported sparse attendance at polling booths. The rest of the country where opposition parties were able to guard and monitor the conduct of the Presidential election turn-out averaged about 46%. In many constituencies in the South-South and South-East, votes cast far exceeded registered figures.

 

11. Which brings us to the need for an impartial Judiciary in a democratic setting. The judicial arm of the government, properly speaking, should be the interpreter and arbiter of executive and legislative actions but the Nigerian government since 1999 has successfully emasculated the judiciary and turned it into a yes-man. An independent and impartial judiciary would have overturned all the Presidential elections since 2003. In addition, hundreds of cases of judicial misconduct have marred elections to Local Government, State and Federal Legislatures. The Judiciary has run its reputation down completely since 2003.

 

12. Here, I would like to say a few words about the international observers. In 1999 the greatly revered former US President, Jimmy Carter walked off in a huff at the conduct of that year’s Presidential election. But compared to what took place afterwards, the 1999 election was a model of propriety. I am sure many Nigerians like me feel gratitude to the international community, notably the Catholic Secretariat who deployed over 1,000 observers in 2003 and the National Democratic Institute in Washington for their work in Nigeria. In 2003 and 2007, all the international observer teams, along with domestic observers concluded that those two elections fell far short of acceptable standards. The Nigerian government, along with the international community ignored those critical reports. Some members of this audience may recall the trenchant criticisms by the UK and US governments on the Zimbabwean elections held about the same time as Nigeria’s. Now the Zimbabwean elections were very much better conducted than the Nigerian elections as the opposition party in Zimbabwe actually was declared to have won the parliamentary elections.

 

13. Yet Western Governments turned a blind eye to Nigerian elections and an eagle eye on Zimbabwe’s and its supposed shortcomings. No better illustration of double-standards can be cited. Accordingly, in 2011, the international observers, having seen their painstaking work in earlier years completely ignored, took the line of least resistance and concluded after cursory examinations that the elections were okay.

 

14. So it is quite clear from these brief recollections that many preliminary elements of a democratic set-up are missing in Nigeria namely: level of educational development, level of economic development, homogeneity, level playing field, rule of law, impartial judiciary and free and fair elections.

 

15. As observed earlier, democracy cannot function optimally without a certain level of economic attainment.

 

16. Economically, Nigeria is a potential powerhouse, a large population, 167 million by the last official estimate, arable land, more than 300, 000 square kilometers, 13,000 square kilometers of fresh water. In addition, the country has gas, oil, solid minerals, forests, fisheries, wind power and potentials for tourism and hosting of international sporting events. It is a miracle waiting to happen. The lack of leadership and policy continuity has resulted in great under-achievement.

 

17. Many Nigerians in the audience today will relate to the situation of our countrymen and women. More than 100 million of our people live below $2 a day according to the Nigeria Bureau of Statistics and many internationally recognized estimates. We lack security, are short of food, water, live in poor shelters with hardly any medicare to speak of. Small scale farmers, foresters, micro businesses such as market women, washermen, vulcanizers, tailors, street corner shop-keepers and the like lack both power and meaningful access to small scale credit to ply their trade and prosper.

 

No wonder, the publication, “The African Economic Outlook 2012” under the auspices of the United Nations lamented that poverty and underdevelopment were on the increase. In fact, GDP figures in the raw or in outline tell little about the spread of wealth, employment levels, infrastructural development and the effect of socio-economic programmes such as schooling, health care, and security on the generality of the population. You may sell a lot of oil in an era of high oil prices and boost your GDP and boast about it. But there is nothing to boast about when 100 million of your people are in poverty and misery. Life is a daily hassle; a daily challenge. It is under these circumstances that many a voter is tempted to sell off his voting card for a pittance on Election Day.

 

CONCLUSION

18. We now come to crux of the matter by attempting some answers to the very pertinent questions which the organizers of this conference put to me. How stable is Nigeria’s economy? The short answer is that it very much depends on the international oil market. The failure over the years to diversify and strengthen the economy or to invest in the global economy has left Nigeria perilously at the mercy of global oil prices. Instead of using the so-called excess crude account which in other countries goes by the name of Sovereign Wealth Fund to develop major domestic infrastructure such as Power, Railways, Road development, the account has been frittered down and applied to current consumption. There is no magic, no short-cut to economic development. We must start from first principles – by developing agriculture and industries. Sixty years ago, we exported considerable quantities of cocoa, cotton, groundnuts, rubber and palm kernels. There were sizeable incomes to the farmers. Indeed in two years, if I recall correctly, 1951 and 1953, Nigeria produced a million tons of groundnuts. Today, other than a few thousand tons of cocoa, hardly any cotton, rubber or palm products are exported.

 

19. Until and unless serious budgetary attention is paid to agriculture, the vast majority of rural population will remain on subsistence basis and will eventually wither away by migration to the cities and increasing the stress on urban life. What is required is applying today’s technology, primarily improved seeds and seedlings, irrigation systems, use of weather forecasts, and above all, substantial subsidies and access to cheap credit. In Nigeria, the basic tools for agricultural take-off, the Six River Basin Authorities were wantonly scrapped in 1986 under the disastrous Structural Adjustment Programme. They are the best vehicle for our country’s agricultural revival and expansion.

 

INDUSTRIES
20. Next to agriculture, government and railways industries are the country’s biggest employers of labour. Industries are vital in absorbing urban workforce. Nigeria’s burgeoning industrial growth was brought to an abrupt halt by the Structural Adjustment Programme which massively devalued the naira under IMF harassment and bullying. Uninterrupted Nigeria’s capacity by now would have been able to produce basic machine tools, bicycles, motor cycles, car parts, parts for industrial machinery and the likes. But alas, the car industry is down; tyre manufacturing is down, both Michelin and Dunlop have closed; battery manufacturing and sugar industries are down; cable industries all but down: all in the wake of the Structural Adjustment Programme. The last 14 years have added to the misery due to red tape, high interest rates, power shortages and competition from developed economies under World Trade Organization (WTO) imperatives. Subsuming all these problems is the old and ever-present devil: corruption.
Corruption has shot through all facets of government and economic life in our country. Until serious efforts are made to tackle corruption which is beyond the capacity of this government, economic growth and stability will elude us. On corruption, don’t just take my word for it. The Chairman of one of the bodies charged with the task of fighting corruption in Nigeria, Mr. Ekpo Nta of Independent Corrupt Practices and other related Offensive Commission (ICPC) was quoted by the Daily Trust newspaper of 14th February, 2013 as saying that there was no political will to fight corruption in Nigeria.

 

21. A second fundamental question asked by the organizers is: Can Nigeria as presently structured administratively and politically emerge an economically competitive nation? I believe it can. There is a lively debate going on in our country about the need to re-structure the country. What shape this reform is going to take is uncertain. Even the most vocal advocates of re-structuring the country, although long on rhetoric seem short and vague on details. We have tried regions and this was deemed lopsided and a trap to minorities. We tried twelve, nineteen and now thirty six (36) states and there is clamour for more. I firmly believe that state creation has now become dysfunctional, as disproportionate amounts of our meager resources go to over-heads at the expense of basic social services and infrastructural development. Moreover, I also believe that Nigeria’s problem is not so much the structure but the process. Nevertheless, I believe a careful and civil conversation should be held to look closely at the structure.

 

22. But how do we go about it? Go back to the Regions? I do not think this would be acceptable; except perhaps in the old Western Region. Try the present Six Geo-political Zones as federating units? I believe there will be so much unrest and strife in South-South and North-Central; this is not to say that there will be no pockets of resistance in the North West and North East as well – the consequence of all these will unsettle the country. Go back to General Gowon’s 12 state structure? Here too, entrenched personal or group interests will make collapsing and merging states impossible to operate in a democratic set-up. It is only when you come face to face with the problem you will appreciate the complications inherent in re-structuring Nigeria.

 

23. However, once a national consensus is reached, however defective, the environment will facilitate political and economic stability. At long last we can look forward to Nigeria finding its place among the BRIC nations and instead of BRIC, the media would be talking of BRINC nations: Brazil, Russia, India, Nigeria and China. I sincerely hope this happens in my lifetime.

 

24. The third question put to me by the organizers is: Can the present electoral body in Nigeria guarantee and deliver credible elections that will strengthen the nation’s democracy in 2015?

 

25. All the present indications are that INEC as it is presently constituted would be unable to deliver any meaningful elections in 2015. I have gone to some lengths earlier in my talk to describe INEC’s conduct in the last decade. The Electoral Body has developed a very cozy relationship with Executive and Judicial arms of government that its impartiality is totally lost. In the run-up to the last elections INEC requested (and received with indecent haste) in excess of 80 billion naira (about £340m.) a hefty sum by any standards, so that it could conduct the elections including organizing bio-metric voters data specifically for the 2011 elections.

 

26. But when opposition parties challenged the patently dishonest figures it announced and subpoenaed the bio-metric data in court, INEC refused to divulge them on the laughable excuse of “National Security”. INEC’s top echelon is immersed deep in corruption and only wholesale changes at the top could begin to cure its malaise. What is required is a group of independent minded people, patriotic, incorruptible but with the capacity to handle such a strenuous assignment of conducting elections in Nigeria. It is not difficult to find such people but whether the Government and the National Assembly have the inclination to do so I am not so sure. The only way I and many more experienced politicians than myself expect the 2015 elections to be remotely free and fair is for the opposition to be so strong that they can effectively prevent INEC from rigging. I would like, here, Mr. Chairman to repeat what I have said time and time again at home in Nigeria with regards to the election aftermath. Some commentators and public figures have wrongly pointed accusing fingers at me for inciting post-election violence. Nothing could be further from the truth. I have been a public servant all my adult life: a soldier, a federal minister, a state governor and the head of state. My duty is to Nigeria first and foremost. Post-election violence was triggered by the grossest injustice of election rigging and accompanying state high-handedness.

 

27. Lastly, Mr. Chairman, I will attempt to address the two very important questions you put to me namely: How can the poverty level in Nigeria be reduced? And How can the masses generally benefit from the nation’s vast wealth? As remarked earlier, there is no short cut to poverty eradication than to get people to work and earn money. Poverty means lack of income. If serious efforts are made to support agriculture through states and local government apparatus in the shape of inputs, i.e fertilizers and pesticides, extension services and provision of small-scale credits, agriculture will boom within 5 – 7 years. Farmers will generate more income to enable them to grow the food the country needs and to look after our environment. In addition, the drift to urban centres will be greatly reduced. Equal attention should be paid to the revival of employment-generating activities such as Railways, Industries, notably textiles and other land and forest resource based industries to absorb urban labour to tackle poverty, reduce urban stress and crime and at the same time boost the economy. However, these two major policy initiatives can only succeed if there is substantial improvement in power generation. As remarked earlier, adequate provision of power will help small scale business to thrive and link-up with the general economy. Power is the site of the legion, in other words, it is central to all economic activity.

 

28. May I, Mr. Chairman, conclude this presentation by referring to the distribution of income in Nigeria today? No better illustration of the huge income disparity can be quoted than the statement of Malam Adamu Fika, Chairman of the Committee set up by Government to review the Nigerian public service. In the course of presentation of his Report, the Chairman pointed out that 18,000 public officers consume in the form of salaries, allowances and other perquisites N1.126 trillion naira (£4billion) of public funds. The total Nigerian budget for 2013 is N4.9 trillion (£20 billion). This is the worst form of corruption and oppression. A wholesale look at public expenses vis-à-vis the real need of the country has become urgent.

 

29. Mr. Chairman, the Honourable Members, Distinguished Guests, I thank you for your patience and attention.

 

 

Mr. Buhari delivered this speech at The Africa Diaspora Conference, House Of Commons, London, United Kingdom, on Tuesday, 5th March 2013

 

via PremiumTimes

OPINION: Michelle Obama, President Jonathan And His Attack Dogs – by Japheth Omojuwa

The first thing one of President Goodluck Jonathan’s aides, Dr. Doyin Okupe, admitted upon his appointment is to say he is an “animal”. That admission came when he said he was not an “attack dog” but an “attack lion”. He preferred being called an attack animal because he was speaking from a box that has since defined the Nigerian Presidency and its communications with the Nigerian people. Note that, whether he got called a dog or a lion, he realised he was brought – do not read bought – to attack for the President. This reality explains why nine out of 10 times, the Presidency is not setting its own agenda but reacting to one thing or the other. It is a function of one of the many dysfunctions of Nigeria’s ruling class. More often than not, they are on the defensive. Whether or not they are doing something right, they find themselves almost always on the side of the conversation where they are often the accused. This is not the greatest undoing of Aso Rock and its many evils but it is a fundamental challenge. It continues to reduce Nigeria’s seat of power to a ball of disgrace readily kicked about deservingly by all and sundry.

This attack dog syndrome is not only limited to Aso Rock, it is a Nigerian reality. The opposition parties display it just as much as Aso Rock and I was at its receiving end recently when I attended a lunch in honour of ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo in Berlin, Germany. I had asked the ex-president two questions concerning his tenure as President after an introduction of him by Transparency International’s Peter Eigen that looked more like a saintly wash to me. I asked him if he took responsibility for the 2007 debacle otherwise called elections. I also asked him that considering he had been president for about 20 per cent of Nigeria’s post-Independence history, if he took some responsibility for the fact that some 112 million Nigerians remain poor. It was as though I had thrown a bomb in the room. The ex-president started with all the arrogance of a man who believes a mere mortal like myself dared not question him. He went on the attack immediately. “You stay abroad…” and I cut in to say, “No. I am based in Nigeria.” Chief Obasanjo then continued, “Well, let me educate you, the 2007 elections nobody died, the 2011 elections at least 11 corpers (sic) died. If that is the kind of election you want, good luck to you.” He also mentioned how he had reduced the poverty rate during his tenure and how his successors were responsible for the current failures.

We met outside the hall after the main session and the first thing he said was, “You, who do you work for?!”, which may sound awkward but is indeed a question that fits the Nigerian box of the arrogance of power. As far as he was concerned, a regular Nigerian citizen without some “vested interests” – quoting President Jonathan on Christiane Amanpour’s interview on CNN – would not dare ask him questions like that. I had to have been sponsored. He asked for my job and he took a moment to tell me mine was not a real job, taking a final swipe before gliding away in all the glory of a Godfather. No one questions the Godfather! The same way those serving the President and indeed most governors believe no one should question their authority.

Examples abound. Mrs. Oby Ezekwesili had asked the Federal Government to explain what it did with $67bn being money left from the Obasanjo years from the foreign reserves and Excess Crude Account. The ECA, for instance, had plunged from about $20bn to a paltry $3m just before the 2011 elections, Ezekwesili claimed. In a civilised democracy or a system where people care about setting the records straight, efforts would be spent on laying out the numbers, opening the books and showing the public what happened to what money. The President’s attack dogs chose their usual path: They accused her of having access to the budgetary allocations to all the universities, polytechnics, secondary schools, the Ministry of Education and indeed all the funds that went under the word “education” in the budget. They knew exactly what they were doing. Just push it out, most who see headlines do not bother about the content. They conveniently left the truth unsaid but instead looked to have everyone distracted from the initial question of what happened to a whopping $67bn!

At other times, people get called names just because they ask those who govern them questions. The once respected Reuben Abati deserves accolades for his ability to nametag anyone who differs with the President. You are called “children”, “men of yesterday” and all kinds of names that essentially deviate everyone’s attention from the genuine questions around governance. He is inconsequential and very much another like a speck on the body of the many ants in human regalia that visit Aso Rock for one favour or the other but Reno Omokri is almost relevant on the social media. As far as he is concerned, if you do not agree that these are the best times in Nigeria’s history, you are bitter. He is supposed to be a pastor but considering the fact that this particular attack dog does not even have a pen of his own in the villa, we could assume he is just another barking puppy, useful mostly for his ability to create multiple social media accounts to amplify the incoherence of a presidential media team that is at best unprofessional in its set-up – they are often working at variance with one another – and commonly puerile in delivery.

They have a lot to learn from the cerebral, elegant and classy US First Lady, Michelle Obama. What were you thinking?  She had long complained to President Barack Obama and her own White House East Wing team that the West Wing – the President’s side – was not showing the American people the side of the President they needed to see. Mrs. Obama believed President Obama’s successes especially with the Health Care reforms, otherwise known as Obamacare were lost on the ordinary American because of the messaging of the President’s team. President Obama would not really take any decisive action on this until the mid term elections in 2010 when the Republicans gave his Democratic Party a sound beating. The message was clear, whatever President Obama thought he was doing, Americans were seeing and hearing something else. Obama rang the changes after the elections.

President Jonathan is not bothered about mid term elections so only the 2015 elections can bring the message home. As the elections get closer with every passing day, expect the attack dogs to get louder. As far as these ones are concerned, their boss is destined to rule and no one can stop him. These attack dogs are hurting the President a lot than he can imagine: Tell us what he is doing right before you attack us. Gen. Sani Abacha depended on these attacks because no human could stop him. No human stopped him, as it turned out eventually.

 

 

•Japheth Omojuwa, a social entrepreneur and editor, AfricanLiberty.org, wrote in via mr.omojuwa@gmail.com

Twitter: @omojuwa

 

Article culled from The Punch. read here

Sleeping Through a Revolution – by Igbokwe Ifeanyichukwu

In October 1908, Ford introduced the Model T. He had done his homework extremely well and had taken his time to make it far more advanced in technology and design, easier to repair, more innovative and most of all cheaper. He knew quite well that the working class American of his day needed cars but they could not afford it so he gave them model T.

 

It was a phenomenal success, in a few years about half of the cars in American highways and elsewhere came from Ford. He had produced over fifteen million copies of this easy-to-drive car and had begun to think the model would last forever. While his competitor were busy building faster, more durable and better cars Ford could not bring himself to think he would ever need to make another model. While away on holiday, his workers improved on the design and built a newer better model and presented to him as a surprise on his arrival but he destroyed it, viewing it as a threat. When after two decades sales had begun to decline massively, Ford decided to build a new model but not after it had forfeited its coveted number one position to his competitors.

 

Why does a brand sell more than the other? Why does Sprite sell more than 7up? Why would a customer prefer one brand over and above the other? Why do Eva and Nestle consistently upgrade their table water containers? Why would two people who graduated from the same university the same year be hired by a company into different position with such disparity in wages such that one earns N150, 000 and the other smiles home with N75, 000, given that the company is an equal opportunity employer?

 

Could it be that there is something one knew and the other doesn’t? Could it be that there is something one is doing better than the other or does the other is not aware of? Could it be that one is doing a thing the other is not considering important yet? We have come to dwell in a time that handsomely rewards hard work; a generation that has no time eulogizing the weak or the not-so-good-enough.

 

 

 

Therefore the worth of a man is more of what he can do with his head than what he can accomplish with the strength of his muscles. The ability of an organization to do what the other does not know of yet and keep far ahead of the competition has become their strength and the very advantage with which it rules in the market in which they exist. For surely the employer would always go for the best, the customer would go for the best leaving the good with little or nothing at all.

So the question is: How much do you know what you do? Do you know it enough to be preferred over your neighbor? Are you busy wasting away time in the name of waiting for employers to come with nothing in your head to attract them? Are you among the workers that just go with the flow, trudge along with the crowd without any unique output to distinguish you? Then you may be in for a shocker. For it is almost sure that one day there will come the need to restructure the workforce. It would become obvious that those who have no significant input to offer the company would be the first to be dismissed. Until you give an employer a reason to keep you, it’s a pity you have no job and even a worse pity that you are not aware and are not ready for it

Have you come to ask yourself why it is in the building of any great architectural edifice, the casual laborers who actually do the bulk of the personal physical labor required to put the structure in place earn peanuts when compared to what the architects and engineers in reality do more intellectual work than strength-based work on the project.

 

Why do business owners, CEO’s and managers who often sit in their big offices dishing out orders and doing no much physical work earn almost everything and be millionaires while the employees who actually do the bulk of the work that generates the revenue go on year after year, managing to stay an inch away from poverty. Could it be that the business owners, CEO’s and managers do something that the employees don’t do or know something they don’t know? I tell you YES!

 

Time has changed and is changing. To thrive in the information economy in which we are, an individual would require a lot of intellectual capital.

The world’s population stands at seven billion while Nigeria’s population is an estimated 170 million. These figures are expected to double in the next couple of decades. Out of the seven billion, what would we need and people would recommend you as the person that knows how best to do? What do you know more? Why would anyone prefer you to your neighbor? Until you we address these issues personally, things may never change.

Being an individual survival, relevance or dominance in a sphere of existence in an information-driven economy would largely depend on how much you know, which would give one an edge, advantage or preference over the other. More than in any age would it be an unpardonable crime to exist in an age like this with a central nervous system capable of storing all the names of the sand grains of the earth, had they got individual names and carry it about everywhere empty.

 

 

Igbokwe Ifeanyichukwu is an action coach, a motivational speaker, a writer and a consultant. He is set to be a Monday Columnist on OMOJUWA.COM

#AwakeningYou: JOIN TO KICK OUT THIS MONSTER – @StevenHaastrup

Do you know globally about 1.5 million are victim of cybercrimes daily?

 

Today! I will be talking on an itching relegated issue that bothers around a recent exposed report confirming Nigeria’s status as a global kingpin in cybercrime.

 

Good day and welcome to a special edition of #AwakeningYou, a Tuesday weekly script of #StartupNigeria. My name is Haastrup Steven.

 

One of the most damning indictments of Nigeria in the eyes of the world is the relatively high incidence of cybercrime in the country. Instead of using the latest advancements in information and communication technology for positive ends, many of our young people use them to commit horrendous crimes. What irks is not that cybercrimes are committed by Nigerians; indeed what miffs the world is the fact that, like in many other areas of life, crimes goes unpunished and a fertile ground is thus created for the germination of such anti-social behavior.

 

Cybercrime is a worldwide phenomenon. Most countrieshave devised methodical procedures for intercepting and investigating criminal activities on the World Wide Web. Nigeria ranks third behind the United States and the UK among countries with high occurrence of cybercrime.

 

Recent studies have shown that 66 percent of internet fraud was perpetrated from the United States, about 10 percent from the UK and 8 percent from Nigeria. In terms of technological development, Nigeria is far behind the US and UK but it rubs shoulders with them in cybercrime, thereby making the headlines of the world’s leading media for the wrong reasons. This has impacted negatively on the image of the countryto such an extent that in many parts of the world, every Nigerian is proven guilty of cybercrime until proven innocent.

 

Predictably, a Nigerian scam is listed in a class of its own worldwide. There is no category known as South African or Ghanaian cybercrime. Today, we experience it, our e-mail accounts are filled up with scam mails, some fall for some while others don’t. The common and current trendtoday is sending mails with a pretense to be from credible source (Banks especially) and asking the recipient to confirm personal info, this trick has been used to defraud bank customers who are fooled into parting with vital information which is then used by the fraudsters to access and divert their funds.

 

Now, what can we do? It’s obvious the Government don’t care about how this affects our image as they are no sound laws against them, probably because it’s just a branch of corruption as we all know that cybercrimes are perpetrated by the grass root while the Government skims the top.

 

As responsible citizens, to start with, we must quantify the economic cost of cybercrime in Nigeria as other countries have been able to estimate the cost and use this statistics to combat the menace. This statistics if gathered will help push for sound policies bothering around cybercrime and socio-economic analysis in Nigeria.

 

You can responsibly participate in 60 seconds and in 5 questions in a PIN (Paradigm Initiative Nigeria) sponsored survey via http://surveymonkey.com/s/HKRW3G2

 

Thanks for reading through and participating responsibly.

 

Don’t go off this page without sharing this piecewith a friend! Just a few clicks will do.

 

(Extracts from allafrica.com)

___________________________________________________________________________

Haastrup Steven is the Executive Director of Startup Nigeria; He is a freelance writer, Impact public speaker, a startup trainer and a lover of God. He is a fan of technology and its influence over our lives and the society.

 

Follow me today on twitter @StevenHaastrup

Email: haastrupsteven@gmail.com

INTERVIEW: APC Will Provide Genuine Transformation – Senator Bukar Abba Ibrahim

Senator Bukar Abba Ibrahim is the chairman, Senate Committee on Housing and in this interview with RUTH CHOJI, the three-time governor of Yobe state says that new All Progressives Congress (APC) will provide real transformation against the ruling PDP’s lip service transformation. He also speaks on various topical issues.

 

What should Nigerian expect now that the opposition parties merger is as good as concluded?
Nigerian should expect a brand; new mega should party of the progressive. Progressive Nigerians should expect progress once the merger and registration is completed. We will also put up structures on ground and then go on massive enlightenment campaign. We will contest elections and win and form a government. Nigerian has never been ruled by progressives; it has always been in conservative hands.

For the first time we are going to get a government being led by progressives to show the world that our government is going to be different. We will not just talk about transformation like Jonathan and his people do, we will transform the society. Governments in this country have always lacked vision and sophistication, a dimension that would have led to the real transformation of Nigeria.

What will make APC different from other parties?
The manifesto is being written now, but it is going to be government by the people, for the people. One of the key things we are going to do in this government is to declare free and compulsory education up to secondary school level from one to six. We are going to fight desertification, erosion and other environmental factors. We will also place emphasis on the solid mineral of this country that will diversify resources instead of depending on oil alone.

How does this mega party intend to capture the grassroots being new?
We will take it down to the grassroots, as soon as merger arrangements are finished. We will start going to the villages, right from Abuja, to the zonal headquarters, to state and local government.

 

Is the party going to use the zoning formula that is prevalent in most parties?
If you look at the composition of APC, right from now, religion is not going to be a major factor. We have the whole of Nigeria being well represented. It is going to be an open democracy; we are not going to fix somebody on the basis religion. We will treat people on basis of parties’ faithfulness and commitment.

 

Who are the governors that were reported to have indicated interest to join the APC?
I have been told but I have not personally heard any governor from the PDP wanting to join. But I have been told by some of our colleagues that some have indicated interest, particularly the two-term governors who will be finishing their terms. For senators, quite a number of them have already indicated their interest  by saying that, we should make sure this thing succeeds; that they are coming, we should prepare a fall-back position for them.

 

There has been renewed agitation for generational shift; will older politicians give way to new breed in the APC?
Its too early to talk about fielding anybody; this party is about the good people of Nigeria, it is about giving credible, alternative leadership to the PDP. At the appropriate time, people will come out and show their interest. It is democracy that will decide who contests what and who wins what. It is not party policy to emphasis on generational shift. It comes naturally.

 

As a former governor, will you support the removal of the joint state and local government account?
I support the idea of scrapping the local government joint account because it has been abused in many states. There are states where it is properly done but in many states, it is abused. So it is better for us to allow the government at the lowest level to decide their faith themselves than for somebody to do it for them because that is what it amounts to.

If local government is allowed to have their moneys, development will spread. I have seen situations where governors have taken money from four, five six local government and constructed roads, but that was not the priority of those local government. Local government should decide what their priorities are.

 

Do you think there is a need to review the on shore/of shore dichotomy law?
I think there is a need to review this on shore/off shores dichotomy law because many states are going bankrupt. None oil producing states hardly have any money to do anything rather than paying salaries. This is not fair. The amount of money oil producing states get in this country today is very unreasonable, it is too much and too high. This is why they are squandering the money; they cannot even effectively utilize the money for real development.

Ways must be found to try and change the situation relatively in favor of none oil producing state. Other places have just one source of revenue while the Niger/Delta has different sources of revenue in a year. It is not fair in a federation. This kind of thing doesn’t encourage peace and stability.

 

Is federalism working in Nigeria, some are clamoring for a return to regionalism?
It is not working very well; it can be improved. But it all depends on what you mean by federalism, because what I just described cannot be said to be federalism in a country where you have thirty-six states. The oil state have the federal allocation, 13% derivation, a ministry was specifically established to work for them with hundreds of billions of naira budget, the NDDC with hundreds of billion of naira also working for the Niger/Delta only.

The oil companies are paying a lot by way of their corporate social responsibility. The federal government is pushing plenty of money now and then to that area for amnesty; it is not fair. Just recently I read in the papers, that four South/South states take home more than what the 19 northern states take together. We must learn to be our brother’s keepers, today oil is being produced in the Niger/Delta, and every oil man is enjoying.

This oil will not last forever. This oil is not on ground because of anybody efforts or determination. Nobody produced it; it was put there by God and the Nigerian constitution said that anything on the ground  belongs to the federal government and it must be used by all Nigerians and this is not happening right now. We need to adjust to some changes; we need to review a few things in our revenue allocation formula.

 

Coming back to your committee; has there been any law that will compel government to provide housing for Nigerians?
No, there is no law that will compel government to build housing for Nigerians, but there is a law which says it is desirable for local, state and federal government to produce decent and affordable houses to the people of Nigeria. You can’t enforce it. It is just like education, every Nigerian child is entitled to education, but you cannot force government to take anybody child to school

 

What will it take to produce mass housing for Nigerians?
That is what the Social housing Bill is all about; we are trying to give Nigerians housing built by government at a relatively low cost using mainly local building materials in mass all over the country.

The bill will be passed and then go to Mr. President and the president will accent and it become law. We have identified several sources of funding that can be used like the ecological fund, unclaimed dividend, shares in banks, using part of pension money and so on. We have identified several sources of funding for the mass housing.

 

Going to Yobe State, there were reports that the governor and official have abandoned the state because of the insecurity, what is really happening there?
I have not been to Yobe State myself for the last six months, so I don’t know what is happening there. But I know that life is returning to normalcy in Damaturu and also Potiskum, if not for the recent slaughter of foreign doctors.

The same I believe in Maiduguri, but I believe these are flash points. I don’t know what brings about it, but peace is gradually returning to this states.

Okey Ndibe: These Corpses Must Speak Their Names

Collective forgetting – otherwise known as mass amnesia – is one way Nigerians cope with their scandal-marred, misshapen lives. In a country where scandals come at the rate of a dozen a day, it is hardly surprising that people will make every effort to forget. It means consigning yesterday’s scandals to oblivion, because there are more than enough today – each day – to contend with.

On January 19, the people of Amansea in Anambra State went to the banks of the Ezu River to swim, wash, and draw water. Instead, they found a sight that jangled their spines and made them recoil in horror. Bobbing along in the river were numerous corpses. As to the exact number, we were soon treated to the typical fogginess. According to the police, there were eighteen or nineteen corpses. But some members of the community insisted there were many more: perhaps more than fifty.

In one sense, the number doesn’t matter. One unidentified corpse in a river would be one too many. Yet, in a different sense, it makes all the difference. Each life is sacred and important. And each of those corpses deserves to have its story told. How did so many corpses end up in a river that’s central to the lives of thousands of people?

My fear is that, unless enlightened citizens speak up and insist on answers, one of Nigeria’s most horrendous recent scandals will slowly, surely float out of public attention. That would be tragic. A nation that cannot offer a straight, credible narrative about the gory harvest of corpses in a much trafficked river is, well, a hopeless and frightening nation. These corpses, after all, did not rain down from the sky. Each was somebody’s son, husband, father, or brother.

The silence of President Goodluck Jonathan on the matter is outrageous. A government’s first duty is to guarantee the security of lives and property. A leader worthy of the name would have set up a special crack team to uncover what happened to these hapless, forlorn corpses. To remain aloof is to abdicate the most fundamental responsibility of a leader.

Governor Peter Obi of Anambra offered N5 million for information about the corpses. I don’t believe anybody has come forward to solve the mystery and claim the cash. One doesn’t think it’s because the cash reward is paltry. Even if the governor quadrupled the offer, I don’t see anything changing. It all testifies to a society where human lives are so terribly discounted, where people are frequently accounted no more important than cattle.

And here’s what most troubling about this ghoulish affair: many believe that the bloated bodies belonged to detainees callously shot by the police and then dumped into the river. Several witnesses said as much to a Senate committee that recently visited Anambra and Enugu states. They accused the Anambra State Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), based in Awkuzu, of routinely engaging in extrajudicial executions. In fact, an official of the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) told the senators that SARS swept up and detained several MASSOB members at the group’s rally last year. MASSOB asserts that the detainees have neither being seen since nor prosecuted.

Last week, the Anambra State Police Commissioner, Bala Nassarawa, denied the allegation. But it was a most inelegant, uninspiring – and even disturbing denial. He emphasized that MASSOB was a proscribed organization, and threatened to vigorously prosecute anybody who committed crimes whilst hiding under the MASSOB name. Prosecution is fair enough. But does membership of MASSOB or any other separatist group justify state-authorized murder? Surely, the commissioner knew there was a simple, unimpeachable way to dispel MASSOB’s allegation: he should have presented the MASSOB detainees to reporters and the public. In other words, he should have offered full documentation of all the men arrested, together with evidence of their location and court dates.

His failure to do so can only fuel suspicion of police complicity in homicidal hanky-panky. That Mr. Nassarawa chose to split rhetorical hairs, instead, is far from comforting for those who suspect that the police were responsible for the dastardly act of killing innocents and dumping their bodies in a river.

One has used the word innocents advisedly. Even if some of the dead were crime suspects, they deserved the presumption of innocence until their guilt was established by a court. There’s no legal principle that confers on the police the prerogative of acting as accuser, judge and executioner.

In any decent society, the notion – or even the mere suspicion – that the police engaged in extrajudicial killing would raise alarms. In Nigeria, it’s an open secret that the police frequently murder suspects, and even those arrested for no reason save for the whims of some officer.

I wrote about this scandal in a November, 2007 piece titled “Murder Incorporated”. In it, I stated: “The Nigerian police have long had a reputation for needless highhandedness and unjustified bloodlust. So embedded is this fearsome reputation in the popular imagination that Nigerians have taken to describing mobile police officers as ‘kill-and-go.’ The picture is of officers quick to draw their guns, take aim at (usually) innocent citizens, and let out a deadly report. Nigerians know that the fear of the police is the beginning – and often the end – of wisdom.”

The immediate provocation for that piece was a statement by then Inspector-General of Police, Mike Okiro, that, in a three-month period, the police had killed 785 suspected armed robbers and arrested 1,628 suspects. Human Rights Watch suggested a gorier reality. It argued that “the true number of people killed by the police since 2000 may exceed 10,000.”Peter Takirambudde, the agency’s Africa director, noted: “It’s stunning that the police killed half as many ‘armed robbery suspects’ as they managed to arrest during Okiro’s first 90 days.” Then he added: “And it’s scandalous that leading police officials seem to regard the routine killing of Nigerian citizens – criminal suspects or not – as a point of pride.”

In that 2007 column, I wrote that the police “had become a mindless and unrestrained killing machine…a human slaughtering enterprise.” Then I proposed that the Nigerian police could be tagged “a business whose corporate name might as well be Murder Incorporated.”

The absence of a professionally sound police force and the collapse of the machinery of criminal prosecution are symptoms of Nigeria’s broader systemic failure. In a country where institutions have become terribly frayed, where the idea of accountability has little or no purchase, where many (if not the majority of) public officials receive rewards for what should be reckoned as grave crimes, where the police and the military are easily commandeered for illicit purposes, including the treasonous rigging of elections – in such a country, it’s both attractive and easy for the police to kill and get away – literally – with murder.

There’s no question that the Nigerian police are professionally degraded. And one doesn’t simply mean the lower ranks who mount ubiquitous roadblocks to extort innocent commuters. A few years ago, a police commissioner in Ilorin, Kwara State made international waves when he arrested a goat as a robbery suspect. He told the press that the police were about to grab a member of a car-stealing gang when the man turned into a goat! Ridiculed by the local and international media, the officer neither flinched nor retreated from his bizarre narrative. Nor was he fired. More recently, television cameras brought us shocking images of the squalid conditions at a police academy where police recruits receive their training. The officers that are dehumanized in these academies go forth onto our streets to dehumanize the rest of us. For many of them, the taking of a human life is as easy as ABC.

At minimum, the corpses in Ezu River pose a challenge to all sectors of enlightened Nigerians. That challenge is to get to the root of the horror in Amansea. Those corpses don’t deserve to remain unknown, anonymous. Though dead and mute, all decent Nigerians should seek to give the final honor of having their names known, their stories spoken.

If it turns out that they were killed and dumped by the police, we must have the courage to expose that fact, punish those involved, and use the tragic occasion to rethink who we are, how we must conduct the business of law enforcement, and how to reorient police officers with a different, professional and ethical vision.

For a start, Mr. Jonathan, the Inspector-General of Police, the National Assembly, the Nigerian Bar Association as well as other civic organizations and Nigeria’s clergy should demand that the police in Anambra and Enugu states account for the detainees in their custody, including MASSOB members. Only if – and after – the police clear their names can they earn the credibility to continue leading the search for answers to the puzzle of the floating corpses.

 


Okey Ndibe (okeyndibe@gmail.com)

Please follow me on twitter @okeyndibe

 

via SaharaReporters

Declining Economic Growth: Who is minding the store?

“Economy shrank by 0.82% in 2012 – NBS”. PUNCH, February 19, 2013, p 27.

The National Bureau of Statistics, NBS, one of the most efficient and least appreciated parastatals, in the country today, recently disclosed that “overall growth in real GDP in 2012 was 6.61 per cent, which is a decline from the 7.43 per cent recorded in 2011”. There are several inferences to be drawn from that statement alone. But, only two will be addressed here.

First, we all know that the population keeps growing at approximately 3% per annum. So, we added about 5.1 million more mouths to feed during the same period the economic growth rate was decelerating.  Another 5.23 million mouths will join us, this year, asking to be fed.

We also know that the economy grew, on the average, 7.5% in the previous three years. Yet, the percentage of people living in poverty remains relatively unchanged; unemployment remained high and prices continued to soar. Even, inflation dropping to 9% which would, ordinarily, have been good news elsewhere, contains within it a mixture of sweet and sour tastes in the mouth.

The good news is that while prices go up at a slower rate; they continue to rise all the same. The bad news is, the drop in inflation rate has been purchased by a sharp drop in purchasing power – an increasing number of Nigerians simply have less money to spend. And, governments, Federal, States and Local Governments are the prime culprits for the drop in aggregate personal income and the decline in purchasing power. How?

Governments, all over Nigeria, are destroying the means of livelihood of millions of Nigerians everyday with demolitions and the ban on the means of transport from which most low income earners make their money. Motor cyclists (aka Okada drivers), were the first to come under attack.

Their operations were banned or severely curtailed in many states – even in states like Lagos where the state government itself helped some of the drivers before the 20II elections to secure loans for the business. Today, the machines cannot be operated; the loans cannot be repaid and the guys have no obvious work.

Unfortunately, for government and the people, having no obvious work, does not mean being idle. The devil, which always, is the happy employer of idle hands, has been handed more recruits for the satanic jobs available – kidnapping, fuel bunkering, yahoo and robberies. Politicians will soon create some jobs – for “party stalwarts” (read thugs, murderers and arsonists).

Second, it is well-established, that 7.5% growth, in the past, failed to result in creating jobs in Nigeria; as it was supposed to do according to classical economics. Instead of more jobs, Nigeria had experienced more joblessness. If, miraculously, the economy of the USA or Britain, or Germany, or Greece were to grow at 7.5%, virtually all the people in search of jobs in those countries will be employed.

In fact, labour scarcity will occur.  By contrast, our economy grows at those outstanding rates, yet, most of the graduates of our tertiary institutions, last year, the year before and this year will remain unemployed next year. Why?

Numerous reasons account for the decline last year. Some are largely within the control of the governments of Nigeria; some are partially under our control; while some are totally out of our control. Let us start with those beyond our control which affected our performance because they might be also be partly responsible for the forecast of 6.75% growth in the current year – which still represents a decline from the 2011 figures.

The Nigerian economy is still largely external variables dependent. We basically export crude oil and rely on foreign direct investment, loans and grants, to finance our development both in the public and private sectors. The bulk of the investment had gone into two sectors — crude oil/gas exploration and communications. Another sector which had experienced significant investment is cement.

Apart from those three, there had been little or no investment in other sectors. Several states in the north are actually experiencing divestment – investors are leaving. Since only new investments create jobs, the need for continuous investment is obvious.

For more than thirty years, Nigerians had recognized the need to diversify the economy; to develop other natural resources; to create new products; to industrialise and to curb our growing appetite for imports. Every administration from Shehu Shagari’s to Jonathan’s had made the same observation.

None had succeeded in making it work. Unfortunately, the foreign investors who provided the funds in the past have problems at home. Europe needs help itself and its import of crude oil from Nigeria is declining. It is unlikely that the situation will change any time soon – and it may get worse before it gets better.

Partly under our control is the volume of crude we produce and export legally. In a situation where the Federal Government does not know how much crude oil is produced and sold legally, it is difficult to determine how much the nation is losing to fraudsters selling stolen crude oil abroad.

Even one billion dollars worth of stolen crude, if recovered and invested in capital projects, using manual labour, annually, will, over time, add significantly to our infrastructure and propel more growth. But, we don’t know more today, than we knew ten years ago, the amount being stolen via crude oil theft.

Totally under our control is the issue of distribution of income. Former American President Clinton, in his lecture at the THISDAY annual awards, in Abeokuta, last week, linked poverty with wide disparity in income among Nigerians. He also implied that this disparity is partly responsible for low productivity.

The reasons are clear to economists everywhere. The middle class, that broad group of working men and women, who consume the greatest percentage of a country’s output and also produce most of it, is shrinking in Nigeria. The retrenchment of a bank worker, for example, not only immediately removes the individual from the ranks of the middle class, it resonates in several places.

He can no longer afford to purchase a lot of things he used to (traders sell less); he provides less support to the extended family (uncles, aunties, cousins, brothers get less); and he no longer pays taxes. Multiply that number by 250,000 and the picture becomes clearer, regarding how the continuous shrinking of the middle class is also creating a drag on the economy. Consumption remains the sole purpose of production; when consumption declines, production declines.

Simultaneously, by allowing the rich and wealthy to grab more of the national wealth, through means fair and foul – but, usually foul – we are allocating more income to people far fewer in number; who import most of their needs (food, toiletries, clothing, certainly cars, drinks and who undertake those medical pilgrimages costing Nigeria an estimated N450 billion a year) and export the jobs associated with them and the income the service providers collect. One example of discrimination against the poor and class favouritism will serve as proxy for the rest.

Under President Obasanjo, a total of about N450 billion was given out as Duty Waivers. Among the largest recipients were the Dangote Group and the Redeemed Church – no poor fela there. Not a naira was given to the proprietor of any small scale enterprise; not a kobo went to any micro entrepreneur.

The transfer of wealth involved, in Duty Waiver, is nothing more than robbing the mostly poor Nigerians to pay the few rich and wealthy amongst us. Yet, the Jonathan administration continues the policy of Duty Waiver till today.

Redistribution of income is totally within our control. Though governments at all levels have failed to undertake the challenge, legally, unemployed youths have taken the initiative through self-help and self empowerment nationwide. The rich no longer sleep peacefully because the poor are awake; the poor are awake because they are hungry. So, the hungry get up and organize to kidnap people.

The most urgent question is: who is in charge? The fiction that Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, the Coordinating Minister for the Economy, is in charge is deceptive and the poor woman might end up being the sacrificial lamb for the failure that might occur. No one Minister can be responsible for correcting the structural deficiencies in this economy.

Certainly, we need more growth; but, more importantly, we need more diversity and more social justice in the distribution of wealth – even with 5% growth. National policies to re-distribute income are not for Ministers to undertake; they call for legislative action, spearheaded by Presidents and the Legislature. They calls for an active President; not a surrogate. Unfortunately, Jonathan is too pre-occupied with the 2015 elections to take charge.

 

Dele Sobowale

Read original article via Vanguard

SATIRE: Telephone Call From Heaven – by Victor Adeyemi (@ekojournalist)

 

[PHONE RINGS] G-r-n–g-r-n-n … G-r-n-n-g-r-n-n … G-r-n-n-g-r-n-n…”

‘Hello, who’s on the line?’

‘Hello Area, so you dont even know my number’

‘Excuse me, I dont have luxury of time. Who’s on the line?’

‘Area, don’t you see the divine number?”

[SNAPS] Please call back. I’m in a crucial meeting with  the elders of the land’

[PHONE RINGS AGAIN] G-r-n-n….g-r-n-n…G-r-n-n…g-r-n-n… G-r-n-n…g-r-n-n…”

[ANGRY] Hello, I say call back! I’m in a very important meeting right now!’

[PHONE RINGS] G-r-n-n….g-r-n-n…G-r-n-n…g-r-n-n… G-r-n-n…g-r-n-n…”

[ANGRY] Ohhh! Who is this stubborn caller? [PAUSES, CHEKS THE PHONE] Oh! Papa Carol, mingwo, how waffi now?

[HUMOUROUSLY RELAXED] ’Aaarea, relax yourself,  this is not Papa Carol, this is…

[SHOUTS] Haa! Baba  Alaye,  Ekaro  sir o, na vex wey i dey vex no make me see the number. Long time Papa, how’s that side sir? [SILENCE]

[ANXIOUS] “Hello! Hello! Are you still there Sir?”

[LAUGHS] Ha-ha-ha-ha-ha, relax my child, I’m always here, there’s no network failure here”

[SUPRISED] ‘Ehen, you mean say all these yamayama network no dey mess you up?

[LOUD] ‘You think say i dey your level? I use 48 hours uninterrupted global wireless network’

[PROUDLY] ‘Akiika Baba! You  don’t mean it?! Una own beta for yonder o. We still dey Naija dey hustle o ‘

[CONCLUSIVELY] ‘Anyhow sha’ that is not why I called you, why did you tell Mama Gbenga  that…’

[CUTS OFF] ‘En-hen Papa, shey you receive the request I sent through Mr Gabriel?’

[CONFIDENTLY] ‘Of course, even before you sent it, I saw the contents’

[CHILDISH] ’Then why dont you replied me Papa? I’ve been waiting for days. I need quick reply, your excellency sir’.

[LAUGHS] Ha-ha-ha-ha,  Area, I saw your condition and suffering,  I  saw what you’re passing through, I saw  all your  trial  and travails, I saw your….”

[CUTS  IN] Then Pale, why did you keep me waiting? I’d prayed all the prayers in the world. I’d fasted and fasted, even I’d twice been to Mount Moriah and  …Ohhhhhh!! NEPA!  [Darkness]”  [ANXIOUS] Hello God,  are you still there?

[LAUGHS] ‘Ha-ha-ha-ha, Area, I  told you’ll  always be with you, through thick and thin’

[RELIEVED] ‘Hhumm… thank you Papa, shey NEPA abi PHCN na dem just take the light’.

[KNOWINGLY]  ‘I saw everything down there”

[SUPRISED] ‘Really God?’

[ANALYSING]  ‘Yes now, are you not in a meeting under the huge iroko tree with the  elders of the land?’

[EXCITED] ‘Yes Lord’

[ANALYSING] ‘Near Mama Alakara junction at Oshodi where police and agbero smoke igbo after collecting egunje?’

[EXCITED] ‘Yes now’

[ANALYSING] ‘In front of Sisi Kafaya paraga joint?’

[EXCITED]’Yes Lord, so you  see everything?’

[CONFIDENTLY] ‘Hhen now, even your green fila over your whlte shokoto and buba lace’

[EXCITED] ‘Kai  Baba Megida! Baba fun ra e! It’s true you see everything o, then you must have see my problems and misery?’

[ASSUREDLY] ‘Of course Area, I saw everything, but the good news is that all the Egyptian you see today, you shall see them no more’.

[INTENTLY] ‘Baba are you saying that the rain that gathered will not fall?’

[CONFIDENTLY] ‘Slap me on my left  check if I lie. I swear with my black tooth, it shall not fall’

[EXCITED, TALKS FAST] ‘ Ojigbijigbi, Baba agba, abeg spare me two minutes and let me share the good news with the elders of the land’.

[COLDLY] ‘You’ve started again, Bebeto, that’s one thing I hate about you. You’re  always in hurry’

[CONCERNED] ‘ But the elders of the land need to hear this, abi wetin you feel papa’

[IMPATIENT] ‘See Area, you’re wasting my credit and I can’t continue to …

[LAUGHING] ‘Area Father, shebi you say you use 24 hours uninterrupted wireless…

[CUTS IN ANGRILY]  ‘Will you listen to me or I switch off my phone!’

[RESIGNS] ‘Ok, ‘I will listen. I will listen, but we are suffering. Gaskia. We’re suffering, Baba’

[SNAPPY] ‘Good. You’d better be. I told you  in Jeremiah 33:3 to call unto me, and i will answer you and show you great and mighty things which you know not’

[ROGUISHLY]  ‘ I hope you’re not campaigning for those thieves again?’

[ANGRY] ‘Area, do I look like a politician? Or have you started drinking or smoking Igbo?’

[ROGUISHLY] ‘ Well papa, I just want to be sure because our politicians have taught us great lessons in this country. They’ve practically failed us. So nowadays, I’ve learned to make sure I see the  end from the beginning. As for the  second question, I’ve been learning the politicial palm wine drinking’

[SURPRISED] ‘Area, when did you learn to argue with me? Have you forgotten that I’m the Lord, the God of all flesh, is there anything too hard for me?’

[STAMMERS, GUILTY] ‘Em…em… I’m sorry, but I’m beginnning to doubt it. Every system is rotten.

Shebi NEPA or PHCN took light that time , abi? The roads are bad. Can you hear the sound of mosquito singing hossana in my ears?  Refuse dumps  everywhere, the gutters  are water logged, our graduates have turn 419, armed robberries have taken over our economy….’

[CUTS IN SLOWLY] ‘Area, area, I say I will do a new thing…’

[ROGUISHLY] ‘Baba,  you’ve started  your  campaign again. What’s new again than the pipeline explosion, the Niger-Delta crisis, the Boko Haram, cultism in our universities, the corruption that has eaten deep into our system, plane crashes, flood and extreme poverty raging in the country? Hhen baba, what new thing again?

[GENTLY] ‘ Listen Area, that new thing, the eyes have not seen it, the ears have not heard, neither has it entered the heart of man ‘

[UNINTERESTINGLY] ‘And what’s that again Papa’

[SHOUTS] ‘A new world?’

[INQUIRINGLY] ‘New world!’

[COOLY] ‘Yes now. A brand new world. A new Nigeria!’.

[FAST] ‘Papa, the discussion is getting more interesting but Osaro’s cell phone had just disappered from his pocket’

[SURPRISED] ‘Disappeared or stolen?!’

[HUSHLY] ‘Kai Baba! Don’t let them hear stolen from your mouth o. They don’t even mind coming over  to collect your worldwide wireless phone and sell it at Mama Alakara junction for N1000’

[SURPRISED] ‘Haa! My 48 hours global assess phone for wan tasan?

[FIRMLY] ‘Papa I swear. That is what poverty and joblessness has turned your people to’

[SIGNS] ‘ Hmmm… but I bless you more than you can ever imagine now. What  went wrong with all the cokes and fantas?’

[RESIGNS] ‘Tuo, Area  Father, our leaders and politician are in a better position to answer that question’

[SADLY] ‘Hun, na wa o. But dont worry sha, i will still restore you [PAUSE] and give you a new brand world’

[ANXIOUSLY FAST]  ‘See Papa,  those boys wey dey smoke igbo near Mama Alakara  junction are coming closer, and I’m afraid, my phone might go off anytime from now if I dont take off… and  hey… I hear gunshots  all around and everybody is running frantically in Mushin direction’.

[GUN SHOTS] ‘Poa! Poa! Poa! Poa! Poa! Poa! Poa! Poa! Poa! Poa!’

[SURPRISED] ‘Gun shot into the air, why?’

[AFRAID] ‘I  guess some mopols squad are combating a group of armed robbers, and …and…and…,

[ANXIOUS] ‘And what Area?’

[HUSHLY] ‘Papa, as I’m talking to you now, I’m crawling  on my belly, stray bullets are flying all around me, people are dying…bloods are flowing…’

[SAD] ‘Area, na so e bad reach?’

[CHATTER] ‘Papa, the elders of the land have scattered o, and the alayes and the police are extorting everybody around, na go I dey so o. I go tell the elders say you go do new thing for Naija. Baba alaye,  e go be  now’.

[SIGH] ‘Hmmm, Naija-Area, where will you get there?

 

Victor is a left-eye thinker, a seeker of the unknown. He’s the the author of a sensational idea book, ‘IF YOU CANT BUY IT, STEAL IT’. Victor works as a Idea Strategist in Touchstone Brands Strategy & Communications, Lagos. He can be reached via ekojournalist@yahoo.com or @ekojournalist on Twitter.

This is Wisdom ~ Femi Fani-Kayode

Femi-Fani-Kayode1-450x300

Forgive those that hurt you. Love those that despise you. Heal the wounds of the broken-hearted. Strengthen and encourage the weak.

Help the poor. Fight for justice. Defend the truth. Speak for the voiceless. Confront the tyrant. Shun the wicked. Fear God.
Bow to no man.

Seek peace but do not fear war. Be a blessing. Put smiles on the faces of others. Stand firm and unperturbed in the day of trouble.
Trust God and do not doubt him for one second.

Look not to your trials and tribulations but instead consider your blessings and victories.
Always remember that victory belongs to the patient and true.

Do not allow urself to be distracted by haters. Leave them to God and watch their bitter end.

Love passionately, regretting nothing and thank God for those beautiful moments in your life. Most important of all cherish peace and remember that God’s blessing flows in an atmosphere of tranquility, love and unity.

Live long and prosper and strive to achieve all your goals and dreams. Despite all, it’s still a beautiful world. We are here only for a brief moment in time- make that moment count for something.

Let your destiny be made manifest and let your glory speak from generation to generation.

This is wisdom.

Chief Femi Fani-Kayode

Guantanamo Bay Prison: A Legacy of Shame

Despite Obama’s promises to close it, the prison remains open with no end in sight.

“They used dogs on us, they beat me, sometimes they hung me from the ceiling and didn’t allow me to sleep for six days,” Al Jazeera journalist Sami al-Haj, who spent six years in Guantanamo Bay prison, told Al Jazeera. “Sometimes they wouldn’t allow me to use the restroom, other times they would run the air conditioner very high and leave me in that room for a very long time.”

This was after he’d had his kneecap broken just after being detained by the US military in Pakistan in 2001, when he was on a reporting assignment to cover the US invasion of Afghanistan. Al-Haj was regularly tortured by US military personnel and interrogators throughout his time in the infamous prison.

“Sometimes they brought soldiers in to be sexual in front of me, other times they brought ladies and removed your clothes to perform sexual actions on you,” He continued. “If you had an illness, like a toothache, and requested medical help, the doctor would tell you to first answer the interrogators questions and then he will care for you. I had tooth problems because they didn’t give us toothbrush and paste.”

Brandon Neely, a US Military Policeman and former Guantanamo guard, told Al Jazeera detainees were “treated horribly”. Neely regularly watched detainees being beaten and humiliated, as well as even watching a medic beat an inmate.

Despite having signed non-disclosure forms before he left the prison, Neely said: “I had to talk about what was going on there. I’d rather deal with the risk of repercussions than live without talking about it because people have to know what is happening there.”

Neely isn’t the only member of the US military talking about the reality of Guantanamo.

“In the wake of 9/11, tragedy has visited the Muslim world through the United States’ shortsighted and aggressive policies in pursuing this so-called War On Terror,” Jason Wright, defense counsel with the US military for Khaled Sheikh Mohammed (the so-called mastermind of the 9/11 attacks) told Al Jazeera.

“We’ve had a dark chapter in the nation’s history that has influenced the world,” Wright, whose client is in Guantanamo, “Torture, extraordinary rendition (forced disappearances), secret show trials, and other injustices are now deemed to be the practice of the United States. The US has given a license to the rest of the world to do the same. America, once the standard bearer of hope, freedom, and the rule of law, no longer serves as that shining beacon on the hill. Now it’s synonymous with Guantanamo.”

 

Broken Promises

When Barack Obama was running for president in 2008, one of his biggest campaign promises was to close the prison at Guantanamo Bay.

As a candidate, he vowed to close the prison so many times he even noted so himself.

In a November 2008 interview, when asked if he would “take early action” after elected to shut down Guantanamo, Obama replied, “Yes.”

“I have said repeatedly that I intend to close Guantanamo, and I will follow through on that,” he said.

Shortly after being sworn in for his first term, Obama signed an executive order that required that the Guantanamo prison be closed within a year.

“The detention facilities at Guantanamo for individuals covered by this order shall be closed as soon as practicable, and no later than one year from the date of this order,” read the statement he signed on Jan. 22, 2009.

Nearly a year later, with Guantanamo Bay continuing to function, Obama accepted the Nobel Peace Prize.

In his acceptance speech, Obama proclaimed the US was “a standard bearer in the conduct of war”, and that that was “what makes us different from those whom we fight,” before adding, “That is why I prohibited torture. That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed.”

The deadline in Obama’s executive order passed without his shutting down the prison, and Guantanamo remains open and operating to this day.

Andy Worthington, an author and filmmaker who has written extensively about Guantanamo Bay prison, reminded Al Jazeera that it was Obama who also signed an executive order that allows for indefinite detention.

“48 men have been designated for indefinite detention without trial under the Obama administration,” Worthington told Al Jazeera.

Worthington believes that Guantanamo, as an institution, is a form of torture, as is indefinite detention without trial.

In 2004, the International Committee for the Red Cross expressed concern about the mental health effects of open-ended detention on prisoners in Guantanamo.

“That hasn’t changed,” added Worthington. “If they were worried bout their mental health eight years ago, what state are they in now?”

Worthington pointed out that hunger strikers in the prison are still being subjected to force-feeding, then had these strong words for President Obama:

“Don’t pretend you are not a vile regime that puts people away forever. Adnan Latif , a Yemeni with mental health issues, died there recently. He’d been approved for transfer over and over and over again, yet at the cost of $700,000 per year, the US has been holding a man for eight years, and eventually he died. How would the American people feel if an American was captured by a foreign power and then told he would be released, then wasn’t, and eventually died? It’s not going to go down well, is it?”

But Obama’s recent re-election campaign was mute on the subject of Guantanamo.

And according to David Nevin, the Lead Counsel on Khaled Sheikh Mohammed’s defense team, the prison isn’t closing anytime soon.

“It’s currently being expanded,” Nevin told Al Jazeera. “They’ve just spent $730,000 on a new soccer field for the detainees, millions are to be spent on upgrading the internet, there is new home construction everywhere. You go down there and walk around and you don’t get any impression that this place is going to close anytime soon. It looks for all the world like a prison that will go on indefinitely.”

 

The numbers

According to lawyers and researchers affiliated with the Guantanamo Bay story, Al Jazeera is able to provide the following numbers.

There are, at present, 166 men still being held at the prison. Only three dozen of them were allegedly involved in terrorism.

86 of those who remain have already been cleared for release by the Guantanamo Review Task Force, which includes career officials, lawyers and other experts from the governmet, and from US intelligence agencies.

779 people have been held in Guantanamo, and 532 prisoners were released under the Bush Administration.

Thus far, only 70 have been released under the Obama Administration.

The disparity in the figures is attributed to at least 10 men who remain unaccounted for, and there have been deaths in the prison that many attribute to suicide or murder.

Men still being held include Shaker Aamer, who is the last British resident in Guantanamo and has long been cleared for release.

The last two Kuwaiti citizens in the prison, Fawzi Al Odah and Fayiz Al Kandari remain, despite neither having ever had any charges against them. According to what both men told their defense attorneys, they have been threatened with dogs, deprived of sleep, sexually humiliated, placed in stress positions for extended periods of time, and subjected to extreme temperatures and loud music.

Both men filed habeus corpus petitions challenging the basis for their detention without charges, but their petitions were denied, and they have no charges against them.

Several Afghans remain, including Shawali Khan, who said he was sold to US forces ten years ago.

 

Source: Al Jazeera

– See more at: http://www.punchng.com/feature/guantanamo-a-legacy-of-shame/#sthash.I5TbvGDD.dpuf

Reclaiming Nigeria in 2015: Can the Youths Go It Alone? By Abubakar Usman

YouthsSince the announcement of the emergence of All Progressive Congress (APC) which is a fusion of ACN, CPC, ANPP and a faction of APGA, Nigerians have been exchanging ideas, information and punches as to what difference the party will or can bring to the polity. These are not unconnected to the fact that politically conscious Nigerians hold varied opinions regarding the redemption of Nigeria. For the purpose of clarity, I have segregated these Nigerians based on their opinions into three groups.

The first are those who have woefully failed in managing the affairs of this great nation. They are those who do not care about the security and welfare of the common man and that is why for 14 good years, they have not been able to fix the problems in just one sector of the economy. These set of people are those who do not want opposition because they want to rule and loot the nation for 60 years. They are members of the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party or their sympathizers who in one way or the other benefit from the party. For these people, APC will never work and even if it has the chance of working as it seems, they will do anything to scuttle it.

In the second group are those who believe that what Nigeria needs at the moment is an opposition party that will oust the PDP. To this people, APC is the best thing that has happened to Nigeria in recent times as they strongly believe that the problem of Nigeria will be far reduced if PDP can be defeated in 2015.

The last of the three groups are those who are neither satisfied with the performance of the PDP nor see the emergence of APC as the solution that Nigeria needs. To these people, the solution to the myriads of Nigeria’s problems lies in the hands of the youths. What this means is that old politicians should be completely alienated from the scheme of things as far as reclaiming Nigeria is concerned because they are either part of the problem or have at one time or the other being members of the PDP and their supporters who couldn’t solve, but compound our problems. They want the youths to form a party that will be solely comprised of youths who in turn will contest and fill up public and political offices. Anything short of this to these Nigerians is like putting old wine in a new bottle.

While this may be true and ideal to some extent, the question that should be asked is does it conform to the realities on ground? Is it something that is achievable in 2015? Agreed that the larger percentage of Nigeria’s population constitute of the youths, but is population alone the only machinery needed to win elections and take over governance? Yes, politics is a game of numbers, but while it is even debatable that a government run solely by youths is not a guarantee that the Nigeria of our dreams will be achieved, especially considering that youths who have had the opportunity to serve in various capacities in the country have done more harm than the old breed politicians, those who are advocating for a wholly youth lead political party all geared towards 2015 need to understand that numbers only become relevant when the things that need to be done as a build up to casting of ballot has been put in place.

Politics in Nigeria is not the same as what obtains in other climes. For you to be registered as a political party in Nigeria, there must be structures like the presence of the party in all states of the federation, when you succeed in doing this, you must obtain forms with huge amounts of money from INEC to contest for political offices depending on the position you are contesting; you will campaign, mobilize and even acquire supporters. All these require huge sums of money. How much of this money do the youths have? How much of these financial requirements can the youths raise between now and 2015 to be considered a serious contender for elective offices. I remember telling some people during a discussion that if political parties like the ACN, CPC and ANPP who have built structures over the years and have the financial war chest to prosecute elections are coming together to form alliance, why do we think that the youths who are not structurally on ground can perform better in 2015? The money we see that is flowing with carelessness among political players are not mere contributions of a few thousands by the stock of politicians we have today. As much as I know that a large percentage of this money is stolen from our coffers, they are real money and they play important role in the extent that political parties go.

The place of the youths in the democratic process remains cardinal for the growth of the nation especially in a country like Nigeria where over 60 percent of the population constitutes of youths, but as much as I canvass for the active participation of youths, it will be wrong to think that the youths should solely run the country. Youths championed the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt, but who are the leaders of the two countries today, Youths?  Part of the reason why Nigeria seems to be what it is today is because the old folks politically alienated and socially excluded the youths from democratically participating in governance. We will only be repeating the same mistake if we do the exact opposite. The truth is simply that the two must work together. New breed without old breed, breeds greed as we have seen and that is why as the new breed prepares to take over, we must also involve the old breeds so as to avoid breeding greed.

What I think the youths should be preoccupied with at this point in time is how to make positive impact on who becomes the next president, governors, senators etc in the forth coming elections, while formulating long term strategies for opening up the space for youths to actively participate in political venture. The youths can set a target date where certain percentage of the governorship, senatorial, house of assembly seats etc will be reserved for the youths within a political party that we choose to align ourselves with. To achieve this however, we must prove that we are a force to be reckoned with, because nobody will give you anything on a platter of gold. Aside political positions, we must harness our numbers to be able to influence the decision making processes of any institution, political party or government we find ourselves. In a truly democratic setting, young people form their opinions and exercise choices as equal members of a community; this we can only achieve if we belong to that community as a bloc.

Rather than deceive ourselves that youths will take over the governance of Nigeria in 2015 which is just 2 years away, what we should be doing now with post 2015 as the target is to continue to mobilize an army of youths so as to have a structure with which we can participate actively in the process of governance. This mobilization must involve enlightenment and education so as to bring all youths up to speed as the overall goal and benefits accruable when we play active roles.

The process of transfer of leadership is gradual and systematic. If we are able to achieve the above, we will gradually take over the governance of the country and incidences where those who have been in government long before many of us where born remaining in government will be eliminated.

______________________________________________________________________________________________

Abubakar Sidiq Usman is a Urban Planning Consultant; Blogger and an Active Citizen working towards a better Nigeria. He blogs on Abusidiqu.com and is available for engagement on twitter @Abusidiqu

#KakandaTemple: El-Rufai: Memoir Of A Political Scam Artist – The Reactions

I was wrong in my poor assessment of the common Nigerian. The tons of emails and reactions in social media following my review of Nasir El-Rufai’s memoir, The Accidental Public Servant, convince me that Nigerians are vigilant enough to resist being pawns of any politicians’ holier-than-thou sub-versions. On Twitter, where El-Rufai is the virtual overlord of an amorphous clique the common decimal of which is an inferiority complex, the review went viral. Same with Facebook.

 

This week I serve you a few of those reactions, ranging from a pat by the renowned and fiery – and, yes, feared! – America-based Nigerian book reviewer, Ikhide R. Ikheloa, to a charge by a certain Bashir El-Rufai who, I gather, is the son of the accidental public servant himself.  This sampler is necessary so we can assess the pulse of the country in terms of the prevalence of commonsense and in terms of what is yet to be done towards the enthronement of same. – Kakanda

 

Ikhide Ikheloa

There is at least one sense in which Nasir el-Rufai’s awful memoir, The Accidental Public Servant is an incredibly important document. As Gimba Kakanda’s review shows brilliantly, beyond exposing el-Rufai’s narcissism, it indicts an entire generation (mine) of brilliant but selfish intellectuals and leaders. In Kakanda’s thoughts, one is taken by the utter contempt one generation has for this generation of leaders. And one is fascinated by just how clueless this generation of leaders is. The term that comes to mind is credibility, the lack of it, that is.

It is the ultimate tragedy of a nation that it is virtually impossible to find a leader of stature that has credibility. It is doubly tragic that our leaders are in denial about their past and on-going contributions to the destruction of a nation. Instead, we are made to endure ad nauseam self-serving lectures (and now silly memoirs!) by these same criminals on how good they were to us and how much better they will be when they return to power. As Nigerians, we cannot catch a break.

Ours is a young nation (she feels old, do you blame her?) and many of us always thought that we would need to rely on robust structures and processes, not individuals, to define our collective morality. Robust structures and processes do not build themselves, good men and women do. In Kakanda’s raging words, Professor Wole Soyinka’s lament through to the reader’s conscience: ” We were sent the wrong people. We asked for statesmen and we were sent executioners.” When the young start throwing rocks at elders, it is time to clear the playground for a different dance – by new dancers.

I hope that my generation of thinkers and rulers is listening closely to the wind-rush of rage, of a looming confrontation coming ever so close. This generation of Nigeria’s children deserves to be furious, because they have largely endured a precarious future without resources like a good public education, adequate health facilities and good jobs. The funds meant for the public good have been looted by these political scam artists now preaching good governance to us. Where is the outrage? I salute Gimba Kakanda for saving me and I hope others from writing a review of TAPS. Which is a good thing; about a week ago, I flung the book into one corner of my bedroom where wretched books go to die. I won’t be reading it again, ever. Life is too short for all that. Good night.

 

 

Bashir El-Rufai

Idiots lol. Gimba. Who are you? What are your credentials (sic). Find a job and feed your family and most importantly supply nutrients to your brain. Read the book if you can fathom it which I doubt you are capable (sic) and shut the hell up. Frustrated idiotic ignorant bigots. U and your cronies if you have the intelligence write your own book and put down your case not that any publishing house will even comprehend your perspective. Joblessness needs company. Gather your jobless companies of idiots and write a book if you can. Ignorance never ceases to amaze me. Why only include selective excerpts? Hypocrite. Doing this for a plate of rice and chicken stew from your sponsors. I don’t blame you. Ask God for guidance. Some are just not chosen.

 

Abdullahi Musa

You had the guts to read it. I just saw headlines and comments about it. I don’t blame El Rufa’i though. Nigeria is made for his likes. I watched with disbelief when he was handed CPC to re-engineer. We lack the resoluteness to call off their bluff.

 

“bingeladda@gmail.com”
Hello sir, I just finished reading your above titled article! As a young man interested in politics and governance, I try as much to enrich myself with all necessary and likewise information. From my own perception, El-Rufai too is a not a political activist or a genuine voice for the poor and oppressed. In TAPS, El-Rufai showed the public that everyone is a villain and only him is a hero, Mr. Always Right. What I find troubling is how the youths on social networks are blindly buying all that he sell out to them hook, line and sinker without critically analysing such statements. Politicians, as Machiavelli posits, must be like fox and lion, as at now El-rufai is being a fox but will turn a lion when he gets his hard sought political power which he always pretend he is not interested in. Our people need to broaden their horizon and seek proper political knowledge in order to free themselves from modern day slavery! God save us from us! Have a nice day!

 

Inuwa

Great, Gimba. That was a nice piece. TAPS was a little let-down on the image I had of El-Rufai. But he has his own rights of expression to exercise! Surely, the opinion that you are the only intelligent and pious person in the world is weird.  Our elders say that ‘the day you realize that you are the only sane person and everyone else is mad, then know that you have just gone mad!’ And, an excellent prayer you have for the rest of us: “May God save us from us!”

 

Kind regards. Inuwa.

 

 

PS: If you havent read Gimba’s review, read it here

 

 

By Gimba Kakanda

@gimbakakanda (on Twitter)

#Birthdaybuzz: I Am Done With Life – By @Obajeun

obajeun-photoI have a pact with life. Passing through the years, it has been exciting, zingy and equally displeasing. But such is how it should be. An ‘unfair’ God created an unfair life. Apology to the ‘saint’. Life in itself is unfair. So I don’t usually expect fair treatment from humans. As such, it is very hard for me to be disappointed. Those who broke my heart in the past were stunned with the way I carried on with my life seamlessly. Now they want to mend the broken heart, but I am done with them! I have left them behind, I have since moved!

I am done with life…happy birthday to me

Long years of eluding dreams, long years of fulfilled dreams, I got it in equal portion. Beautiful manuscripts wiped off  by the tears of mother nature. It was a long night of cries, flood came visiting. Now I have discrete stories, but still struggling to string them. I have suffered a mental loss, a productive loss that could have moved me a step further. There is no longer pain in my voice since I can now identify the color of agony. I have moved far away from yesterday, yesterday of nothingness, yesterday of grills, yesterday of  dream backlashes.

I am done with life…happy birthday to me

In my growing up years, failure was my partner. But every of my failure was a success in waiting. So anytime I failed, I moved a step further. Then at a point, everybody wanted to fail like me. I knew from childhood that I would not toe the path of Abraham Lincoln. My head flattened out due to long years of hawking. It was a routine, from school to the streets, customers would be expecting. With a short stint as a heap scavenger before I was 10, my curiosity metamorphosed into a beast. Last weekend, I went back to the same heap, not to scavenge this time, but to tell the new generation of scavengers stories. After all, I was a founding member.

I am done with life…happy birthday to me

Now I am blessed, not with material wealth, but with riches of lovers and haters. I vocalise in rich languages, some people call it show off. I use wisdom to open up minds, some call it pride. In this course, looters have approached me to be their image projector, I declined. I select calls to pick, some friends threw me away like a tasteless chewed gum. I don’t call them friends anymore, I call them passers-by. In my story, I doubt if they will feature. I value people who value me. I break barriers to keep friends’ dreams alive. But in all, I concede to my haters the right to be sad.

I am done with life…happy birthday to me

I have been lucky and unlucky. I lost the lady after my heart, my mum. If I had finished school earlier, she could have been saved. I missed my dream of making my first million at 22, of becoming a chartered accountant at 24 – my ATS results are dusty. I am calm and loving, so I like ladies – not what you think. I have a facial disadvantage, too soft to be seen as a serious leader. So I deviced my leadership style, it is working for me. I don’t talk often, I get more by listening, though I am not a conformist, I may appear as one.

I am done with life…happy birthday to me

I was a cook to a family of six for six years. I grew up without parental tutelage, but with self guidance. A time came, I went on exile to Oshodi. Oshodi bridge played host to me for some nights when I was 13, just to be inspired to complete a poem. So I made friends with kids who were on exile on the streets. I did not leave Oshodi until police messed me up. The same poem later made me a mini celebrity when it was published in The Guardian. Then I fell in love with literature. I hate Nigerian police. The demise of my Physics teacher in secondary school, again, changed my trajectory in life. He was cheated by life. I would never trust life, I would never be disappointed.

I am done with life…happy birthday to me

I have conquered my own world. I am a free man today, free from the burden of waiting for the future – the future is here, free from the bondage of hopelessness, free from the thought of destitution, free from the fear of the unknown. My flattened head is back in shape. My voice is  clear and loud. Today I speak to thousands, I get paid for telling my stories. Out of 36, I have been to 30 states in Nigeria, not in search of greener pasture but in search of the truth, in search of desolated souls, in search of people in need of my stories to move. Not because I am the only one with stories but because I talk wisdom, I write wisdom. I am building people’s dreams. I am enriching my generation. Don’t call it pride, this is me.

I am done with life…happy birthday to me

I keep a low profile. In my travels to 18 countries, I have not met a single soul exactly like me. I am uniquely created. Not pride, it will be suicidal for you to floor me in logic. I practice engineering, I love literature because I weave words, I live my whole life in philosophy. I go about with my opinions and I don’t impose them. I am always close to tears, too emotional to be a man, may be because I am still single. I have wept for Nigeria in corridors, I love Nigeria. Until the country change, I will not keep quite, I will not rest my case.

I have recovered quickly from my past. I am starting anew all over again. For the ones I have offended, let’s start together. For the ones I will still offend, I wish you well. Old things have past away, behold, it is a new chapter. I am done with life, never to struggle with life, never to struggle with what is not mine. Life is not mine, God owns it. He gives and takes. As I move closer to my grave, I am reminded that life is ephemeral. I don’t want jets, I want God. Don’t wish me long life, wish me good life. I want comfort to comfort others, don’t give me loud wealth. Hate me and be sad, mock me as I move up  and you stay glued. Don’t waste your life hating me, your life is not yours. For me, I am done with life, I am a free man. Happy birthday to me.

It is me, @Obajeun

He blogs @www.obajeun.com. Reach him on twitter via @Obajeun

Bursting the bubble – A theory about those who “lose their heads” inside government ~ @Chude Jideonwo

Chude-Jideonwo

Bursting the bubble – A theory about those who “lose their heads” inside government

I have taken to cracking a particular joke with my friends over the course of the past two years as I have paid close attention to the way that power and politics work in our society – that it is difficult to correctly see Nigeria’s problems from the penthouse of the Transcorp Hilton.

The Hilton – that pulsating centre of much of the elite action in the nation’s capital – in this case is of course a metaphor for the plush conditions in the much-talked-about “corridors of power”.

What I refer to is a social phenomenon that has confounded many Nigerians, including young people, over many years. How is it that perfectly reasonable and principled people, get into the Nigerian government and suddenly begin to speak in tongues that normal people cannotunderstand?

How does it happen that what is crystal clear to everybody is not at all clear to those who make and drive public policy – or how is it that people say one thing before they get into government and another when they are in?

I have come across three theories. One, as I have noted before, is that we thorough underestimate the length and width of theproblems that afflict Nigeria in many areas, and do not take the time and calmness to dissect them rationally, and are thus caught unawares by their magnitude when we get the opportunity to solve the problems.

Two, we misjudge the character of those who enter government, projecting our principles and aspirations on to them and thus mis-imagine – or unfairly pre-empt – how they will conduct themselves in office.

But the third and most urgent: the trappings of government life in Nigeria are simply not conducive to reality.

You see, government in Nigeria is, ab initio, a corrupting influence.

Government in Nigeria is too comfortable, too lavish, too affluent, too wasteful, too obese; and under these circumstances, it does not lend itself to reason or reasonableness.

For instance, how does the government view public reaction when it announces that, as part of its expenditure, there will be an additional $9 billion allocated for the Vice President’s residence?

1. It does not understand what the outrage is about, and immediately blames it on a mis-informed press and a hyper-activeopposition. After all, it says, this is how lodgings in the Presidential Villa have always been maintained, and the new vice president doesn’t understand why his case should be different.

2. This money was properly requested for and approved per government processes, just as a lot of monies – millions, billions – are spent in government circles daily on the most innocuous things, and what outrages you does not stand out as a sore thumb to those on the other side.

3. In an atmosphere of bloated contracts, over-invoicing, lack of monitoring and efficiency tracking, and a steady stream of revenue, no one used to the comforts of government life is immediately ready to question the log in the eyes of another government official.

Many of those who work in government are already used to its obesity. Before they join government, they do not understand how overpowering its allure is, so when they enter, they cannot resist it.

It’s a life too easy. It’s like living in a luxury hotel penthouse at the nation’s most famous hotel.

The rooms are plush, the food is rich, the service effusive and the company elite. Two rooms across probably lies a Minister of the Federal Republic, and a floor down, the publisher of a major government-friendly media, and in the elevator, a governor friend of yours. When you look across your window, all you see is Abuja in its splendor and finery – mountains, swimming pools, tall buildings, and the smell of fresh air.

It is a step above the real Nigeria; a place where all things are bright and beautiful.

Imagine that this is the life that the oil minister or a special assistant to the president lives in every single day – then you begin to understand how, from that position, it becomes very easy to be divorced from reality.

That is the mental zone from which government ministers take hundreds of aides with them to inconsequential foreign visits abroad; that is the zone from which they buy newer aircraft to make their bullet-proofedlives easier as they go from state to state; that is the zone from which they emerge when they block the Lagos roads on each one of their lavish visits to the state.

They come from a place where excess is a way of life. And when they get there, they want to preserve that lifestyle at any cost – they will delude themselves, they will shut down their consciences, they will make justifications for the ludicrous, they will ridicule their critics, they will fight tooth and nail to maintain the status quo.

What you need to understand is this – they have entered into their rest. And from that place of unaltered comfort; of private jets and motorcades, endless foreign travel and new houses, first class travel and 5-star hotels across the world, they will refuse to listen to those whoscream that they are crippling the nation.

In fact, as far as they are concerned – those screaming hoarse are only looking for an opportunity to join the train.

If we want to change our country for real, we will first have to start by changing the way its government works; the way its officials live, the way its functionaries spend, the expansiveness within which they are allowed to operate.

This does not mean that government should not be comfortable. Leaders need, perhaps have earned, a certain level of comfort,even luxury – and a knee-jerk response to every expense must be eschewed in favour of context. Excess is where the problem lies.

The president of America can launch an operation to defy the sovereignty of another nation in search of Osama bin Laden without any domestic uproar, but Barack Obama lamented to Vanity Fair last year about his inability to change furniture in the Oval Office without an uproar over fiscal responsibility.

Governance should be made unattractive to those who only want the easy life. It should be functional and purpose-driven, and former president Olusegun Obasanjo understood this when he began the process of stripping civil servants and public officials of free cars and houses, attempting to ensure that they gave value for what they used or took through the monetisation policy.

We have to fill up the gulf between the governed and the govern-er to such an extent that perhaps the only thing that separates the two is power, maybe influence – certainly not money.

You only need look at our country’s recurrent expenditure to wit, how much it takes just to run the government in order to understand the depth of our challenges – which is why it is a shame that the true value of the #OccupyNigeria protests seem to have been swallowed by our nation’s incestuous oil politics. The real issue is the cost of governance and then government waste. The waste also makes graft easy, even inevitable.

As long as we continue to make public life a bubble, as long as government committee members find it easy to fly first class only to submit White Papers that are exact copies of White Papers of the same content submitted two decades ago, it will be unable to attract, and sustain, the kind of character and discipline-driven people that we need to restructure our society.

Our government is one continuous ‘owambe’ party, and it’s time for the music to stop playing.

It will be hard, and those on the dance floor will fight with all they have – but what other choice do we have as a nation? Weneed to fight this #CostOfGovernment battle to the finish.

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Chude Jideonwo is publisher/editor-in-chief of Y!, including Y! Magazine, Y! Books, Y! TV YNaija.com. He is also executive director of The Future Project/The Future Awards. #NewLeadership is a twice-weekly, 12-week project to inspire action from a new generation of leaders – it ends on March 31.

POSER: Which Way, Nigeria?

WE shall keep remembering Charles Dickens (1812–1870). He might have been one of those who, in the early days, saw tomorrow. We are almost convinced that when he engaged himself in the superlative degree of comparison, close to a century and half ago, Dickens was already seeing the Nigeria of today.

One cannot get bored listening to the telling paragraph of his Tale of Two Cities: it was the best of times, it was the worst of times; it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness; it was the epoch of belief; it was the epoch of incredulity; it was the season of light, it was the season of darkness; it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair; we had everything before us, we had nothing before us….

In the particular case of Nigeria, we have attempted to add, it was the land of plenty, it was the land of stoic lack; it was a land of extreme religiosity and a land totally immersed in crime and criminality.

While we were encouraging ourselves over what science has achieved in the past few years, at least in the area of making everything – good and evil – easy for humanity, we almost forgot that everything has become a lot more difficult for the Nigerian. If he must go to school, he must do so in tears and excruciating pains. He knows from the beginning that he will eventually graduate into unemployment.

After the ordeal of going through school, he must enroll in the NYSC programme from which only the lucky ones return alive. Many have been consumed by the Boko Haram debacle.

Before we were aware of what was happening, the bribe-for-job initiative had been institutionalised and there is nothing anyone can do about it this late hour. The system is already so tightly entrenched and properly internalised that no one can break it anymore.

While we are yet focusing on the Federal Civil Service Commission and the Department of Immigration, the bribe-for-job scam is pervasive all through the Federation. The Federal Civil Service Commission and the Department of Immigration where the National Assembly is currently concentrating may be mere scapegoats – a clear case of the dog in whose mouth you have seen some excrement, whereas all dogs eat shit (Excuse my French).

It was the season of Christmas 2010. This friend of ours came calling from a neighbouring state. She was visibly happy. Why? She quickly announced that she was now in very good terms with the Chairman of their State Local Government Service Commission and that she has been allocated five slots in their recruitment exercise.

The slots were N200, 000 each. Apart from raising the N1 million for the five slots, she was also able to pay another N500, 000 for two other slots from another colleague who was unable to take advantage of his own allotted slots.

I confronted her. “Is that why you are happy, that you have been able to purchase appointment opportunities?” She retorted: “Yes o. These are people who graduated many years ago and they couldn’t find jobs.

They have been depending on my lean resources for everything. Besides, do you know how these appointments have suddenly increased my rating in the village and our family setting? I am so happy.”

She then opened up and informed me that the routine promotions now go for as much as N200, 000 – 500, 000. Deployment to areas considered as blue chips, say in the Customs, attract between N5 million and N10 million.

The bribe-for-job scam is not only in government. It is also widespread in commerce and industry. It is in cash or kind, with sex forming a major component.
This column declines jurisdiction on the decision of the role of the Church in all this.

For all we know, some churches have since become the high ground for evil. On the final day, many men of God will have a lot of explaining to do.

The 419ers have moved vigorously into the centre of it all. The unlucky applicants have yielded their bodies and/or money and no job was forthcoming. And the scam goes largely unreported. After all, it remains a con game in which those who would have reported the crime are part of it.

Their agents are all over the place. They prey on the innocence of these young applicants. Just last week, this writer got a phone call and the following conversation ensued: Caller: “Hello. Do you remember me? I am your friend, Mr. X, the one in Warri; who uses a blue Honda car.

I work in the personnel department of Chevron…” Me: “Ok. I can’t quite remember but is anything the matter? What’s guan?” Caller: “Do you want to work in Chevron?” Me: Has the MD resigned? What other position can I occupy there? Do you really know me? Caller: “Don’t you have children who need jobs? Today is the last day.

The pay is N180, 000 per month. You work for two weeks and take two weeks off”. Me: “You go waka go front. See how you have betrayed yourself so cheaply?

Those who know me are aware that my children are employers of labour and their drivers already earn a lot more than what you are now canvassing for Chevron!” That was the point at which I cut off the phone. How many unemployed youths can so strongly resist the devil so that he will flee?

The bottom-line is that when a man buys a job, it is cash-and-carry. It may not matter much that he is blind, deaf and dumb or lame. Standard is compromised. He comes into the service in a culture of corruption, which must be perpetuated.

From the very beginning, productivity, efficiency and discipline are sentenced to death. That’s why we are still where we are and there is no reason for hope! Which way, Nigeria?

By Josef Omorotionmwan
via Vanguard
– See more at: http://www.vanguardngr.com/2013/02/which-way-nigeria-i/#sthash.5OVrpTs4.dpuf

OPINION: Patience Jonathan as a Metaphor – by Theophilus Ilevbare @tilevbare

Nigerians were yet to come to terms with the FCT Minister’s budgetary allocation of N4billion naira to the office of the first lady – that has never been recognized by the country’s constitution from 1960 to 1999 – for the proposed construction of the African First Ladies’ Peace Mission (AFLPM) Secretariat in Abuja when news filtered in of the First Lady’s half a billion naira thanksgiving party at Aso Rock Villa to celebrate her “resurrection,” or sojourn in the land of the dead. I joined millions of Nigerians to felicitate with her.

And when it was time for the first lady to make an address at the lavish thanksgiving, she decided to do it offhand, making a stunning revelation: “I actually died – I passed out for more than a week. My intestine and tummy were opened. I am not Lazarus but my experience was similar to his. My doctors said all hope was lost. A black doctor in London who is with us in this service was flown in when the situation became critical. It was God himself in His infinite mercy that said I would return to Nigeria. God woke me up after seven days.”

The First Lady’s office is not recognised by the constitution, hence, she is not obliged to notify Nigerians of her travelling itinerary within or outside the country but by virtue of her position as a Permanent Secretary in the Public Service of Bayelsa State, she is a public servant.

On her return she denied ever attending any hospital in Germany, or anywhere! In the heat of the rumour about her whereabouts, presidential aides told barefaced and shamefaced lies. Mrs. Jonathan was taking a “moment’s rest” abroad after a hectic First African Ladies’ Summit she presided over, said the First Lady’s spokesperson, Ayo Osinlu. Reuben Abati dismissed the reported illness as a rumour. But if her illness was made public and Nigerians carried along, it would have ignited nothing but fervent prayers from every Nigerian. We can as well count on the Aso-Rock-friendly CAN to organize numerous prayer sessions and vigils across the country. It wasn’t to be, as the rumour mill was left to swell. It baffled me that those words came from the same person who told Nigerians that she was “never” admitted. But thank God for his mercies, he gave her a second chance inspite of the deceit and lies.

Lies are nothing short of state policy of the present administration. The government, led by the President himself, has turned the country to a laughing stock. Lies are routine. Today, we talk about Governors on long medical vacation shrouded in deceit and shenanigans, without a proper handover as required by law, and the affairs of their state are left on autopilot.

As of today, there are still some state governors who are absent without leave. Gov. Sullivan Chime returned from a long medical leave abroad declaring that he owed no one an apology for not disclosing to Nigerians the state of his health before travelling out of the country.

Nigerian leaders can take a cue from ailing Venezuelan President, Hugo Chavez’s well publicised struggle with cancer that has kept him out of office for months. Venezuelans were sympathetic to his cause, showed him love and support. This much was made evident with the heroic welcome he got on his return home from cancer treatment in Cuba recently. Hillary Clinton, just before she stepped down as US Secretary of State, last year December, State Department officials announced she was undergoing treatment for a blood clot just below her ear with details when she will make complete recovery. This is what is expected from every responsible government that understands what public office entail.

It is the very nature of this administration to propagate lies. President Goodluck Jonathan, in the last few weeks, has had a torrid time engaging northern governors and other presidential aspirants that he signed an agreement to run for only a single term in 2011. Constitutionally, there is no law barring him from contesting but the Chairman of Northern Governors’ Forum and Governor of Niger state, Babangida Aliyu, has reiterated that Jonathan signed a pact with PDP governors. President Jonathan inadvertently gave himself away after an AU Summit in 2011 in Ethiopia when he spoke to his compatriots abroad, “Nigerians in the Diaspora will not vote, but I will work towards it by 2015, even though I will not be running for election.”

To an international audience, Mr. Jonathan tried to pull a fast one but he ended up pulling the rug where it hurt most on the failure of his administration; Power. At an interview with CNN’s Christine Amanpour, President Jonathan claimed that Nigerians were now impressed with the improvement – stable power – in the country, bragging as he spoke, like a school boy thumping his chest, “I would have loved that you ask ordinary Nigerians on the streets of Lagos, Abuja or any other city this question about power. This is one area that Nigerians are quite pleased with the government that our commitment to improve power is working.”  His claim was punctured days later when Americans were embarrassed by a 35-minute power outage at a Super Bowl game which sparked interest from Nigerians on social media who see it as a norm in their country. CNN had to do an Open Mic in Lagos to sample opinion, which in the end sharply contrasted the president’s position. Yet another lie.

It would be recalled that President Jonathan also lied to Nigerians in his Independence Day anniversary speech last year, making a bogus claim that the global corruption watchdog, Transparency International, ranked Nigeria the second most improved country in the fight against corruption. He said “…the fight against the scourge of corruption is a top priority of our administration. We are fighting corruption in all facets of our economy, and we are succeeding. We have put an end to several decades of endemic corruption associated with fertilizer and tractor procurement and distribution.  We have exposed decades of scam in the management of pensions and fuel subsidy, and ensured that the culprits are being brought to book.” Mr. Jonathan’s claim were promptly dismissed; “Transparency International does not have a recent rating or report that places Nigeria as the second most improved country in the fight against corruption.”

 

What made the First Lady’s baloney worrisome is the fact that the first family was involved, at a time Nigerians thought they’ve had enough lies from President Jonathan. When the President of a country lies without flinching, expect no less from aides, Ministers, Governors and other government functionaries. The likes of Labaran Maku, Doyin Okupe and Reuben Abati at different times have struggled to outdo each other with deceitful press releases, phantom statistics and essays. There is a media aide of the President who comes on social media every now and then to gull Nigerians that Power has improved even when the reality on ground states the obvious.

And state Governors who go on medical leave for months without any form of notice. It is surprising that on their return they make their illness public and expect to get public sympathy. Wouldn’t it have been better if they had disclosed it before travelling to quell rumours and ignite fervent, perfervid prayers from compatriots regarded as the most religious people on earth? Lying under oath as a public servant isn’t it tantamount to stealing and other offences punishable by law?

 

Theophilus Ilevbare  (theophilus@ilevbare.com)

blog: http://ilevbare.com

Twitter: @tilevbare

#AwakeningYou: WHO IS REALLY DISSATISFIED? – @StevenHaastrup

Today! It will be all about that fire of yours… What does it really want to burn?

 

Good day and welcome to #AwakeningYou, a Tuesday weekly script of #StartupNigeria. My name is Haastrup Steven.

 

In this script, I will be providing some insights that will help strengthen your vision and give it the passion that will see it through to fulfillment. It does not matter what kind of a dream or vision you have. Whether it is a dream that will change the nation or one that will take your business to the next level or a dream that will give your life a much desired lift.

 

Your vision, to pass the test of time, must arise from what I call Divine dissatisfaction. You probably have heard of Inspirational Dissatisfaction or Creative Dissatisfaction They all describe a state of serious discontent with the prevailing circumstances. If you like, a deep seated hatred for the status quo, arousing a groundswell of opposition to what presently obtains. This produces a compelling reason to act to change a situation.

 

This dissatisfaction is necessary to break the inertia of contending against the status quo. It is wise never to underestimate the power of the status quo. The status quo has a way of asserting itself as the only reality. We are constrained many a times to think of maintaining what we have rather than aspiring for what we should have. Locked up in the present, we tend to look down at the issues from the same prisms we have used again and again. With the perception that we should let the sleeping dogs lie, we deny ourselves of the divine dissatisfaction that is capable of inspiring a challenge to the status quo.

 

There is that consciousness in each of us as to what is right and wrong. This consciousness may, however, have been dulled by the circumstances of life and our experiences. That little hunch and that slight disturbance on our consciences may be the pathway to the evolution of new ideas that could change your community or advance a cause you believe in. The reason a lot of us are no longer listening to the voice of change is because we have failed to heed its several calls in the past. The only thermostat in us that helps us maintain the balance between today’s experience and tomorrow’s reality has been replaced with a thermometer. The thermometer makes no comparisons with the future. It only explains the present. And that is dangerous. Such perception of life only in the present cannot bring about the change our society urgently needs. We need men who constantly appraise the present against their dream of the future. It is only a perception of the possibility, and indeed inevitability of new realities from the current ones that our nation can become great again.

 

Who is divinely dissatisfied with the corruption that is endemic in our society? Whose conscience is pricked about the leadership question? Who weeps secretly at the general lack of organization in our society? Which teacher sighs at the endemic, or is it pandemic examination malpractices in our schools? Which politician sorrows at the level of corruption in high places? Which pastor is ashamed of the public perception of men of God in our nation?

 

It is time you raise your dissatisfaction level to the point you will be compelled to act on a vision for change.

 

The Question is… Are you ready?

 

Thanks for reading through.

 

That was a Powerful article! Spread it as far as you can. Don’t go off this page without sharing this article on the social media!It might just be all a friend needs. Just a few clicks will do.

__________________________________________________________________________

Haastrup Steven is the Executive Director of Startup Nigeria; He is a freelance writer, Impact public speaker, a startup trainer and a lover of God. He is a fan of technology and its influence over our lives and the society.

 

Follow me today on twitter @StevenHaastrup

Email: haastrupsteven@gmail.com

Nigeria’s Centenary: Celebration or time for Critical Examination?

Nigeria has embarked on the celebration of its 100 years of existence. Wait a minute; must we celebrate? Do we have success stories which should spur celebration or should this provide an opportunity for introspection — to think through our challenges and possibly proffer solutions to them? Should we celebrate just because of the number of years we have been together as a nation? If Nigeria rolls out the drums to celebrate 100 years and the major achievement is that we have managed to stay together, survived a civil war and possibly retreated at the last minute from many cliff hangers that should have scattered the nation during military rule, then we really have no need to celebrate.

What should we be doing as a nation as we mark 100 years of nationhood? It is to dispassionately and critically examine the journey so far and on an imaginary scale count our successes, achievements, challenges and failures and think through which side weighs more. We should not shy away from doing some form of Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats analysis and examination on Nigeria. This examination will provide us the opportunity to interrogate our challenges and failures and why we have been unable to overcome our challenges. It will also identify the critical success factors that led to achievements so far recorded. In identifying the drawbacks, the interrogation will come forward with ideas on how to overcome challenges, accentuate, replicate and intensify the critical success factors so that our scale of achievements will outweigh our challenges and setbacks.

At 100, both the leadership and the led are in agreement that we are not happy with our situation and our level of development. We are not where we are supposed to be as a nation. Admittedly, we spent the first 44 years under colonial rule but we are no exception in the comity of nations because other countries also experienced the same colonialism. Our peers have mechanised their agriculture and are able to feed themselves; started the production of industrial goods and machinery for local consumption and for export; enhanced and improved their health and education services; organised their societies in a way that responds to the needs of their people and are enjoying relative peace and stability. Some of our peers have even broken the atom and started journeys into space. How did they achieve their feats and leave us behind? This is a question that needs to be answered by the centenary celebration.

If we are not at the same level with our peers, the implication is that we are going in the wrong direction and doing the wrong things. Then, it means there is something fundamentally wrong with our governance, economic, political, and social value system that delivers sub-optimal results. Alternatively, there is something fundamentally wrong with the players in the field. The coach may have devised a good and winning strategy but the players have failed to play to the coach’s specific instructions. Within this context and whatever is identified as the reason(s) for our poor performance, we cannot doubt the need for a change of direction, systemic change and change in personnel in our governance architecture. Indeed, Nigeria is in dire need of renewal.

How do we effect this examination, introspection and renewal? This is the major challenge for the celebration. Everyone agrees that we are going in the wrong direction. Unfortunately, those who currently find themselves in the corridors of power believe that more of the same medicine they are serving us will eventually cure our ill-health. But there is no empirical evidence that things are getting better which will lead us to hope that after sometime, we will actually take our place in the comity of nations. Thus, the current leadership and those before them cannot but be wrong and are merely being selfish because of the pot of jam which they are presiding or had presided over. The current leadership is averse to an interrogation of the reasons why we have performed poorly. They want the status quo to continue. Yes, they want a President who is almighty and accountable to no one; a legislature which is law unto itself – enacts laws and breaks the laws; a judiciary where judges set guilty men free on technicalities or give them a slap on the wrist judgments. The current leadership want to continue ruling us in turns employing ethnic, religious, zonal and outdated cleavages. There is nothing on offer in terms of new ideas, philosophies and ideals and there are no credible solutions in sight to the myriad of our national problems.

Despite the foregoing, we still have a Presidential spokesman, Doyin Okupe, who will abuse an elder statesman and foremost constitutional lawyer Professor Ben Nwabueze and describe him as unpatriotic simply because he stated the obvious that Nigeria is sliding into a failed state.  According to Okupe, Nigeria’s democracy is in its infancy and we have credible institutions. Let me ask Okupe: How many years does it take to exit the infancy stage? What are the indicators that your credible democratic institutions are working and delivering value for money? Is there a day that goes without reports of killing of defenceless Nigerians by armed groups challenging the authority of the state? With the assurances given by the President, has our security situation improved? How much have we lost to corruption in the last 12 months? Is the amount lost to corruption in the last 12 months not higher than our national budget? How many new megawatts of electricity have we added to the grid in the last 10 years, for instance? How many kilometres of roads were fixed in the last three years? Indeed, can the Jonathan administration give a good account of the resources entrusted to it for the benefit of the vast majority of Nigerians? The system is not working and cannot work and no amount of abuses on patriotic elders who have seen the hand writing on the wall will change the facts as they are.

Back to the question of how to effect the renewal and interrogation that will lead to the design of a new and functional system, we cannot run away from a conference, a discussion of the Nigerian people convened solely for the purpose of proposing a model that will solve our problems and whose decisions will be subject to ratification by the people. This will provide us the opportunity to interrogate what has gone wrong and why it went wrong. It only takes a mad man to continue repeating the same experiment without changing any of the variables and yet expects different results on each occasion. Continuing with the current system will amount to digging deeper when you are inside a hole and looking for a way to climb out.

Yes, do we need to celebrate or critically examine what has gone wrong? If we want to change the system and reposition it towards development which will guarantee individual and national fulfillment, then we need a critical examination. Formulation of new strategies and re-orientation of our values are also imperative.

 

Eze Onyekpere (censoj@gmail.com)

Read original article via Punch

Sonala Olumhense: A New Patience Jonathan?

In the interest of full disclosure, let me first recall that I have inconvenienced the First Lady, Mrs. Patience Jonathan, in the past.

I commented on two incidents in 2006 when the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) said it had twice seized vast funds from her: the first the sum of N104 million; and the second, $13.5 million.

Mrs. Jonathan did not like my writing about this subject, and as she became one of the world’s most powerful women, she took out an advertorial in the Nigerian press, threatening to sue me.

Last Sunday, Mrs. Jonathan was not breathing fire.  At a thanksgiving church service, reports say she testified to the fragility of the human body, telling worshippers of her near-death experience in the months of September and October 2012.

During that time, it was common knowledge that she was out of the country, but the seat of federal power at her husband’s command did not say where she was.  It was widely reported she was in poor health, but the presidency provided no official confirmation.   Whatever appeared in the press about the First Lady was met with denials and rebuttals.

Mrs. Jonathan returned to Nigeria in the middle of October, having been away for about six weeks.  As soon as she set foot on Nigerian soil, she tried to fortify those denials.  She was never ill, she said, had never heard of the hospital in Wiesbaden, Germany, to which intrepid Citizen Reporters had traced her.  She had never had surgery.

Then came last Sunday, February 17, 2013, when she painted with her own tongue a harrowing picture of sickness, agony, and confrontation with death.  She had indeed had eight or nine surgeries in one month, Mrs. Jonathan said, and spent seven days in what sounded like a coma.  At a point, her condition was so bad that her expensive doctors even gave up on her.

“It was God himself in His infinite mercy that said I will return to Nigeria,” she said.  “God woke me up after seven days.”

Every Christian knows that you do not wield the name of God in vain.  When she said that God restored her to life, you could hear a collective “Amen!” sweep through Nigeria.

I want Mrs. Jonathan to know that I was responsible for one of those Amens, and many before then.  Her life is sacred before God and before man, and nobody has any right to challenge it.

A new kind of clarity seems to have visited Mrs. Jonathan lately because in her testimony in that church, she demonstrated an unexpected perspective of time and chance.  “I will [from now on] be doing things that will touch the lives of the less privileged,” she said.  “God gave me a second chance because I reached there [that is, actually died]. He knew I had not completed the assignments He gave me that was why I was sent back.”

I welcome Mrs. Jonathan back, with joy, from the Pearly Gates, and thank her for the recognition she has accorded to God for her good fortune.
Now what?

The First Lady followed up her appearance at the Aso Rock Chapel with a celebration of epic proportions valued at half a billion Naira, attended by the nation’s high and mighty.

The question is how she implements her pledge to do things to improve the lives of the less-privileged, for which she considers her life on earth has been extended.  Nigeria is a land of hypocrites; a country where the less-privileged people are despised.   My experience as a journalist and commentator in the last 30 years has convinced me of a certain wickedness of heart in Nigeria’s rich and powerful.

Perhaps because most of the wealth and power is often stolen, begged or borrowed, those who have it seem to hold in contempt those who are not as ruthless.  Their lifestyle becomes one of lying, cheating and stealing, and the people they exploit the most are the less-privileged.

Perhaps this is Mrs. Jonathan’s mission: to bridge the gap between those who have and those who lack; between those who are overfed and those who are starving; between those who are dying and those who do not need to die.

Last Sunday morning, Mrs. Jonathan threw shame to the winds and talked candidly about her life-changing ordeal, of doctors giving up apparently because she was thought to be beyond help.  Perhaps it is Mrs. Jonathan’s destiny now to remind Nigeria that there are thousands of people every day who need help for a variety of conditions, from hunger to health.

Why?  The answer is that Nigeria is the greediest nation on earth.  Add that greed to our corruption and it is easy to see why economic plans and budgets and public projects are never implemented.  That is why we lack roads and hospitals and good schools.  Rather than build roads, we buy jets.  Rather than build hospitals, we go to Europe.

That is why we put merit next, not first.  That is why we worship the wealthy, not the just.  We honour the looters and ignore the diligent.  We praise the loud not the humble.  We ignore the planting season, and wait for the harvest.

That is how shame of being labeled the “less-privileged,” which in Nigeria means “disposable,” has arisen.  It is fascinating that these are the elements Mrs. Jonathan now says she wants to help.

I can assure Mrs. Jonathan, at the risk of being sued, that I do not believe her.  When she and her husband left Bayelsa State, it was with a lot of allegations, and events since then have not improved their image.  Reporting on the April 2007 election, the Council on Foreign Relations in New York referred to Mrs. Jonathan as the “greediest person in Bayelsa State,” and a woman of great cruelty. In June 2006, NIDDEMCOW, the Niger Development Monitoring and Corporate Watch, begged the EFCC to publish its report on Mrs. Jonathan.  The Commission did not.

Add to those concerns Mrs. Jonathan’s money-laundering encounters with the EFCC which have never been transparently discharged, and it is clear her new pledge will come under exceedingly close monitoring.

But even in an era of heavy political posturing and false promises, she deserves a chance to prove that she is serious.  Where political office-holders have failed, there are a thousand ways she can leave behind a special reputation as an achiever.  She can provide a lifeline to millions of Nigerian women and children who have no access to fancy hospitals; or access to education, technical training; she can disburse opportunity by the trailer load.
And if she wants help in this direction, it is right there in the thousands of top Nigerians who were at her party at the weekend.

Yet we must be clear: if Mrs. Jonathan truly wants to bless Nigeria with her second crack at relevance, she must remember that the constitution does not recognize her office as a legal person.  Motivated by the engine of her gratitude to God, she must deploy the power of her will and her own imagination and hands.

If she proves to be genuine, this I promise: whatever I am, and my own two hands.

 

Sonala Olumhense

via SaharaReporters

SOC Okenwa: When The Dame “Died”!

In seeking to knock this article into shape a lot of captions competed for attention; such titles as ‘The First Lady’s Lazarus Experience’, ‘Our First Lady’s ‘Resurrection”, ‘Playing Lazarus In Modern Nigerian Times’. As a writer it is normal for one to have to deal with issues of this kind and personally I have had cause to deal with it weekly on many occasions but somehow one must decide on what is best suited for the piece as a caption to deliver the message in summary. In this case I had decided to settle for the above because I considered it most appropriate but whether my judgment is right or not is open to debate.

Last Sunday the first family organised a lavish “N500 million” thanksgiving service/bash in Abuja. Special guests from abroad (including former Ghanaian President John Kufour) VIPs, Nollywood superstars ‘Aki’ and ‘Paw-Paw’ and men of God were all present to assist in the jamboree. Abuja was reportedly shut down as the who-is-who of the society joined forces to give thanks to the Most High for performing a ‘miracle’ in the life of the presidential spouse. Perhaps the only high-profile big man absent for obvious reasons was the ex-President (and GEJ’s benefactor and godfather) Olusegun Obasanjo. But former Head of State, Gen. Yakubu Gowon and Aisha Babangida representing his indisposed father (IBB) were there.

In the presence of the dignitaries including the President himself the First Lady Dame Patience Jonathan opted for full disclosure as against the recent climate of subreption surrounding her state of health and ‘disappearance’ for months late last year. In an interesting confession in deference to the Omnipotent Doctor she narrated: “It is the Lord’s doing that I returned alive. When God says yes, nobody can say no. People are always afraid of operation (surgery). But in my own case, while my travail lasted, I was begging for it after the third operation because I was going to the theatre every day. It was God who saw me through. I did eight or nine operations within one month”.

And continuing she added: “It was not an easy experience for me, I actually died. I passed out for more than a week. My intestine and tummy were opened. I am not Lazarus but my experience was similar to his. My doctors said all hope was lost. It was God himself in His infinite mercy that said I will return to Nigeria. God woke me up after seven days.” Wonderful! Bravo Dame Patience Jonathan for electing (even belatedly) to speak the truth!

It would be recalled that soon after her ‘triumphant’ return from Germany Dame Patience Jonathan had declared shamelessly that she was never hospitalised in any hospital anywhere! Such bare-faced aversion for truth does not help anyone’s image or credibility. But it was in keeping with the ‘Yar’Adua syndrome’, one in which public officials decided to keep their ailments away from the public knowledge for reasons best known to them. We saw it play itself out in bizzare fashion in Enugu with the Governor (Sullivan Chime) who spent more than four months in hospitals in India and London treating cancer only to return home recently to say that he never had any apology or explanation to give to anybody! During the medical sabbatical Chime kept mum abroad while his goons back home struggled to maintain series of befuddling lies that never corresponded with reality.

The Dame lamented how trusted associates and relatives sold off her personal belongings thinking that she was indeed dead and gone for good accusing those she trusted of leaking the information of her one week sojourn in a trance. In Igbo language our elders used to say: “onye nwu’o ihe ya anwu’o” (whoever dies have their things gone with them). Like the literary immortal Shakespeare reasoned we are all here as players in this life that remains a stage; we come and go while playing our parts in a complex global natural order of things.

The president’s son caught my attention as the photographs of the great party were posted online. Looking majestically well-fed (sorry over-fed) in his dashing suit the young boy looked every inch like the son of the late Idi Amin Dada of Uganda whom the cannibal dictator promoted to a “General” during his kleptocratic megalomania in Kampala. Oblivious of the misery in the land and the suffering of millions of kids his age up north and down south the Goodluck junior was resplendent in his smart suit enjoying the paradise around him. The opulence of a few elite and the poverty of our people could not make any sense to him! But thank God though he was not pictured, quite unlike the son of the late President Yar’Adua, marooned in a heap of dollars, pounds and naira holding assault rifle and ready to pull the trigger!

When the Dame “died” one is wondering what was going through that unconscious mind, that ‘raptured’ spirit that took temporal flight for the unknown ostensibly oscillating restlessly between heaven and hell. When our First Lady “died” and “resurrected” in far-away Germany the Dame must have thought about Lazarus with the returning spirit taking cognisance of the fierce urgency of the now purely spiritual; the spirit inhabiting the body must have given room for the manifestation of the spiritual ‘transformation’. When she was knocked out cold and unconscious Aso Rock must have been thrown into a rare presidential grief with the Commander-In-Chief in an uncommon melancholic mood!

As the spirit returned, following the Dame’s untimely ‘demise’, desperate to re-possess the comatose body in dizzying fashion, it must have encountered certain forces mundane hell-bent on leaving things as they were; that is, letting the sleeping female ‘dog’ lie and achieving the set objective of resting the body for good! And putting a fitting end to the delusion of grandeur of the ‘deceased’ Okrika woman, the Permanent Secretary in Bayelsa State, the ‘President’ of African First Ladies.

The First Lady lying comatose and breathless must have conjured the image of home without her imposing presence, her husband and her ‘rivals’; her children and above all the millions and billions stashed away, garnered through connubial corruption! Mundane possessions aside, the “resurrected” body would have been imagining what could have been if the benevolent spirit never returned to take possession of the abandoned body left in a heap of hopeless finitude!

The First Lady should have also spared a thought about the fate that would have befallen her proposed N4 billion edifice in Abuja that will accommodate an aberration that calls itself the “African First Ladies Peace Mission” were she to have ‘died’. Perhaps Hajia Turai Yar’Adua could have had the last laugh in their protracted Abuja land tussle since her chief disputant would have gone like her husband did in medical circumstances shrouded in mystery!

The Dame declared with glee that she was ‘resurrected’ from ‘dead’ like Lazarus; that then meant that her faith in the things of the spirit, divinity, was indeed worth applauding here. We never knew, before now, how deep her relationship with her Maker was! Whosoever benefitted from the kind of Lazarus-like miracle as she did must eternally be grateful to Jehovah and His Angels for their celestial capacity for doing good and forgiving human transgressions. The Dame has transgressed on more than one occasion and she knows it!

The Lazarus story found in the Holy Bible remains a strikingly remarkable tale of miracle administered by the Saviour Himself, Jesus Christ of Nazareth! Lazarus, the dead brother of Mary and Martha, had been buried before the only begotten Son of God was notified of his demise three days after. On reaching his grave-site Jesus wept, uttered a prayer and raised Lazarus from dead! Apart from the glorious resurrection of Jesus the Christ three days after His crucifixion no other miracle could have matched that of Lazarus brought back to life after some three days’ spell in the great beyond!

We rejoice in our First Lady’s recovery from her ailment. We wish her long life and sound health and prosperity guaranteed by her husband’s presidential occupation! Her tale of ‘death’ and ‘resurrection’ ought to be celebrated indeed — something the first family did in style last Sunday. It is perfectly fitting that she organized such a thanksgiving to give God the glory and genuinely thank Him for His faithfulness. Recognising that her life, like those of the rest of us, lesser mortals, is in the hands of God, and not German doctors, and giving a moving testimony of her medical trajectory is enough reminder of our collective mortality despite our earthly possessions.

– SOC Okenwa (soco_abj_2006_rci@hotmail.fr)

via SaharaReporters

Stalemate Over Budget 2013: Matters Arising – Henry Boyo

There are media concerns on the potential adverse impact of delay of budget implementation and the possibility of the Legislature overriding presidential opposition to the 2013 budget enactment.

In reality, late budget enactment has over the years never really affected the disbursement of recurrent expenditure, so long as such expenditure does not exceed the previous year’s recurrent allocations.  Consequently, late budget enactment may in fact only affect the capital budget; nonetheless, the total 2013 capital budget of about N1.5tn (about $9m) can only be an infrastructural palliative when compared with the speculated requirement of over $100bn for the provision and distribution of adequate power alone to consumers nationwide.  Besides, despite the relative paucity of the capital budget, it has become traditional for government’s Ministries, Departments and Agencies to continuously post billions of naira as unspent revenue at the end of each year.  Thus, the present late enactment may not adversely impact implementation any worse than what happened in previous years!

There may apparently also be more to the delayed Presidential assent than the Executive’s earlier reported reservations about late receipt of a clean bill from the Legislature and the later insinuations that the Executive just needed to dot the ‘i’s and cross the ‘t’s before the assent.

Some media reports fingered the zero budget allocations for the Securities and Exchange Commission, the N63bn increase in the capital budget, the Legislature’s alleged inclusion of constituency projects and adoption of $79/barrel crude oil benchmark for the delay.

I recall that in an earlier piece titled “The Return of Arunma Oteh”  http://www.lesleba.com/yahoo_site_admin/assets/docs/27072012p.5264110.doc, we cautioned that “…the legislators may ultimately also see Oteh’s return as unnecessarily provocative and a potential source of attrition and government’s gamble on Oteh’s reinstatement may further assault the integrity of the capital market and ultimately restrain economic growth.”

In the present circumstance, if the Legislature advances its threat to override the Executive’s veto on the 2013 budget, Mr. President may ultimately become wisely constrained to a gentleman’s agreement to quietly ship out the Director-general of the Securities and Exchange Commission to another agency in the near future; in this manner, President Goodluck Jonathan may save face and also avert the unhelpful perception that he does not have the spine to confront the National Assembly.

We may now address the issues of constituency projects and the alleged increase of the 2013 budget by N63bn. In plain language, the Executive contests that the National Assembly has no constitutional power to tamper with the content of the Appropriation Bill.  The National Assembly on the other hand, maintains that the President’s bill has to follow the same process as every other bill laid before the Legislature.  In the event that the Legislature has vested powers to evaluate, amend and pass any bill before it becomes law, it is therefore in consonance with the spirit of the law for Mr. President’s Appropriation Bill to be also subject to the usual legislative process, which may advise omissions or inclusions, as deemed appropriate and agreed  to by both Legislative Houses to any bill before passage.

However, the issue of crude oil budget benchmark is a little bit more complex. On the surface, the Executive projects a conservative and prudent image in adopting the lower crude benchmark price of $75/barrel; its argument is that, if for example, crude oil sells throughout the year above the Executive’s recommended price of $75/barrel, the surplus income will increase our  national reserves!  In addition, in the event that crude prices unexpectedly fall below $75/barrel, the adverse impact of the reduced revenue inflow on expenditure will become less traumatic than if the budget was predicated on a much more optimistic benchmark.

The lawmakers on the other hand argue that deliberate understatement of budget benchmarks around $70/barrel in previous budgets led to the accumulation of huge avoidable deficits in each year’s budget.  In other words, the expenditure budgets generally outstripped the understated revenue projections because of the very conservative budget benchmarks adopted.  The legislature may rightly argue that it does not make sense to fund such resultant ‘ghost’ deficits by borrowing at over 15 per cent interest rates, while accumulating idle reserves from benchmark surpluses with little or no yield.  This argument surely makes sense; however, the legislators themselves may, in fact, be unaware of the destabilising economic implications of spending such increasing dollar revenue realised from the adoption of higher crude price benchmarks!

The reason behind the unexpected negative impact of increasing dollar revenue is the Central Bank of Nigeria’s obtuse monetary policy framework, which substitutes monthly naira allocations at unilaterally determined rates for distributable dollar revenue.  Consequently, the larger the dollar revenue (as in crude prices constantly well above conservative benchmarks), the greater will be the apex bank’s naira creation and ultimately the greater will be the burden of excess cash (excess liquidity) in the system.  Excess liquidity in turn fuels high inflation and interest rates, and further pushes the naira value downwards, with disastrous economic and social implications.  Consequently, from the National Economic Management Team’s perspective, it will be unhealthy for us to earn and spend such increases in dollar revenue because of the attendant problems of excess liquidity, when the higher crude oil dollar incomes are substituted with naira creations.

Thus, both the executive and legislature may mean well, but the truth is that neither position is beneficial to economic growth or the creation of employment opportunities.

It will be difficult for the economic management team to satisfactorily explain the double paradox of rising national debt in the face of excess cash and that of fortuitously increasing dollar revenue and deepening poverty to Mr. President.  However, despite the EMT’s acquiescence to this reality, the contradictions and paradoxes in our economy will only be resolved, such that increasing dollar revenue will bring about improved social and economic welfare, when the CBN stops the poisonous process of substituting naira allocations for dollar revenue and instead adopts the instrument of dollar certificates for the payment of allocations of dollar-derived revenue.

In spite of the foregoing, both the Executive and the National Assembly appear unduly concerned about the contentious unverified extra-budgetary issue of over N2tn, which inevitably will be required to supplement projected total expenditure of about N4.9tn and inadvertently tilt the 2013 budget deeper into deficit; thus making further government borrowing necessary.

Incidentally, the adoption of dollar certificates as suggested above will alter the market dynamics for naira and consequently strengthen the naira; fuel prices will fall as a result, and ultimately eliminate the crippling burden of subsidy. This, sadly, is the road not taken.

 

Henry Boyo (lesleba@lesleba.com)

Read the original article via Punch

LEADING TOMMOROW | A Dissertation for Students – by Ayo Sogunro

 

 WHY ARE YOU IN SCHOOL?

Perhaps, you must have asked yourself this question a number of times, “what the hell am I doing in school?” Don’t be ashamed if you have no answer—getting an education in Nigeria is frustrating enough to create a situation that seems aimless. On the other hand, maybe your life philosophies are well defined, and you have the immediate answer to the question: to obtain a nice 2-1 academic class, graduate with a degree, and live happily ever after. Along the way and afterwards, you plan to pick up friends, connections, a spouse or spouses, a nice job, save a lot of money, pay your religious dues, die peacefully and go to heaven.

 

If that’s your ready answer, splendid! It’s quite a nice picture, except—except that a lot of things could go wrong. Your lecturers may victimise you and prevent you from getting that degree, you might find later on that your friends were there only for the fair weather, the job market may have undergone an economic depression, and your connections may have so many people dependent on their favours that you’ll get dizzy trying to figure out who knows whom. You might get frustrated and desperate; you may turn to the life of sin you didn’t plan for, and die in disgrace or through a cruel death and just possibly miss out on the heaven you’ve been counting on as a last resort.

 

THIS IS NOT ABOUT YOU

I’m afraid I’ve painted a very gruesome picture in the preceding paragraph, but only the very unrealistic person will deny that these things do happen. The wretched rarely start out with the goal of living that way. Of course, you may be lucky—or divinely favoured, if you prefer—and have it smooth all the way, and then you may not. If you are not so lucky—it’s largely not your fault, it’s part of the social construct within which we live and operate.

I know a lot of lazy ne’er-do-wells mouth this same excuse of “it’s the system” daily, but such obvious interlopers aside, have you ever stopped to consider that there are quite a number of hardworking people who went to school just like you and who never “make it”, especially in this country?

More importantly, the economic philosophy of the governments we have had in Nigeria has made it quite difficult for the average citizen to achieve more than subsistence living: a day to day, hand to mouth, rumble and tumble sort of life. Therefore, you will have to find a good job or business by yourself—and depend on friends and relatives before you get that, build your own house by yourself—or live in a rented accommodation, or with family and friends before then,  and take care of yourself after you retire irrespective of whether you’re capable of working or not.

Now, don’t be mistaken: this is not a plea for socialism or communism, I believe in capitalism, as regulated by reasonable human interaction. And reason argues that no matter how free a market system is, where the basic elements of trade become so scarce, or resides in the hands of a few, the market is bound to become an oligarchy. Let us diverge a little here and venture into economics.

Assume, for example, that air has to be commercialised; it is apparent that, before long, in a free market, some people would accumulate a larger portion of air than others. You can’t blame these wealthier ones: after all they used their productive efforts to obtain that volume of air. On the other hand, if some people, feeling a tad smarter, stole this air in order to resell it, or even some more others decided not to sell it freely at market prices, but to hoard it despite people dying, so they would sell it at the maximum price possible, then you can imagine further that, very soon the market would begin to die and, at the end of the day, other activities which required air for efficient operation will also fail and be destroyed.

Just like fuel.

You’re a student, but you don’t need to be a professor to relate my analogy to our social construct.

A STITCH IN TIME

You have witnessed this scenario at least once: the federal government increases the price of fuel, there is an initial commotion, but soon the citizenry accepts the new regime and things go on just as before. This reaction from the populace inspires the government to continue its performance. And the cycle never ends.

You may not be schooled in the intricacies of oil and finance, and you should not be concerned about attacking every unfavourable government action—sometimes there will be issues on which the government is right in its policy decisions even though negative in immediate effect. What you should be concerned with is the reaction of Nigerians in general and you, a student, in particular.

 

Nigerians are too accepting, too accommodating and too adaptive. But you have the power to change that.  Even if you can’t be revolutionary, you should not be a passive reactionary. In the ordinary course of a government–people relationship, some passive behaviour is necessary for the smooth running of society, but when a government has displayed a continues system of taking the people’s tolerance for granted, then the people are required to look out for themselves.

Now, section 14 of the Nigerian Constitution, which is still the supreme law of the country, regards the ultimate decision makers (sovereignty, is the word) as “the people”, the citizens themselves. That’s right. When it comes to final decision making, the people as a whole have the last word. In Nigeria, as well as most countries, the people are generally: the elderly, the working class, the students, and the young.

 

WHO THEN HAS THE RESPONSIBILITY?

First, let us eliminate the elderly and the young from the categories of active people, leaving us with the working class and the students (“students” in this context refers to the students of tertiary institutions). These two remnant groups often overlap but are both still distinct.

Now, generally, once a person has joined the working class, the social construct forces he or she to be a pragmatist. Pragmatism, in the Nigerian setting, simply means, doing what you can to guarantee food on your table for as long as possible. The average working class person is keen to find ways of buttering his or her bread—on all sides if possible, and except he or she is an idealist—generally considered a fool, all the slogans and cries that were chanted as a youth are forgotten, he or she joins the rat race and that’s the end of the revolutionary story.

So, we can safely dismiss the working class from the group of people who will be responsible for changing society. We are left with the youths—the students who are at the stage where they can accommodate burning ideals without the worry of a family or the burdens of employment. You students, ultimately, bear the responsibility of directing the course of change in this country.

HISTORY’S LESSONS

Let’s see what history has to say on this.

In May 4, 1919, about 3,000 students from universities in the Beijing area demonstrated in Tiananmen Square to protest against a certain treaty, the students marched on government offices and clashed with the police. In an age without twitter or Facebook, the news of the student protests spread out and inspired boycotts by traders and workers’ strikes. With the students and workers already in protest, the intellectuals were able to get into the action and proposed ways to stimulate Chinese nationalism, modernize Chinese culture, and strengthen the Chinese nation against Japanese and Western imperialism. This protest led to the new wave of Chinese nationalism that has affected its politics, women’s rights, literature and economics—and led to the formation of the Chinese Communist party and has emerged in China’s dominant role today.

In France, 1968, a lapse in the French educational system caused disquiet among students. Eventually, the Sociology students at Nanterre University near Paris occupied the campus, resulting in the closure of the university. With the closure of the university, the students’ and teachers’ unions called for a general strike and 9 million workers responded ultimately resulting in the government meeting the demands of the students.

Of course, you may have heard of the anti-war protests in the United States. In the 1970’s student demonstrations against the involvement of US troops in the Vietnam War were common in the campuses of many American universities and colleges. At one of such protests, in Kent State University, the National Guardsmen fired into a crowd of students, killing four people and injuring nine. This incident triggered a nationwide student revolt. By 1971, there was widespread unrest in public schools across the country—the effects of these led to the end of the war and President Nixon’s eventual resignation from office.

HOW ABOUT YOU?

A caution, however: violence has rarely been a solution to any problem. It may sweep the problem under the carpet, but the problem is still there. Violence should never be initiated. In most cases, however, violence is initiated by the government—at that point, the citizens have a civic right to retaliate against their oppressors.

From the above examples, it is clear that at one time or the other, nations have found themselves facing an existential crisis, and it was the relentlessness of students that resolved the situation. I have shown you three examples: from Asia, Europe, and the Americas. You, a Nigerian, can set a trend for Africa.

It is possible you have protested against your vice-chancellor or rector against certain wrongs, but the vice-chancellor is not your problem, neither is the president of the country. Both the vice-chancellor and the president are as much victims of the social construct as the next person. The problem is the system and the problems it breeds, and it is this system that needs to be changed, the entire social structure, from the very roots. And this can be done legally too.

SHAKING THE LEGISLATORS

The senators and representatives may be hardworking, but we haven’t tasked them enough. In fact they spend far too much time pushing themselves out of office—when we could do the job for them. You as a student have a better chance of monitoring the affairs of the legislature much more than the ordinary worker, you students can organise and execute the house-to-house collection of signatures required for the purpose of recalling an elected representative.

 

You complain that legislators rarely visit their constituencies, but they would respond fast to your when notice of such a move by the electorate gets to them. Now, if this exercise was co-ordinated by the student body and was happening all over Nigeria, in all senatorial districts and constituencies, don’t you think any imaginable wish of the electorate will be met soon enough?

You may not be able to control the president directly, but when the seats of the legislators become too hot for them, they will do control the executive on our behalf, as they are supposed to.

REQUIEM

There is more to say, but this is a time to act. Only you and your colleagues can prevent the present class of students from following the same pattern, graduating into the same working class and continuing the vicious system. When will you take action?

 

Ayo Sogunro can be found frequently acting as a student should and mounting barricades on Twitter. Join him via @ayosogunro.

Jonathan’s One Term Agreement: Fiction, Facts and Fables

Even though he had pledged not to be dissuaded from the affairs of state by 2015 campaign drums, his rivals for the ticket are not giving up on provoking him into dancing.

President Goodluck Jonathan had months ago declared on national television that he would not dabble into the 2015 presidential election question until 2014.

His disposition nonetheless, the issue has now frontally caught up with his presidency following the disclosure by Governor Babangida Aliyu last weekend that the president signed an agreement with northern governors not to contest the 2015 presidential election.

Speaking on a radio programme in Kaduna, Governor Aliyu had declared that the president agreed with northern governors that he would serve for only one term in a bid to allow the presidency to revolve back to the north in 2015.

“I recall that at the time he was going to declare for the 2011 election, all the PDP governors were brought together to ensure that we were all in the same frame of mind.

“And I recall that some of us said given the circumstances of the death of President Umaru Yar’Adua and given the PDP zoning arrangement, it was expected that the North was to produce the president for a given number of years.”

“I recall that at that discussion, it was agreed that Jonathan would serve only one term of four years and we all signed the agreement. Even when Jonathan went to Kampala, in Uganda, he also said he was going to serve a single term,” the Niger governor had declared.

Following his declaration on Saturday which was widely reported in the newspapers the following day, Governor Aliyu resorted to silence. Indeed, he reportedly ordered his aides and associates not to respond to comments or questions from journalists on the issue.

Governor Aliyu who is in his second term it is believed, would be a direct beneficiary should the president opt out from the 2015 contest. Besides him, a number of second term governors in the north inching to advance in the political ladder would also benefit from the non-participation of the incumbent in the contest.

Among them are Governors Aliyu Wamakko of Sokoto, Rabiu Kwankwanso (Kano), Usman Daikingari (Kebbi), Yisa Yuguda (Bauchi), Gabriel Suswam (Benue), Murtala Nyako and the convalescing Danbaba Suntai (Taraba).

Aliyu’s assertion of an agreement was immediately dismissed by presidency officials with the political adviser, Ahmed Gulak saying that there was no such agreement.

But multiple sources disclosed to Vanguard that efforts towards nudging Jonathan to an agreement were made by northern stakeholders operating from different fronts.

The first move apparently came from PDP governors many of whom in the first instance, had been opposed to the emergence of Jonathan as acting president in the wake of the crisis sparked by the ill-health of President Umaru Yar‘adua in 2010.

Following the death of Yar‘adua many of the governors quickly came round to support Jonathan, but those who were serving their second terms like Bukola Saraki still sought ways of getting the advantage over Jonathan in the 2011 contest. But willy-nilly Jonathan with the power of incumbency persevered pulling through a decisive victory even after the PDP governors had attempted to block a meeting of the national executive committee, NEC meeting of the party in December 2010.

The governors who command the majority of members of the NEC had in backroom discussions sought to frustrate the meeting of the NEC leading to the presidential primaries until they proved their point.

The NEC meeting which eventually held on December 16, 2010 reached a communiqué which was read by Governor Ibrahim Shema. The communiqué of the meeting read thus:

• Democratic systems all over the world recognise the principles of incumbency and continuity

• Entrenched democratic culture persistent in presidential system and our constitution entitles our president to go for a second term which the PDP governors support.

• The governors also recognise the Yar’Adua/Jonathan ticket and therefore hereby support President Goodluck Jonathan (GCFR) to contest the 2011 election as the PDP presidential candidate for a period of four years only.”

That meeting was the turning point in the governors’ support for Jonathan who on his part described them as field commanders of the party who should not be joked with.

“The governors are the commanders in the state and as field commanders you cannot play with them,” the president was reported to have said at the end of that meeting.

In appreciation of the support he got from the governors the president also moved to appease them in several ways including the dismissal the following month of the then national chairman of the party, Dr. Okwesileze Nwodo.

That communiqué has been described as the currency of the agreement. However, many have dismissed the credibility of the communiqué as some have said that the president cannot be tied by it.

Another attempt to bind the president to a single term was made through the platform of the G15, which had been set up by the Northern Political Leaders Forum, NPLF to help it in its choice of a northern presidential candidate.

Atiku Abubakar who had been chosen as the choice of the NPLF to represent the north in the PDP presidential primary, Vanguard learnt, had been approached by Jonathan for support after the primaries. Atiku it was gathered had resorted to the G15 on whether he should meet with Jonathan and he was given the go ahead.

When Jonathan eventually met with Atiku at the residence of Mallam Adamu Ciroma in Abuja he came with Anthony Anenih, the acting national chairman of the PDP Haliru Mohammed Bello to the meeting which saw Ibrahim Babangida, Aliyu Gusau among other eminent leaders from the north.

While they discussed some sought to put the issue of Jonathan serving one term but the issue was never seriously pressed and Jonathan was not really tasked on it.

One participant in the meetings told Vanguard this week that the northern leaders never expected Jonathan to sign an agreement given the fact that the Southeast is also hovering to get a bite at the presidential villa in 2015.

“If he had signed an agreement with us it could have been political suicide for him as it would have made him vulnerable among his supporters in the Southeast who are also desirous of getting the presidency in 2015,” a member of the G15 told Vanguard.

The deadlock did not stop former President Olusegun Obasanjo who was working quietly also to mobilise northern support for Jonathan. It is alleged that Obasanjo was able to get Babangida, Atiku, Gusau to support Obasanjo in exchange for Jonathan doing one term.

As part of the agreement Atiku, Babangida and Gusau were expected to endorse Jonathan at the final PDP presidential campaign rally in March 2011 in Abuja. Indeed, seats were reserved for the trio who, however, failed to show up at the last minute.

The debate is still out there whether Jonathan was part of the alleged accord or not. It was based on Obasanjo’s understanding of such an agreement that he, Obasanjo declared at the rally that Jonathan had agreed to serve one term.

Obasanjo had said: “We are impressed with the report that Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan has already taken a unique and unprecedented step of declaring that he would only want to be a one-term President.

“He has taken the first good step, let us encourage him to take more good steps to achieve what we need to achieve for this country by voting for him in landslide victory as the first elected President of Nigeria on basis of our common Nigerian identity and for the purpose of actualising the Nigerian dream.”

The face off between Obasanjo and President Jonathan it was learnt, emanated from perceptions by the former that the incumbent president was about going back on the declaration. Pressure is now on Obasanjo from his northern associates to speak out on the issue.

Presidency officials are, howhttp://omojuwa.com/wp-admin/post-new.phpever, insisting that the president is not bound by any such agreement that for now remains in the field of imagination. Speaking through the Senior Special Assistant, Public Affairs, Dr. Doyin Okupe, the President insisted on not being distracted by the 2015 debate.

In a statement issued on Wednesday, Okupe said: “Our attention has been drawn to issues raised by some political leaders to the effect that President Goodluck Jonathan signed an agreement with some Governors elected on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party prior to the Party’s presidential primaries in 2011.

“From time immemorial, for every major event or contest in the world, there is always a time and a season apportioned. We wish to state categorically that this is neither the time nor the season to begin electioneering campaign or related discourse for the 2015 presidential elections and so  President Goodluck Jonathan will not jump the gun.

“Mr. President will therefore stoutly resist any disguised or open attempt to drag him into any debates, arguments or political discussions relating to a presidential election in 2015.”

Whether the president responds or not, his rivals in the 2015 contest have already dragged him into the battle.

 

Emmanuel Aziken, via Vanguard

#KakandaTemple: El-Rufai: Memoir of a Political Scam Artist – by Gimba Kakanda

Mallam Nasir El-Rufai is a saint. El-Rufai’s intellectual and managerial wisdom is unmatched by any living thing that has ever been in power in Nigeria. Those are the things we discover in his memoir, The Accidental Public Servant. TAPS is not only a celebration of an individual’s narcissism but a revelation of the destructive elitism on whose back this polarised nation suffers. But because TAPS documents the political tragedies we have witnessed since the coming of this present democracy in which the author was a privileged actor, we must repaint our triumphal arch to welcome this confession of an insider.

 

I won’t advise any hypertensive person to open the book, if not for the author’s inability to contain his large ego in this overtly expressive tome but for his exposé of the financial scams and abuse of power by the political elite who, despite declared differences and public opposition, are actual friends and family in the closet. El-Rufai reveals, somewhat unwittingly, that Nigeria is just a chessboard on which the masses are manipulated and taken for granted.

 

In TAPS, there is President Obasanjo who wants to overstay, the lawmakers who abandon their duties and scramble for complicity, General Babangida who is just an expired buffoon, Nuhu Ribadu an unreliable confidant who is also an unprincipled anti-corruption crusader and Atiku Abubakar who is a smooth criminal—everybody wears the garb of a devil in this book. One, though, hears a man too angry, as an opposition party member, to be decorous.

 

El-Rufai has guts, and he is really arrogant about his illusory intellect and academic exploits. He makes everyone around him, including his boss Obasanjo, seem dumb as he keeps screaming about his A-grades at Barewa College where the late President Yar’Adua whom he portrays as unserious student and chain-smoker managed to leave with good grades which seemed to have shocked El-Rufai. It doesn’t matter that El-Rufai didn’t even meet Yar’Adua at the school.

 

Similarly, the literary prowess which he plays down in his major case of condescension in the book—with a claim that he was better with figures, as though he had propounded a mathematical theory—was later overblown in his boast that he wrote a speech “single-handedly” for the then military Head of State General Abdulsalam Abubakar. He never lets you forget he graduated with a first class honours degree; perhaps that is because he is the only one who has ever done so? Nor does El-Rufai fail to remind you that he is a penniless Ghandi who, after his notoriety as FCT Minister, couldn’t afford a stay in Dubai. He could only afford having his children at elite schools in Maryland and London.

 

TAPS is built on a diseased mindset. It romanticises the author’s intellectual wisdom as the flight that conveyed him to our cloudy political sky. But there was no accident in El-Rufai’s public service career; the author is just too dumb to recognise nepotism for what it is. What he optimistically calls an accident was in fact an invitation from his elder brother’s friend to serve as a member of the advisory council in General Abdulsalam’s transition government. Let us examine El-Rufai’s own words:

 

“I subsequently learnt from a mutual friend that (General Abdulsalam) Abubakar had remembered me because I had met him a couple of times in the course of my quantity surveying career and MAY HAVE (emphasis mine) debated the role of the military in politics and governance. My GUESS (emphasis mine) is the Head of State THOUGHT (emphasis mine) he needed contrarian views to enrich his policy decisions… (p. 53)”

 

You don’t need a language tutor to see through the lame excuses and reasons given in the excerpt above, especially the self-indicting words in upper case: There was an unnamed mutual friend who revealed what had escaped the author’s memory; and in the use of “may”, El-Rufai, who remembers page-long dialogues, is clearly being economical with the truth.

 

Note that El-Rufai bases his reason on a conjecture by the use of “guess”, pondering the so-called accident that earned him a slot in that team. So you may be eager to know how he guessed a man’s thought. General Abdulsalam didn’t say it. In Nigeria, we know that political opportunism is facilitated by ethnic, religious and regional cronyism. Yes, you only need to be member of a certain group to make it to that cycle!

 

And as a member of that team, El-Rufai justifies his own brand of “cronyism” on recommending for ministerial appointment a man whose eligibility was built around what El-Rufai too calls “rumour mill”. The nominee, a suspended Deputy Governor at CBN, Alhaji Ismaila Usman, whom El-Rufai claims he had met just once, was rumoured to have refused to be an accomplice in a financial scam ordered by the late General Sani Abacha. This selection criterion, which is exactly the practice that brought El-Rufai too on board General Abdulsalam’s transition government, is an undeniable nepotism.

 

I always campaign for right to expression and even recently have written to defend El-Rufai from his political antagonists on the alleged blasphemy accusation and other matters. I had maintained that his past in public service must not be allowed to be used to deny him a right to political activism.

 

But TAPS is an explosion of that egalitarian utilitarianism on mine and the outrage of that belief is a welcome development from me, in my barricade amongst the citizens of common sense. Our resolve now as citizens is to study and challenge what elitism does to this country. The arguments in support of El-Rufai’s elite-aggrandising policies while he was FCT Minister fail anytime we have a gander of the effects they had on the common people of Abuja, especially the “subaltern” residents who were never compensated, whose lives were destroyed by that insensitivity to our socioeconomic structure.

 

There are only three saints in El-Rufai’s book: His late daughter Yasmin, elder brother Bashir and the countless people he introduces as “mentors”. But any attentive reader would understand that El-Rufai who couldn’t resign in a government known for reigns of corruptions, despite his unsuccessful attempts to justify his stay, is apparently suffering from Out-of-Office syndrome. His portrayals of Yar’Adua, especially when he engaged the services of foreign lobbyists to make Yar’Adua appear like a military leader, betrays the honesty of his activism.

 

The El-Rufai who afforded such media stunts wasn’t broke as declared in this memoir. That politics is too cheap for Nigerians. The trick in this new turn of El-Rufailitics is to wallop his fellow members of the elite class just to earn the sympathy and trust of the “Suffering Class” and, more importantly, the Twitter-based youths many of whom only think that Nigeria is just the size of their blogs. One thing El-Rufai fails to acknowledge is: Though a crocodile may stay with a community of alligators, it can never become one. May God save us from us!

 

 

– by Gimba Kakanda

@gimbakakanda (on Twitter)

Okey Ndibe: What Patience Jonathan Owes Nigerians

Last year, Nigeria’s First Lady Patience Jonathan spent six weeks in a Germany hospital receiving treatment for an undisclosed ailment. Nigerians footed the bill for her treatment, but neither her office nor that of her husband considered us deserving of the slightest bit of truth-telling. It took the effort of enterprising online reporters to inform Nigerians that their president’s wife was sick, and that she was undergoing treatment in far-away Germany.

 

Even so, her spokesman countered – in a facile response – that Mrs. Jonathan was a picture of buoyant health. She’d traveled back, he said, to rest after the fatigue of hosting a meeting of African First Ladies in Abuja. Of course, the irony of the claim didn’t strike the fibbing spokesman. If the spouse of Nigeria’s president does not find Aso Rock – the most palatial address in Nigeria – conducive to resting, then the country her husband runs must be pure hell for other (by far less fortunate) Nigerians.

 

During Mrs. Jonathan’s absence, I came to find out how patient and forgiving Nigerians can be. On Facebook, twitter and other online forums, many wrote that they were praying for their ailing First Lady. Amazed by such gush of generosity, I wrote column calling on Mrs. Jonathan, once she recovered and returned to Nigeria, to repay the love nudging her husband to become a responsive, public-spirited leader. I suggested, for one, that she must impress on Mr. Jonathan that he has a duty to give Nigerians a healthcare system that’s worthy of humans.

 

It’s a scandal that Nigerian officials (as well as the broader class of the well-to-do) now troop to the UK, France, Germany, South Africa, India and the US for medical treatment. Part of the scandal lies in the fact that Nigerians are some of the top doctors in any field of medicine. Given a visionary leader committed to transformation – as opposed to a poseur who likes to fancy himself a transformational figure – many of these doctors will need little prodding to come home and set up practices. But no: most of our so-called leaders are deaf to the shame of running a country that has no coherent health policy.

 

Consider this: Nelson Mandela is one of the world’s most revered persons. Yet, whenever he takes ill, he’s treated in South African hospitals by South African doctors. He’s not flown abroad with the kind of fanfare that Nigerian officials organize, a fanfare that advertises Nigeria as a failed, forlorn state. Consider this, too: when former Ghanaian President John Atta-Mills battled a serious ailment, he stayed and was treated in Ghana. Yes, he died in the end – as all must die – but he made the point that he had confidence in his country’s medical institution. By contrast, no Nigerian official wants to be caught dead or alive in a Nigerian hospital! They know how dismal Nigerian healthcare is; they know because, in the final reckoning, they had a hand in gutting the system.

 

I’m the first to admit that I had no reason to expect that Mrs. Jonathan would rise to my lofty challenge, but I issued it all the same. As Nigerians, we had paid to enable her to receive the best possible treatment from fine German doctors in a hospital with sophisticated diagnostic equipment. At minimum, she owed it to us to become an advocate for a significantly improved healthcare in Nigeria.

 

It’s since become clear that Mrs. Jonathan is preoccupied with other plans and priorities. Nigerians were stunned to learn that the Federal Capital Territory has asked for N4 billion to construct a huge building for Mrs. Jonathan in Abuja. There’s no way to euphemize it: the idea is wacky.

 

It’s astonishing that the president, his wife and a bevy of officials around them would allow this project to go beyond conception and make its way into the FCT’s budget proposals. Does it mean that nobody within that circle has the sense to recognize an outrage? In a country where many workers are yet to receive the minimum monthly wage of N18,000; where roads are a shambles; where hospitals are a mockery; where universities and polytechnics are bereft of equipment and research funds; where generators snarl and rattle because electric power is erratic; where cities have no trash disposal systems; where police training schools are in squalid shape; where many adults are so crushed by hardship they declare their own children witches and wizards – in such a country, how did the ensemble at Aso Rock permit the impunity of a N4 billion building for Mrs. Jonathan to see the light of day? Pray, how?

 

Such a project makes sense only to that insouciant coterie that inhabits the rooms and corridors of power.  It’s not enough insult to our sensibility that Mr. Jonathan is spending N2 billion to build a larger banquet hall for his feasts. It’s not enough outrage that billions more has been allocated to build an even grander residence for the Vice President – who already lives in one of the grandest homes in Abuja. Now, the First Lady – just recently rescued from sickness by the collective wealth of Nigerians – must add to the list of outrages a project that amplifies a vulgar, self-aggrandizing taste.

 

Last year, Mr. Jonathan and his ministers ramped up the message that Nigeria was virtually broke and that the government could no longer afford subsidizing the cost of fuel. Did the president not dial the same message of economic scarcity to his wife? For that matter, did he not internalize the message himself? Why do poor, misgoverned Nigerians get one message of dire economic times but the nation’s spoilt, mediocre officials act in a way that suggests the country has a slush of cash – the only problem being how to spend the damn thing?

 

How does the First Lady’s N4 billion fantasy “mission house” advance the healthcare of Nigerians? How does it add to the quality of life of a people trapped in conditions that should not exist in the 21st century? The people of the Niger Delta –President Jonathan’s home zone – decry the slow progress in rehabilitating the all-too important East-West Road. Instead of focusing on such people-oriented projects, why does the present administration set its sights on decidedly wasteful, useless projects that merely inflate the egos of a few?

 

It’s time those closest to Mr. and Mrs. Jonathan told them a few home truths. The country’s first citizens ought to be told that power is transient. Nobody is assessed a great leader on the basis of acts that served his – and/or his wife’s – fantasies of grandeur. If Mrs. Jonathan is incapable of realizing how offensive her immoderate N4 billion project is, somebody around her should rise to the occasion and do her the favor of spelling it out.

 

We don’t owe her a N4 billion house; she owes us to be a voice whispering an insistent message into her husband’s ears: Let’s serve, rather than be the served.

 

Okey Ndibe (okeyndibe@gmail.com)

Please follow me on twitter @okeyndibe

via SaharaReporters

Chido Onumah: The Risen First Lady

I join millions of Nigerians in giving thanks to God for the miraculous survival of the country’s First Lady, Dame (Dr.) Patience Goodluck Jonathan. It is not every day you read such cheery news about a First Lady that rose from the dead. It is only befitting, therefore, that it should cost Nigerian taxpayers half a billion naira to celebrate her death and resurrection.

 

Now that the First Lady is back, hale and hearty, perhaps an apology might just be apposite; for the God of miracles is also a God that abhors lies and deception. Let’s put in perspective the whole episode of the First Lady’s disappearance, appearance, rumours and speculations about her whereabouts and her candour about going to the great beyond and returning to complete her work on earth, and maybe understand why the demand for an unreserved apology, even if not sufficient, seems to be the minimum penance acceptable.

 

For a visible First Lady, her noticeable absence from major public events last August was bound to stir a feeling of disquiet. After much speculation about her whereabouts, we were told she was “resting in Germany” following her hectic schedule hosting the African First Ladies Summit a month earlier. Then there was the secret visit by President Goodluck Jonathan, accompanied by the chaplain of Aso Villa Chapel, Ven. Obioma Onwuzurumba. From TV footage of the visit, aired on national television, we saw a well-dressed First Lady asking to be allowed to “take picture with my husband”. Dead people don’t take pictures, do they?

 

All the while, the intrepid Saharareporters.com kept updating Nigerians about the true state of things with the First Lady in Germany.  Enter Reuben Abati, the Special Adviser to the President on Media, Publicity, Dissimulation, Deception and other matters. The spin and dissembling went into overdrive. Abati alerted us that, “The video clip aired by the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) was a confirmation that the President’s wife was hale and hearty contrary to what some people wanted Nigerians to believe. The video has put paid to all the lies that people who play politics with almost everything have been spreading. It was clear from that video that the scene was not a hospital scene”.

 

Knowing Abati, the public took his revelation with more than a pinch of salt. They wanted to hear it straight from the horse’s mouth; the madam herself, not the “boy-boy”. They waited patiently, hoping that in the end the truth would be revealed. When the First Lady returned to the country after almost two months of well-deserved rest, she was full of gratitude for those who prayed for her safe return and had nothing but curses for all those idle and godless Nigerians who wanted her dead. She thanked Almighty God for bringing her back safely to Nigeria and giving her a second chance. That was her own way of confirming what we already knew about her health. Only the initiated could have decoded the message.

 

For the unbelievers, the First Lady had this message: “Wherever there are good people, there are also bad ones. There are a few Nigerians that are saying whatever they like, not what God planned because God has a plan for all of us. And God has said it all that when two or three are gathered in His name, that He will be with them. And Nigerians gathered and prayed for me and God listened and heard their prayers. So, I thank God for that. God is wonderful and His mercy is forever. At the same time, I read in the media where they said I was in the hospital. God Almighty knows I have never been to that hospital. I don’t even know the hospital they mentioned. I have to explain what God has done for me. I do not have terminal illness, or any cosmetic surgery much less tummy tuck.”

 

That was the end of the matter. Nobody was to discuss why the First Lady spent six weeks in Germany unannounced. Anybody who dared was accused of the high crime of politicising the First Lady’s personal problems. We were reminded it shouldn’t be the case, after all the First Lady is not a public officer and is entitled to her privacy even though the public paid for her well-deserved vacation in Germany.

 

Fast forward to February 17, 2013. Venue: Aso Rock Chapel. The First Lady gathers thousands of people to share her tale of resurrection. She confesses to undergoing nine surgeries in one month in Germany. “I actually died. I passed out for more than a week. My intestine and tummy were opened. It was God himself in His infinite mercy that said I will return to Nigeria. God woke me up after seven days,” the First Lady announced to her captive audience who would have intoned, “Hallelujah, Praise the Lord”.

 

The Dame Patience Jonathan thanksgiving service was the place to be in Nigeria last weekend, not just for those who love the president and his wife, but for people that needed to endear themselves to the Presidency. The guest list included President Goodluck Jonathan; Vice President Namadi Sambo and his wife, Hajia Amina; former President of Ghana, John Agyekum Kufour; former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon; 18 state governors, and sundry VIPs.

 

Reports had it that several trucks bearing gifts from government officials and contractors lined the streets of the presidential villa waiting to deliver gifts to the First Lady. Clearly, anybody who didn’t answer the roll call would have been tagged not just an enemy of the First Lady and amongst those who wanted her dead while she was in Germany, but an enemy of the state.  I would have loved the opportunity to partake in this lavish ceremony myself, not just for the food and drink, but to see firsthand what it looks and feels like coming face to face with a risen First Lady. Thanks to the efforts of one John Kennedy Okpara, the offering for the First Lady’s thanksgiving service was a modest N500ml ($3ml). By any standard, it was a good outing for Dame Patience’s chivalry.

 

Of course, this is Nigeria. The idle cynics have started wagging their tongues. They are questioning the First Lady’s credibility. They want to know what has changed between late October when she claimed she was not hospitalised and now. They say the First Lady’s case is emblematic of the credibility crisis of the Jonathan presidency. What else is the government lying about (apart from President Jonathan’s asset declaration) if it can look Nigerians in the eyes and blatantly lie about the health of the First Lady? But, aren’t we are used to our government and its agents lying to us? There is nothing new about the double-speak, arrogance and disdain for truth by public officers in Nigeria. We saw it with the late President Umaru Yar’Adua and his First Lady, Turai.

 

Didn’t Sullivan Chime, Governor of Enugu State, abscond for five months only to return and say he “owed nobody any apology for keeping them guessing throughout the period”. To taper his mendacity about being hospitalised, he threw up these weasel words: “I started treatment and the treatment altogether lasted for twelve weeks. Throughout the period of my treatment, I was an outpatient. I was never admitted in any hospital. All my treatments, I took as an outpatient”.

 

Back to the First Lady. We still don’t know what she was treated for and we may never know. One thing is certain: we are not supposed to question her miraculous comeback. Not many people have the opportunity of experiencing death and coming back to life to tell the story. It is an experience money can’t buy. Which means for the First Lady her future will be committed to “doing things that will touch the lives of the less privileged”.

 

Since the First Lady was sent back to Nigeria to complete her assignment in our god-forsaken nation, my only candid advice would be for her to invest the N500ml ($3ml) offering she collected during her thanksgiving in building a world-class hospital in Otuoke, Bayelsa State, so that she wouldn’t need to abscond from Nigeria the next time she requires treatment.

 

Chido Onumah (conumah@hotmail.com)

via SaharaReporters

Africa: The Fading Use Of Indigenous Languages – by Ogunjimi James Taiwo @hullerj

“When an old man dies in Africa, it is like a library burning down.”Hampate Ba??

 

“Our culture has a rich oral tradition, oral history, stories told from one generation to another. But it is an oral literature our kids will never hear.”Paulo Chihale

 

It is a disturbing fact that African countries have embraced foreign languages at the expense of indigenous languages. As such, traditions and beliefs that have been passed on from generation to generation are gradually going extinct. Proverbs and stories that served as moral lessons and generational teachings have been traded for the ‘fables of aesop’, Mills and bones, etc, and foreign films now serve as the instructor of today’s children. Indigenous languages have been labeled ‘vernacular’ or ‘gibberish’, and as such, most African children and youths in primary and secondary schools are even punished for speaking their mother tongues.

 

Students who pass foreign languages well are revered, while students who have high scores in their indigenous languages are looked down upon or called ‘local’. Some governments help hasten the death of some of our indigenous languages by showing preference, and school authorities also aid the extinction. For example, in Sierra Leone, a school principal punished students who spoke Krio in school and even washed their mouths with soap. In some Nigerian schools, students are beaten for speaking their mother tongues or even fined.??Africa has more than 2000 languages, making her the most linguistically diverse continent in the world. The sad truth however is that up to 300 of these languages have less than 10,000 speakers and 37 of them are in danger of completely dying out. The trading of Africa’s indigenous languages have led to today’s children feeling ashamed of speaking their mother tongue. Koome Kirimi observed, “The world is ailing from an illness; globalisation. The give-and-take dynamics of globalisation have seen African states give away more than they’ve received. African states are giving away their language, their culture, their identity.

 

“??Harris Garikayi gave his reasons for the fading off of indigenous languages as: “Indigenous languages are slowly dying simply because we Africans believe that foreign languages are superior to our local languages. English is considered a language of prestige and if you can’t speak grammatically correct English then you are considered to be primitive. I believe we need to decolonise our minds in order to take pride in and preserve our languages.”??The colonial school systems in Africa forbade the use of local languages and the process continued with those who took over power from them. African leaders have failed to re-ignite the love of our indigenous languages in the heart of the people, which actually defeats the purpose of independence. Many African elites have encouraged their children to forsake their mother tongues and embrace foreign languages because they feel it proves they are civilised people. We have been deceived into believing that mastering our colonial masters’ languages would usher us into paradise and upgrade us into civilisation.

 

The effect is that, many children and youths can’t greet or sing in their mother tongue. It is the responsibility of parents to ensure the survival of indigenous languages by ensuring that they communicate with their children and relate with them solely in their indigenous language. Enole Ditsheko reasons that, “It is ideal that before a person can claim authority in another language through books and interaction with teachers or in the case of our children, through multimedia platforms, he or she should master his or her own tongue.”??If Africa is to stop its languages from going into extinction, there is the need for urgent remedial steps to be taken, not just by the government, but by all families. The government must allow the use of indigenous languages in the school without stigmatising those who speak it. Pupils/students who excel in their indigenous languages must be showered with encomiums to serve as encouragement to them and to serve as a challenge to others. Families must be encouraged to relate with their kids in their indigenous language. Children must be made to understand and appreciate their mother tongue.

 

Ogunjimi James Taiwo??

Twitter: @hullerj

Biodun Shaiban: What Time Is It ‘Twittering Collective’ Children Of Anger’?

Articles upon articles, day after day; I have read a lot of them and I am beginning to get apathetic. Though, I have found a lot of the articles fascinating and interesting, especially with the fanciful use of words and grammar, I sometimes wonder if they are having the desired effect.

 

I believe too much time is spent on social media, much more on reading and writing articles because most of the articles harp on the same point – deficiency of competent and upright leadership. These articles appear monotonous, result in reader apathy and only a minute amount of Nigerians end up reading the whole length of articles anyway. I am not sure if any article will be read by more than a hundred thousand people (this is a very generous estimate because only very few political personalities on social media have such a huge followership) out of a population of over 150 million people. That is less than 0.07% of the Nigerian population. You can then begin to appreciate just how many people out there we are reaching with the ‘change’ message.

 

Nigeria is a country where common sense is not so common. That is why you see most spiritual leaders live in opulence and extravagance and still continue to be supported and worshipped by their congregation even though majority of the worshippers are struggling financially. That is why you see a community consisting of men and women engaging in extra-judicial killings in broad daylight. It is also why the ‘Stockholm syndrome’ is prevalent here too. Yes, most people will sing and dance to praises of our past and present rulers. I still wonder till this day how on earth our president got to garner so much support and votes during the 2011 elections especially in the south of the country given the knowledge of his poor charisma in the public domain.
His refusal to participate in a debate with other presidential aspirants said it all. Besides, here is a man who always carried on with business as usual when he was deputy governor, governor, vice president and acting president before he became Nigeria’s number one citizen. He was in the public eye for most of the time, but the electorate still could not properly vet him. This is a man who had been tested several times and whose performances have been abysmal and a joke at best.

 

How on earth did you expect him to change overnight once he won a fresh term? Nigerians chorused: ‘We voted for Jonathan and not the PDP’. But since Nigeria practices what could pass for a democracy, no matter how ridiculous and unreasonable the system may seem, whoever gets the majority vote becomes the leader, or so we were taught in high school.

 

This is a sad fact the enlightened minority has to deal with. Which is why the onus is on the few enlightened ones to work tirelessly to show most of the populace ‘the light’; otherwise Nigeria may never get the change she needs. The minority will go about this by reaching out to other Nigerians outside the social media stratosphere, especially those at the grassroots (the bus drivers, keke napep drivers, okada men, cab drivers, market men and women, welders, vulcanizers, farmers, carpenters, tailors, cattle rearers, teachers, lecturers, students, traders, barbers, petty goods sellers etc in all the nooks and crannies of the nation).

 

There is a need for effective communication between the politicians/activists and the grassroots (who are the majority). The message must not necessarily involve a lot of noise. There is too much noise on social and print media already! Majority of Nigerians are almost always on the go and battling with the necessities of life and don’t have the patience to read articles with hundreds or thousands of words.  The messages have to be tailored to each target market, audience or area. All regions need to be reached out to by the opposition parties. I am not sure if CPC or Buhari set foot or significantly reached out to the south-south during the last presidential elections. I am not sure if that can be justified.

 

The people should be galvanized and forged into a major force for election purposes because the enlightened ones amongst us all agree that for Nigeria to be much more progressive there should be a change of the party calling the shots at the Federal Level. If anyone thinks the PDP will ever change its selfish and sinister ways, the person needs to get his/her head examined. I also believe that the opposition parties, especially the ACN and CPC have a lot of shortcomings they need to work on. At least one of them should nevertheless be better than the PDP.

 

The opposition should learn to turn problems into opportunities. Since most Nigerians are sentimental or emotional, that could be an opportunity. If most Nigerians are yearning for any particular religion, tribe or ethnicity, why not encourage people from such backgrounds to vie at the party primaries and let there be true internal democracy and no imposition of candidates?

 

I am not sure if the opposition parties can figure out by now that Jonathan will definitely impose himself on his party in 2015 and run in the presidential elections.  If they are not looking at mirroring his candidacy by now, I mean finding ‘credible’ people from the south or even the south-south to contest at their presidential primaries; they may as well be ready to stay in the opposition till 2019. As it stands, with some manipulations of votes in the North and most votes in the south, you can be sure Jonathan will win the elections.

 

Due to our unnecessary sentimental and emotional attachments, you will frequently and still hear ‘just leave him alone’, ‘he is our son’, ‘it is our turn’ etc.

 

A lot of people in the south still believe power has stayed too long in the north, and they will never reason that it is better for a credible person from the north to take over from Jonathan especially when he is yet to complete his ‘8 year tenure birthright’. For those thinking there would be no manipulations of votes because of the recent Edo and Ondo elections, I think they are deluded. It is easy for the opposition to deploy their resources and monitor one single state election in a single day but the presidential elections will hold simultaneously in all states on the same day. In this case, I am not sure if the opposition has the human and financial resources to monitor and checkmate the PDP in all 36 states and the FCT on Election Day. Reports have it that even opposition party officials, including CPC took money from PDP officials to look the other way round during the 2011 presidential elections. A single election day would be overwhelming for the opposition.

 

Now, only myopic people/parties will have their views fixated on only one candidate and will say he is the only one who can ‘fix’ Nigeria. There are other ‘credible’ people from all parts of the country. I use the word ‘credible’ because the reality is that there is no successful politician anywhere in the world who is completely honest and not tainted. That is just one of the numerous facts we need to deal with.

 

As mentioned earlier, I do not expect majority of Nigerians who are pivotal to the outcome of the 2015 elections to read this article because of course it is too long and will only find its way into social and print media—channels only a handful of rural folks have access to. I think it is time for the ‘twittering collective children of anger’ to leave the comfort of their offices, homes, cars and reach out to the grassroots if they desire genuine change. I expect the opposition politicians and activists to prepare adequately ahead of the 2015 elections. We have very little time on our hands to put Nigeria back on the path of progress.

 

– By Biodun Shaiban

You can engage the writer on twitter via his handle @beeshaiban

via SaharaReporters

There’s something about government (#NewLeadership Series with Chude Jideonwo)

Chude-Jideonwo

My orientation about how government began to change in 2009. Before this time, I had always felt – sadly without any historical or evidentiary perspective – that Nigerians can transform Nigeria, in spite of our government.

It was easy for me to believe this. I came into awareness of my country’s place in the world in at atmosphere of hope in the late 1990s and at the turn of the millennium as we embraced democracy and the opening of many social spaces. There were very many examples to point out.

Some are now cliché, like Nollywood, an industry that has been hailed for rising up like a rose amongst thorns, and had become Nigeria’s biggest cultural export to the world. Or our music industry – also thriving simply by grit and talent. Or it’s youth who from art to advocacy, technology to the media, had charted courses that didn’t depend on government patronage or ‘support’.

Surely if Nigerians could do these, in spite of Nigeria, then surely we could end up regenerating Nigeria – through a network of us empowered economically and by knowledge working to rebuild our country, step by step.

That’s what I thought.

That’s what drove our passion and our work with The Future Awards, and its evolution into The Future Project – and our focus on identifying he most inspiring of our generation as strong, positive role models to motivate others to transcend Nigeria’s difficult environment and do great things.

The idea was – and it is still the fulcrum of our work – that this network of inspired, effective new leaders would create a flywheel effect that will change Nigeria.

A chance comment from a friend got me thinking beyond the box, however. He asked: how far will we actually be able to go in transforming our society before we have to connect those efforts with what government is doing or what it needs to do? How much could we achieve if the government fundamentally remained the same?

The more I thought of it. The more I realised – not far.

My experience over the past few years have made apparent to me what has been apparent to the world’s real change-makers in modern societies over the past few years It’s the same reality that confronts you when you read books like Lee Kuan Yu’s From Third World to First World, Start-Up Nation: The Story of Israel’s Economic Miracles – we can only go so far in changing our world without connecting with or transforming government.

Focusing on inspiring a network of progress outside of government wasn’t a wrong message however; it just wasn’t the complete message. Just like many of us, I was falling into a well-worn trap of the single solution, of the single story.

Of course, when you face a system like Nigeria’s, where successive governments appear to govern by default; where it appears there are no values or visions from on top and all the other clichés about our leadership that you and I are now familiar with it is easy to give in to the temptation to want to desperately ignore that government, to belittle it, to make it seem inconsequential.

With the acute awareness that it is a huge, thankless task to change a government like ours, and the abiding fear of the daunting path ahead transform the way it thinks and functions, it is very easy to hope that we can change our country without it.

Unfortunately, that ostrich needs to bring its head out of the sand. Nigeria is not going to be changed by non-governmental organisations digging boreholes; it will not be changed by advocates pushing for probity in government. No matter how earnest and well-organised they are; their efforts will be thwarted because they are not in charge of hiring competent officials and firing corrupt aides, the maintenance of an independent judiciary through responsible appointments or the judicious allocation of public funds.

In the same way Nigeria won’t be changed by the USAID or any other international do-gooders because that is not what they are structured to do, just as a war will not be stopped by the Red Cross or Amnesty International, but by the governments and their enemies which started the war.
This is the reason, in fact, that many donors and international organisations from the British Council to the DFID, the US government to the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation prefer to support organisations that interface with government, or they just partner with the governments themselves.

Where they are not doing that, they are working with organisations that are in opposition to government, or that snip at the heels of government. Either ways, there is an implicit global understanding, honed by years of ineffectual interventions and a vicious cycle of good intentions with little result that it all comes back government.

The reason is simple: none of them have the budget, the resources, the reach, the weight, the capacity to affect all levers and layers of society. Even when they do – which is almost impossible except when one country violates another’s sovereignty – none of them can muster enough required to effect the kind of change that can be facilitated by the full power of the state.

Perhaps we can find Egypt a perfect example. While its exemplary people have turned protest into an art form, arm-twisting their leaders into taking responsible decisions and sustaining the tempo of change leading from the Arab Spring, a people-driven revolution has still come back to the character and nature of the new government that they have – and what Mohammed Morsi decides to do (and not to do) in his relations with the judiciary, the military, and civil society will turn out being more important than the revolution that brought the Islamic Brotherhood into power.

Like Abdullah II bin Al-Hussein, who is King of Jordan, told participants at the World Economic Forum in January, the revolutions were the easiest part of the work that they have – building a political culture, driven by their elected leaders in government is the major task that lies ahead.

The message is simple: no matter how dirty and slimy we find our government (and maybe we are justified, and maybe we are exaggerating), we are making a terrible mistake to think that we can transform our country without it.

Government is the singular most important force for change in any society – print that and paste it on your day if you really want to do something to change your country.

It doesn’t matter if, with government officials behaving like asses and the deporable behavior that passes for administration, government has become a dirty word; the dirtiness should not obscure that simple reality.

We need a government that works – one way or the other. We cannot, cannot change Nigeria without its government.

The tragedy, of course, is that the clamour for working with government or joining government is usually championed by people whose motives are largely questionable.

So it is important to note that joining government blindly, especially the legislature and executive, is not going to solve our problems even if it is important. And, of course, if precedent gives us any pointers, blind ambition causes more harm than good.

Fortunately for us, there is not just one way to make our government better. What we need to do, like I have mentioned in an earlier piece, is to find our positions in relation to this organ.

We need enough competent and vision-driven people who are transforming the government by working with it and helping it; or we have others working from outside: activists, freedom fighters, opposition politicians, radical lawyers, dogged journalists, progressive clergymen.

But whatever we do, we need the government in our sights. Whatever we do, where we want it to have a lasting impact on the way our society is structured and governed, we have to find the nexus where these efforts connect to government – and modifies its behavior. Either that or we push it aside, and work to get a government that will act right.

In my next piece, I will be sharing the example of two impressive people who provide a signpost for how one can step into those troubled waters and bring calm to the storm. I will also share examples of two people working outside of government who have found effective ways of putting it on its toes.

We will need more people like them, who are self-aware enough to make a step that is selfless and purposive. That job isn’t for each and every one of us – but there are always men and woman made for a time like this. And e fit be you o.

—-
Chude Jideonwo is publisher/editor-in-chief of Y!, including Y! Magazine, Y! Books, Y! TV & YNaija.com. He is also executive director of The Future Project/The Future Awards. #NewLeadership is a twice-weekly, 12-week project to inspire action from a new generation of leaders – it ends on March 31.

Feasting on our grief ~ Jaye Gaskia

Jaye Gaskia

FEASTING ON OUR GRIEF: THE INHUMANITY OF A GREEDY LIGHT FINGERED RULING ELITE [OUR GRIEF WAS NOT A CALL TO LOOT!]:

By Jaye Gaskia 20/02/13.

Against the backdrop of the recent forecast issued by the Nigeria Meteorological Agency [NIMET] with predictions and alert on potentially devastating floods in the 2013 raining season; a forecast that actually also identified states that will be most prone to such flooding; it is important, essential, pertinent, and even incumbent on us to ask fundamental questions not only with respect to the state of preparedness or lack of it of our governments prevent or mitigate the predicted disaster; but also to ask those fundamental questions about the management of the disaster last time [the 2012 floods].
It must be said from the onset however, that the 2012 flood was also predicted, and the same government agency issued public alerts, and wrote individually to all the states and the FGN! The disdainful manner, with which such relevant information from its own agency was treated, played a significant role in the magnitude of the impact and the scope of the devastation that occasioned the 2012 flood! Governments received the alerts and promptly archived the letters, with the forecasts and the early action/response advice contained there-in.

In the wake of the gross failure of the governments at all levels to take preventive and mitigating actions, and in the midst of the devastation wrought by the disaster, the FGN and state governments began what must now be referred to in retrospect as the ‘naked dance of the mentally unstable in the market place’!

After pretending as if nothing calamitous was happening, and in the face of growing accounts in the media about the scale and scope of the flood disaster, governments at all levels, and senior government officials suddenly woke up from their lethargic sleep, and begun to fall over one another in a public competitive display of pretentious concern, as governors began to compete in canoe paddling to the amazement of the world media and the amusement of affected citizens and communities, who know enough about their greedy rulers to be deceived by the charade of their inept public spectacle!
We have now been told by the National Emergencies Management Agency [NEMA] that 7.5 million Nigerians were severely impacted by the flood disaster; 2 million were internally displaced in makeshift camps under inhuman living conditions [this is not inclusive of those who in their displacement moved in with relations, kith and kin]; while 364 persons, including women, children, persons living with disabilities, lost their lives.

At the height of that disaster, the FGN set up a Flood Disaster Relief and fund raising committee, with two business Mongols on the Forbe’s richest list as its arrow-head. It also made available the sum of N17 Billion Naira available for immediate relief efforts weeks into the disaster!
First about this paltry and token ‘donation’ of the FGN! How can a responsible government be making ‘donations’ to its citizens in distress as if it was an act of charity that it was not obligated to undertake? The first thing to insist on is that it is the responsibility of the state to cater for its citizens particularly in distress on a scale to qualify as a disaster. It is an obligation, not an act of charity! Non state actors, and development agencies can donate, and they may be engaged in charity exercise, a responsible state can not.

Secondly notice that this amount made available for 7.5 million affected citizens, who have lost properties and means of livelihoods, is just about the amount of money so far spent on the official residence of the Vice president at N16 Billion Naira; and is just 17 times more than the annual feeding cost for the presidency alone at N1 Billion annually! And it is certainly less than the money stolen by one single person in the pension fund scam at N27 Billion Naira!
It is very important to make these comparisons in order to be able to definitively place our Treasury Looting Ruling Class and the worth and value that they place on our lives and living conditions compared with theirs!

Now let us ask the critical questions to which immediate responses are required if we must avoid the catastrophe next time.
What has happened to the N17 Billion? Was additional fund raised by the committee? How much was raised in addition and from where? What was the eventual total fund available and disbursed? How was the fund disbursed? On the basis of what criteria? Who were those [the companies & individuals] who got contracts to supply relief materials to displaced persons in camps? What was each commissioned to supply; in what quantities; and of what quality? Which affected/displaced persons actually got something or anything? Is there a record and proof of allocation and collection of relief materials by affected persons? Where is the accountability framework for the exercise, as well as the accountability report of the exercise? Shouldn’t the exercise undergo a comprehensive audit of not only resources but also processes and procedures of the exercise?

What was the role of NEMA, which statutorily ought to be the coordinating agency for the relief exercise in the entire process? What lessons have been learnt? What needs to be done to establish where it does not exist, and strengthen where it does exist, preparedness, risk reduction, and response capacities of not only the emergencies agencies [at all levels], but of also all relevant agencies that of necessity would have to be involved in a coordinated response? How many states have emergencies agencies established by legislation, with clear cut structures, personnel, and funds allocated to them? In how many states is emergencies management office just a single desk, with two chairs and two personnel, tucked in an obscure corner of a dilapidated room, in a hidden part of a rickety building?

And this leads to even bigger questions. What has happened to/what happens to the various ecological and contingency funds? Does a national disaster response & management contingency plan with autonomous contingency fund exist at the national level? How many states are even aware that such a plan and fund is needed, or think it is a priority?

We know for instance from a Senate investigation in the course of 2012, at the peak of the flood disaster that more than N400 Billion in Ecological Funds over a ten year period [from 2000 to 2010] had been misappropriated, misused, and out rightly looted. According to the Senate investigation monies from the ecological fund were routinely appropriated to settle contractors, to supply furniture, to buy cars etc for highly placed officials of government!

Who should be held responsible for this gross dereliction of duty that has led to the occurrence of a disaster of such devastating impact? Who should account for and be held responsible for the abuse of the ecological fund? Who should be held accountable for the grievous lack of preparation after receiving the alerts on the 2012 flood?

Surely business can not and should not continue as usual? Surely we must not allow business to continue as usual? How can we permit an over pampered top echelon of functionaries, 18,000 of whom this nation expends N1.3 Trillion annually to cater for their salaries and allowances; how can we permit them to get away with such gross ineptitude, dereliction of duty, incompetence, and irresponsibility; while even allowing them to profit from their callousness by manipulating the relief exercise [a consequence of their irresponsibility] to amass new fortunes and consolidate old fortunes?

How can we expect people who treat us with such disdain and callousness when we are distressed by a disaster of their own making, to have any regard for our wellbeing and welfare in periods of normalcy? Any wonder they continue to act with impunity with regards to management of our collective wealth and the provisioning of our basic social and infrastructural needs?

If anything, the 2012 flood and the response of the governments have only confirmed that as a ruling class, the current ruling political elites are incompetent in normal times, and grossly inept in periods of crisis; and that there driving force and motivation at all times, in times of need or in times of want, remains the congenital urge to pilfer the public teal, loot the collective treasury, and ravage the national psych.
This is treacherous and alienating ruling elite, parasiting on our national wealth, unconcerned by the public well being, uninterested in the comprehensive advancement of the nation and its people, blinded by its imperial ambitions, and totally immersed in its own selfishness; It does not deserve our affection, nor does it deserve our vote much less our mandate.
It is our historic duty to flush them out, before they lay our nation to complete waste and sacrifice us on the altar of the bandit egos!

As we agitate and demand for immediate answers to the issues raised here, we should equally prioritise the necessary and urgent task of organising and mobilising politically to retrieve our destiny from their vagabond hands! And in this task all activists and active citizens are needed.

Take Back Nigeria Now! #DPSR
Follow me on twitter @Jayegaskia; Interact with me on Facebook on my page and on Take Back Nigeria Page.

AFCON2013: Nigeria and the Irony of Success – Abimbola Adelakun

There, of course, cannot be a single theory that explains why Nigeria is stuck in a boring routine; no one specific analysis, no matter how well-conceived, can fully explain our shortcomings accurately enough. However, there are certain elements of our national behaviour that are elucidatory. Our recurring troubles are an array of factors; some of them rooted in history while some are ingrained in contemporary attitudes. Others have just been wired into our DNA. The ones in our national genes manifest every now and then; the aspect that haunts us frequently is the haphazard manner we do things.

One of the fulcrums of modernity is a counting culture; people measure, count and arrange. When they count, they project ahead based on their computations. A modern society does not do things whimsically even though they leave room for flexibility. Their leaders do not take decisions either when they are drunk or just high on life. A society that has serious intent to progress starts out by building a system that it defers to all the time. This definitely is not argument for being slavish to procedures because, ideally, man was not made for the law. Rather, I speak of a country following an established process.

My angst is the non-systematic manner of reward that has followed the Super Eagles since they won the 2013 Africa Cup of Nations held in South Africa. Let me quickly say that I do not begrudge the football players all the goodies they have been garnering. And contrary to certain anti-sporting attitudes that see athletic exercises as frivolities if compared to more “serious” things like education for instance, I do not look down on sports, either as a hobby or as an enterprise. I believe football, in particular, is as much an intellectual engagement as Calculus; a footballer who stands at a certain angle on a field of play does not only need a good sense of Mathematics, he is also under far more pressure to apply its principles than a student of Mathematics in an examination hall. For what it is worth, sports (wo)men deserve what they are paid. The problem here is the manner the Super Eagles players have been showered with money and national awards is so erratic that it is embarrassing.

First, they got some N100m from the Federal Government; some N80m from the Delta State Government; some N54m from the Lagos State Government and; then cash from individuals. They got national awards; plots of land and even the coach, Stephen Keshi got the Asaba Stadium named after him! How, precisely, did they arrive at all these decisions? Based on impulse? Should the proper thing not be to inaugurate a system of rewards? At this rate, in the euphoria of winning and saving our Nigerian faces from perpetual shame, one of our leaders might one day sign the country away. Did it occur to all these cheerful givers that it is also these boys’ privilege to wear the national colours?

I read a report where Nwankwo Kanu thanked the President because, he said, his generosity had shown Nigerian youths that their labour for the country would never be in vain and that it would spur others. Should that mentality – that the Nigerian jersey is cash-and-carry – not trouble us? Are our football players supposed to be some sort of mercenaries? Of course, I am not naïve; I understand that almost everything in Nigeria is reducible to naira and kobo. In 2003, when former president Olusegun Obasanjo tried rewarding athletes with a “presidential handshake”, the hisses and the impression of let-down that accompanied his gesture must have shown him that the office of the Nigerian President does not carry enough capital to make one go home with a swollen-head that one received a handshake from the president. The Nigerian President’s handshake is so un-special that if it is not padded with cash, it weighs lighter than a lone feather. We have learnt to make up for the shortfall by obscenely throwing money at our sportspeople instead. But where’s the pride in serving your country if, at the end of the day, everything is monetised? Why would Nigerian children and youths watching all these develop a sense of patriotism unless there is a promise of cold hard cash to boost their conviction? How different would things have been if we had a sane reward process and we followed just that?

By the way, if the Super Eagles had won only the AFCON and the ruling and moneyed classes went this gaga, what would they do if they win the World Cup? Allocate the players an oil block each, as someone asked? Did it occur to those who hurriedly brought out their fat wallets and wrote all those fat cheques that success has to be consistent to be “success”? The thing about the sporting world is that you are as good as your last game. Once you begin to decline, nobody cares you once won the AFCON anymore.

So, what’s the point in dancing around one trophy and ignoring the more important part of setting up systems that guarantee continuity of winnings? At this rate, we are doing ourselves a disadvantage by building a shrine around success. One of the few times we do well, we are so excited that we turn it into a tradition.

In countries where people have consistent sporting victories, they subject even their successes to rigorous probe. Is Nigeria undertaking a review of the AFCON success to find out if the victory was out of hard work or just good luck? Have we been asking ourselves the unpalatable questions or we are too high for such seriousness?

Other than chanting, “God has done this” all over the place, where’s our blueprint for Nigeria’s sporting future? Did anyone also notice that the sugar daddies who have been spraying cash all over the place did not extend their generosity to grass-roots sports development? Or even knew when the same team was preparing for the championship? It is too painful to talk about building from the ground up and so we take the wide road; the easy but lazy top-down approach that enables us to reward, not build, success.

Since the AFCON victory, we have seen the usual sycophants saying it’s a redemption of President Goodluck Jonathan’s lacklustre government. Outright nonsense. When the ecstasy dies down, how does that compensate for how splendidly jinxed we are as a nation?

 

Abimbola Adelakun (aa_adelakun@utexas.edu)

Lessons For The Opposition In The Coming Elections – by Debo Adejugbe

Nigeria’s political evolution can be likened to a rocking chair. So much movement and effort with no tangible result. We have huffed and puffed around the same set of problems for eternity and after everything is juxtaposed, we always realize that we’ve not moved an inch. Same place. Same problems. Same set of expired people jostling to solve them. Same set of docile populace receptive only to glorious rhetoric and executive hooliganism.

Dr. Bill Newman, in his book “The Ten Laws of Leadership”, tells us about an old indian fable centred around a mouse that is constantly distressed by its fear of rats. A magician who saw the problem helped turn it into a cat, to help assuage these fears. After the transformation, it became afraid of the dog. The magician once more turned it into a tiger hoping that should solve the problem. It didn’t. In its form as a tiger, the hunter became the prevalent fear. Tired of the process and the new fears elicited, the magician said “Be a mouse again. You only have the heart of a mouse and I cannot help you.”

Why the story? Some things would never change. Like expecting the PDP to become a party built on the tenets of collaborative democracy tailored towards public good. Like hoping those elected under the umbrella will not loot as if tomorrow is a mirage. Like hoping our set of inept and conscientiously flawed representatives would wake up to their duties. I’m not manufacturing all these, you only have to take a look around and feel the pulse of our political life. Nothing good will ever come from PDP and the earlier we agree on this, the faster we move our “rocking chair”.

The treasury and PDP is a yam and goat relationship! You can never trust a goat to guard your yam while away on assignment.

One major reason why the PDP and its cohorts have sailed unchallenged in the past few years is the lack of credible opposition. The lack of a united front to deliver Nigerians from the behemoth that PDP has turned into. We have tasted several oppositions and the stories are similar: A difference in name with all the attributes of the PDP. Parties whose sole aims of “capturing power” is to feed some people fat while the crumbs trickling down the table is shared among the people. Like Thomas Jefferson said, democracy is the government by the majority who parcitipate. These few ones are the “majority that participates”.

In other situations, we have politicians cross-carpeting to the PDP before or after winning major elections due to the belief that PDP holds all the aces. The October 2012 gubernatorial elections in Ondo state presented a unique case scenario that could help the opposition in its fight for 2015, if they genuinely care about the people and not their oversized egos.

Shortly before the election, it was a case of where would Mimiko run to. The ACN and PDP did all they could to enchant the beautiful bride of the Labour Party. You can’t blame them. Ayo Fayose had returned to PDP in Ekiti from the same Labour platform and realistic permutations told us it was a matter of time before Mimiko followed suit. It didn’t happen and it has opened up new frontiers that the opposition can explore.

To appreciate Mimiko’s victory as Labour party governor, we have to go back to 2006/07 when the plans for the emergence of a universally accepted candidate for the gubernatorial elections in Ondo State was being hatched. Agagu was the governor and as the dictates of the brand of politics we practice suggested, he was going to win due to the incumbency factor. Mimiko and other like minds were traversing the state meeting with politicians, civil right organizations, traditional rulers and the people at the grassroot to form a formidable coalition that could rescue the state from the throes of hopelessness presented by Agagu and his PDP. He consulted widely and listened to the people before they decided on a platform.

To be honest, Labour wasn’t an attractive choice to most watchers but this group wanted an unpolluted platform that can leverage on the work they’ve done and in the end guarrantee the dividends of democracy for Ondo indigenes. It was a bold step. Very different from the normal Nigerian practise of moving to a ready-made platform that would hype the ambition. In Mimiko’s case, he wanted to sell his vision, antecedents and promise to work for the people rather than depending on the popularity or rigging might of a party.

The present coalition talks among the opposition parties which has culminated in All Progressive Congress (APC) is a very good way to start the preparation for 2015?s journey of dislodging the PDP from the center. That said, the questions are: “what plans do the opposition have after the merger is done and dusted?” “Do they have a solid and progressive plan on what to do with the power they intend to capture?”.  As it is wont to happen in our clime, we usually come short when it’s time to pick a generally accepted candidate in the primaries. It’s one reason why I never really warmed up to the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) when it comes to democratic ethos. They lose focus right from the primary elections where their “leader” annoints a candidate as flagbearer.

The implication of this is that there will be so many intra-party infractions to settle that you lose sight of the important things and when prominent members defect, the harder it becomes to have a united house. Take for example the system that produced Rotimi Akeredolu and basically all the other flagbearers ACN have presented since they were formed, up to Abubakar Atiku and Nuhu Ribadu’s emergence as presidential candidates. It is a flawed process that belittles the concept of participatory democracy. If this coalition is meant to massage someone’s ego or project the candidature of an individual, then failure is the destination point.

The facilitators should understand that it’s not about the governors attending meetings and tacitly supporting the cause. The grassroot is the most important. Remember the noise ACN made during the ondo elections and the fear it drove into ordinary folks about it “capturing” Ondo by all means? It amounted to nothing. You don’t neglect your primary assignment of bringing in the grassroots, even after alienating so many people by the manner of emergence of your candidate, and expect to win an election fairly. The opposition (APC in this case) should look at the mistakes that have been made by constituting parties and genuinely correct them.

Mimiko and Labour remains a reference. There was no National or Regional powers’ support, No limitless war chest to summon, No godfather to run to – some prominent LP members including their chairman and Federal Representative defected ahead of the election – for help or the appearance of a fellow governor from Labour party’s stable to lean on. He was his own godfather as witnessed in his prioritizing grassroot politics. Labour won, ACN came third and the rest, as they say, is history. There are so many lessons to be learnt and the newly formed APC will do well to sit down and analyze; afterall, Labour party defeated most members of this amalgamation in Ondo election and the most important thing is to learn a thing or two from that defeat and correct few things on the journey to taking on the PDP in 2015 general elections.

Here are some lessons the opposition parties could put to good use ahead of the 2014 and 2015 elections:

I. The focus should be the PEOPLE and not PDP! A progressive party should be built with the people in mind. You can’t make PDP the focus of your alliance and forget about what the people stand to benefit from it. When you focus on the people and their problems, it’ll be easier to be on the same plane with them and I can assure you that it translates to votes. Mimiko and Labour focused primarily on the people despite the several heaps of mud thrown at him. He had an election to win, a people to satisfy and cater for, these things should matter more than fixation on a particular political party.

II. Imbibe internal democracy. This should be non-debatable. How else will the people recognize your respect for democratic norms if your party can’t uphold internal democracy in its conduct? Make no mistake about it, these things always have a way haunting back in general elections. When aggrieved members leave because they were disenfranchised by undemocratic means, many more will follow and their blocs will send you a message in the major election. It’s a pity that PDP demonstrates better internal democracy than some of our “democratic parties”.

III. Sell the people a programme and not propaganda. In that election, while the ACN was busy throwing tantrums and casting aspersion on the person of governor Mimiko; PDP was campaigning and selling itself to the people and Labour was consolidating. Olusola Oke, the PDP candidate gave the people more to think about with issues raised and their contents, though it was a bit too late to rewire them. The ACN presented regional integration that wasn’t working too well for some other SouthWestern states. The result made sure some lessons were learned in this regard. The people want you to make a commitment on what you’ll do to better their situations and not highlight what the other parties are doing wrong, they know these things better than you.

IV. We get the romance, what’s the plan? Having a candidate with impeccable academic record, perfect diction or excellent oratory skill is romantic, but it doesn’t guarantee that food will magically appear on our tables though. How do you plan to turn around the people’s woes? How do you intend to combat corruption? What plans do you have for our flawed electoral system? How watertight is your manifesto? How committed are you to the manifesto and your promises? Drafting an excellent manifesto is just an assignment and a mere white elephant project, anyone can do that in this age of information. Without the commitment of implementing the manifesto, you will have succeeded in crafting a piece of jargon with no use.

V. Learn to move on and regroup when the people speak. While there is a perpetual distrust of the electoral process in Nigeria, not all contested elections could have had a different outcome from the ones announced. The major gladiators all know this, but due to ego or lack of insight, they challenge every result. It helps no one and not them in the least, as the people see them as bad losers. Take a leaf from Hon. Dimeji Bankole and Dr. Bode Olajumoke, both of PDP, who conceded elections just hours after results were announced by INEC. They have become excellent examples to follow. That doesn’t mean that when you’re genuinely aggrieved, you shouldn’t seek redress in court; learn to respect the process and the verdict even if it doesn’t favour you.

The people are politically more conscious than before. Touting godfatherism, voter apathy, electoral violence, threats of apprehension, vote buying, rigging, breakdown of law and order, impersonation, ballot box snatching, intimidation and the likes won’t stop them from exercising their constitutional right. The earlier our politicians note this, the better they’ll know what is needed to be done.

We can never exhaust these lessons, but we might eventually keep oscillating around the same points if we decide to expand more. If the new ‘Mega Party’ and other opposition can make the people their focus, the journey of dislodging PDP from the center becomes half-solved.

Will they take these lessons? Only time will tell.

 

Debo Adejugbe is a trained Telecommunications/Electronics Engineer and a certified IT professional living in Lagos.

Follow him on twitter: @deboadejugbe

The 1914 amalgamation: Historic fraud or an act of God?

On January 1, 2014, it will be 100 years since the colonial rubber baron, Lord Frederick John Dealtry Lugard (1858-1945), made the audacious decision to bring what was then the Northern part of the Niger (area) in unison with the Southern part, to create what we have today as Nigeria. Before then, the two protectorates lived as distinct and separate entities; not having much in common. Lugard, however, felt it expedient to create the new country, Nigeria, purely for administrative convenience.  No account was taken of differences in culture, tradition, religion, way of life or, for that matter, and the wishes of the people being so rudely submerged. After all, the inhabitants of the protectorates were colonial subjects, and so, it was left to the master to do as he pleased.   This singular colonial fiat has been the source and fountain of Nigeria’s persistent crisis of nationhood ever since.

Thus, the Federal Government’s plan to throw up a huge party to “celebrate” the centenary of this forced merger, next year, is bizarre and ill-advised. Of course, the act of drawing up arbitrary boundaries and creating new state territories are not such a unique thing to Nigeria. As a matter of fact, the whole of modern African states were created in exactly the same fashion at the Berlin Conference of European powers in 1885. They sat around a long, round table with the boundary-less map of  Africa in the middle, and started carving up the territories into choice names:  Cameroon (Land of shrimps), Gold Coast  (Land of gold), Ivory Coast (Land of ivories), Upper Volta, Kenya, Mali, among others. That is how modern African states acquired their identities. It is a painful part of African history. That is why no one proposed the centenary celebration of the Berlin Conference in 1995. The 1914 amalgamation of Nigeria was an unfinished business from ‘Berlin 1885’. It therefore defies logic that right-thinking Nigerians would want to turn that into a cause célèbre.

Perhaps, more than just the funfair planned by the Federal Government is the more pressing issue of the legality of the amalgamation itself. My search through the United Kingdom Parliamentary archives did not reveal any promulgation of an Act of Parliament on the subject as it should have.

Lord Lugard presented a series of “reports”, one of which was published in May 1913 in which “the Secretary of State has decided that the combined territories of Northern and Southern Nigeria, divided into two or more subsidiary administrations, shall be placed under the control of a single Governor-General…” Lugard had simply prevailed on the Secretary of State to rubber stamp his wish to rule over a vast swathe of land which he had christened Nigeria.  The next occasion of historical significance that took place in relation to this was when Lugard actually delivered the “Amalgamation speech” on the “amalgamation day of January 1, 1914”.

He boldly announced to the world, based on his agreement with the Secretary of State the previous year, his “desire therefore as  briefly as possible to describe to his audience, and through them to the official and unofficial community of Nigeria the basis on which this Amalgamation is to be carried out…’’  The basis, of course, was to facilitate the continued exploitation of the people and their natural resources. Let’s not forget, this was done as World War 1 was just breaking out, Parliamentary process was thus dispensed with. It is my submission, therefore, that a Nigerian court of competent jurisdiction can and should be given the opportunity to rule on the said amalgamation. Committed eminent Nigerian lawyers could, if they choose to, seek a judicial review of the decision to amalgamate as soon as it is practicable to do so. A declaration that the decision is null and void should usher in an immediate convocation of a Sovereign National Conference to give Nigerians the long awaited say on this most vexed of all issues.

Having said that, I can hear discordant voices saying: ‘leave well alone; let it be; the fraud was perpetrated long time ago; it’s an act of God; it’s our destiny to be together, among others.  These voices are well-meaning, but wrong in a fundamental respect. In 1707, the previously disagreeable Kingdoms of Scotland and England were merged by King James (1), a Scottish Monarch, and was later ratified by Scottish and English Parliaments when they both met for the first time in October 1707. There lies the basis of the United Kingdom as we know it today. Why was this precedent not applied to the amalgamation of Nigeria over 200 years later?

Nonetheless, parliamentary legitimacy notwithstanding, the “Act of Union” between Scotland and England has been a running sore in the hearts of many Scots for a long time. With its population of just over five million compared to England’s  53 million (or 84 per cent of the total UK population), Scottish nationalist leaders have long felt “sub-merged” and “marginalised” within the UK although, this may be more apparent than real to an outside observer.

Nonetheless, because this feeling runs deep, it was given political expression by the formation of the Scottish Nationalist Party in 1934. Why can’t, for instance, Boko Haram members be allowed to express their political grievances through a legitimate political party with the sole aim of establishing a Sharia state in the Northern region for that matter? Why not? Once you have feelings of “injustice” running so deep, and being so visceral, it needs to be given democratic expression or, the people will resort to violence.

Anyway, back to Scotland. The SNP was berated and shunned for much of its early existence, until it gradually began to win the hearts and minds of the Scottish people.  It won its first parliamentary seat in 1945, then, substantially increased its representation in 1974 with 11 Members of Parliament, before finally becoming the majority in Scottish Parliament in 2007. The party’s mantra since formation has remained full independence for Scotland and a break away from the UK. Guess what?

The UK Parliament has now agreed a referendum of the Scottish people to take place in 2014 to determine whether Scotland should opt out of the UK and re-start life as an independent entity. The campaign has already started between pro and anti independence camps.  It promises to be lively and enlightening.

My haunch is that there will be a narrow victory for those who wish to remain in the UK and the nationalist fervour would have been extinguished for the foreseeable future.  The question for us in Nigeria is why are we afraid of an open democratic debate about the terms of our existence as a state? Why is this type of debate encouraged in Western countries as a mark of political maturity and it is discouraged in our society as heresy?

Why do we want to spend a trillion naira bringing out dance troupes and masqueraders next year to celebrate the centenary of an amalgamation, which to all intent and purposes is a legal infamy? Our leaders appear to have taken leave of their senses with this one. Let’s hope common sense will eventually prevail.

 

Tayo Oke (tayooke@okeassociates.com)

Read original article via Punch

Breaking Down the Budget at the Elevation Church Vantage Forum – @elevationng | PICTURES

Breaking Down the Budget at the Elevation Church Vantage Forum
On Tuesday January 29, 2013 at the Civic Centre, Lagos, business leaders, analysts and experts convened to discuss the 2013 budget and its impact on business and the economy. They shared emerging business opportunities and how they can be harnessed.

The event was powered by The Elevation Church and was aimed at empowering individuals to maximize opportunities through a cross-pollination of ideas.
Speakers included:

* Mr. Ladi Balogun, Group MD and CEO, FCMB
* Mr. Deji Fisho, Executive Vice Chairman, XS Energy (acquirers of Shiroro Dam)
* Dr. Ayo Teriba, CEO, Economic Associates
* Mr. Bismark Rewane, CEO, Financial Derivatives
* Demola Odeyemi, Executive Director, GTBank
* Pastor Godman Akinlabi, Convener and Lead Pastor, The Elevation Church

Budget Perspectives

For the first time since 1999, the Nigerian Senate and House passed a budget before the commencement of the year in view. If followed, the 2013 budget may be the first fully implemented budget in the nation’s history. Issues discussed at the Vantage Forum included:

1. How will the budget affect the economy?
2. What are the emerging business opportunities in 2013?
3. What are the foreseeable threats and how do we manage them?
In order to present a balanced evaluation, four different perspectives were examined:
1. Government
2. Academia
3. Business Practitioners
4. Financiers

The event also served as a networking platform for entrepreneurs and business people.
Vantage Forum received positive feedback from participants. Tunde Usidame, Executive Pastor of The Elevation Church had this to say, “Because The Elevation Church exists to Make Greatness Common, we are pleased we could provide knowledge from experts to help businesses and entrepreneurs”.

About The Elevation Church
The Elevation Church was set up to empower individuals to achieve the highest level of distinction and greatness in life; serving God and humanity with passion.
Address – Pistis Centre, 3 Remi Olowude Street, 2nd Lekki Roundabout, Lagos.
Twitter – @elevationng
Facebook – www.facebook.com/elevationng

Dr. Ayo Teriba, CEO, Economic Associates

Dr. Ayo Teriba, CEO, Economic Associates

Cross Section of Participants at Vantage Forum

Cross Section of Participants at Vantage Forum

Pastor Godman Akinlabi, Convener and Lead Pastor, The Elevation Church

Pastor Godman Akinlabi, Convener and Lead Pastor, The Elevation Church

Demola Odeyemi, Executive Director, GTBank

Demola Odeyemi, Executive Director, GTBank

Bismark Rewane, CEO, Financial Derivatives

Bismark Rewane, CEO, Financial Derivatives

Deji Fisho, Executive Vice Chairman, XS Energy (acquirers of Shiroro Dam)

Deji Fisho, Executive Vice Chairman, XS Energy (acquirers of Shiroro Dam)

Ladi Balogun, Group MD and CEO, FCMB

Ladi Balogun, Group MD and CEO, FCMB

Cross Section of Speakers and Pastors at The Elevation Church

Cross Section of Speakers and Pastors at The Elevation Church

Martyrs of Vaccination: Kano 9 Died Long Before Now – Aliyu Bala Aliyu @AliyuBalaAliyu

The news of the gruesome massacre of nine female health workers in Kano on a polio vaccination routine exercise on Friday, February 8, came as a great shock to Nigerians and the rest of the civilized world. Who wouldn’t be shocked at such gruesomeness? They died in the line of duty, trying to free children of the crippling effect of the deadly polio virus. Nobody has claimed responsibility for the attacks yet. However, dotting the “i”s and crossing the “t”s in Nigeria’s complicated political and religious minefield is not a piece of cake. Countless murder cases remain unresolved after decades including those of individuals like former Attorney General and Minister for Justice, Chief Bola Ige; and that of erudite Islamic scholar and preacher, Sheikh Ja’afar Adam.

The felling of those poor women in Kano marked the crescendo of an “age long debate” that has been ongoing- the controversy surrounding oral polio vaccination. However, this controversy is not peculiar to Nigeria alone. In 2003 the polio endemic was limited to only seven countries- Afghanistan, Egypt, India, Nigeria, Niger, Pakistan, and Somalia. With the exception of India, all other five countries are Muslim countries! Nigeria on the other hand has a large Muslim population. In 2013, all the other countries have successfully kicked out polio except Nigeria, Pakistan and Afghanistan. In late 2012, an estimated twelve health workers in all, administering oral polio vaccines were killed in a series of attacks in Pakistan. This article intends to look at the issues from both a national and international perspective.

An avalanche of conspiracy theories and the appeal of its propagators simmer deep down in substantial Muslim communities, homes and hearts irrespective of education and exposure. In a region and country that is value-laden like Nigeria, religion and culture are the easiest galvanizing factors for or against any cause. Labeling a person, a thing or an idea as pro or anti- islam generates widespread acceptance, rejection and /sympathy or aversion. And so it has been with the polio vaccine thus far.

The origin of anti-polio vaccines like earlier vaccines for Smallpox, Chickenpox, Measles, Diphtheria, Tetanus and a host of others are as old as the development of vaccines themselves. The smallpox vaccine in England and the United States in the mid to late 1800s were met with fierce resistance and/ doubts and resulted in the birth of several anti-vaccination leagues.

In the article They Might As Well Brand Us: Working-Class Resistance to Compulsory Vaccination in Victorian England published in the Oxford journal “Social History of Medicine”, Nadja Durbach writes: “…many people objected to vaccination because they believed it violated their personal liberty, a tension that worsened as the government developed mandatory vaccine policies.”

Wolfe RM and Sharpe LK. In their article “Anti-vaccinationists past and present” published in British Medical Journal say: “Toward the end of the 19th century, smallpox outbreaks in the United States led to vaccine campaigns and related anti-vaccine activity. The Anti Vaccination Society of America was founded in 1879, following a visit to America by leading British anti-vaccinationist William Tebb. Two other leagues, the New England Anti-Compulsory Vaccination League (1882) and the Anti-vaccination League of New York City (1885) followed. The American anti-vaccinationists waged court battles to repeal vaccination laws in several states including California, Illinois, and Wisconsin”. Furthermore, the 1985 book: A Shot in the Dark written by Harris Coulter and Barbara Loe Fisher [President and co founder of the National Vaccine Information Center (NVIC)] is credited with having sparked the first modern popular concern about the risk of neurological damage from vaccines.

Interestingly, the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in the US says that Most U.S. states, with the exception of West Virginia and Mississippi, allow individuals to apply for religious exemptions to mandatory vaccines based on their religious beliefs and objections. And in the US, such religious vaccine exemptions have risen in recent years.

In 1995, the Catholic Women’s League of the Philippines won a court order halting a UNICEF anti-tetanus program because the vaccine had been laced with B-hCG, which when given in a vaccine permanently causes women to be unable to sustain a pregnancy.

The website http://www.historyofvaccines.org/ from which I have drawn substantial information in writing this article states: “Suspicion and apprehension about vaccination is fairly common, particularly among several specific disenfranchised communities in the United States and internationally. For these communities, the suspicion is best understood in a social and historical context of inequality and mistrust. For example, several studies have found that the legacy of racism in medicine and the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, a clinical trial conducted with African Americans who were denied appropriate treatment opportunities, are key factors underlying African Americans’ distrust of medical and public health interventions, including vaccination.”

The website documents armed eviction of vaccinators in the following words: “Despite vaccination’s successes against smallpox, opposition to vaccination continued through the 1920s, particularly against compulsory vaccination. In 1926, a group of health officers visited Georgetown, Delaware, to vaccinate the townspeople. A retired Army lieutenant and a city councilman led an armed mob to force them out, successfully preventing the vaccination attempt.”

Again the website says:

“One of the most striking instances of vaccine suspicion in Africa has concerned the polio vaccine. In 1999, British journalist Edward Hooper wrote The River: A Journey to the Source of HIV/AIDS. He speculated that the virus that causes AIDS transitioned from monkeys to humans via a polio vaccine. He argued that the polio vaccine was made from the cells of chimpanzees infected with the primate form of HIV (Simian immunodeficiency virus, or SIV), which adapted in humans and caused disease; and that there were coincidences in the sites where the polio vaccine was first administered and where the first cases of HIV originated. Although scientists and medical scholars have provided plentiful evidence to discount Hooper’s ideas, media attention has sparked conspiracy theories and concerns globally.”

In Conclusion, the website says: “Although the time periods have changed the emotions and deep-rooted beliefs—whether philosophical, political, or spiritual—that underlie vaccine opposition have remained relatively consistent since Edward Jenner introduced vaccination.”

But in reality, the twelve women who were killed in Kano on that black Friday on February 8 died a long time before now. They had long been killed by the high dose of socio- cultural, and religious conspiracy theorists. In the heydays of the Obasanjo Presidency, northern Nigerian states, following in the footsteps of Zamfara declared to run their states in accordance with the sharia. Riding on the deep religious sentiments of the masses, it was a priceless bait. But no sooner had the various governors settled in than they turned their backs on sharia. It was the classical duality of trophies – “Sharia” and “democracy”- yet truly giving none. They and their families were governed by a different set of laws and they decreed a different one entirely for the masses.

In 2003, the then governor of Kano state, Ibrahim Shekarau, nicknamed Mallam, refused to allow the polio vaccines to be administered in his state. The BBC records show that renowned medical doctor and President-General of the Supreme Council of Sharia in Nigeria, (SCSN), Dr Ibrahim Datti Ahmed told the BBC that back then that “the vaccine is part of a United States-led conspiracy to de-populate the developing world.” Media Trust records give him credit for having brought the vaccine contamination to public domain.

Islamic scholars also fell over themselves in pronouncing the vaccines unsafe for administration to Muslim children. The BBC quoted prominent, eloquent and charismatic Kano based Islamic scholar and preacher, Ibn Uthman as follows:  “I am sceptical and apprehensive about the polio campaign given the desperation and the rush of the sponsors, who are all from the West.” “They claim that the polio campaign is conceived out of love for our children”. “If they really love our children, why did they watch Bosnian children killed and 500,000 Iraqi children die of starvation and disease under an economic embargo?”. He further said: “The Pfizer drug test in 1996 is still on our minds. To a large extent, it shaped and strengthened my view on polio and other immunisation campaigns,”

In those turbulent years, Dr Haruna Kaita, then Dean  of the Faculty of Pharmaceutical sciences was also at the forefront of the anti-polio vaccine group from the academia. Weekly trust kept us abreast of the unfolding controversy. Dr Kaita it was who took samples of the vaccine to labs in India for analysis. Using WHO-recommended technologies like Gas Chromatography (GC) and Radio-Immuno assay, Dr Kaita, upon analysis, said he found evidence of serious contamination. “Some of the things we discovered in the vaccines are harmful, toxic; some have direct effects on the human reproductive system,” he said in an interview with Weekly Trust. “I and some other professional colleagues who are Indians who were in the Lab could not believe the discovery,” he said.  A Nigerian government doctor tried to persuade him that the contaminants would have no bearing on human reproduction. “…I was surprised when one of the federal government doctors was telling me something contrary to what I have learned, studied, taught and is the common knowledge of all pharmaceutical scientists—that estrogen cannot induce an anti-fertility response in humans,” he said. “I found that argument very disturbing and ridiculous.”
On the other hand, another test conducted at the Ahmadu Bello University Teaching Hospital by consultant physician, Abdulmumini Rafindadi and experts recruited by the Supreme Council for Sharia in Nigeria (SCSN) found them free of HIV and anti-fertility agents. Rafindadi told reporters that “The findings of a series of tests which we carried out on the polio vaccine at the instance of SCSN have proved that the vaccine is free of any anti-fertility agents or dangerous disease like HIV/AIDS.

 

 

Twelve (12) samples of the oral polio vaccine were subjected to hormone assays to determine if they contained anti-fertility agents. Specifically the assays sought to determine the presence of Luteinising Hormone, Follicle Stimulating Hormone (FSH), Prolactin, Progesterone, Testosterone, Oestradiol (E2) and Human Chrionic Gonadotropin in the vaccines.
Professor Emeitus Umaru Shehu, foremost public health consultant who was the first chairman of the National Programme on Immunization (NPI), Professor Herbert Cocker, a pharmaceutical scientist and chemist from the University of Lagos and Dr Rafindadi led the federal government delegation to South Africa in November 2003 with ninety-six (96) samples of the Oral Polio Vaccines (OPV).

 

 

Professor Umaru Shehu dismissed Dr Kaita’s claims on the vaccines. “The best methods and equipment were used, and no such thing as Dr Kaita described were found in the vaccines,” he said. He added that the test carried out in the University of Pretoria corroborated earlier tests carried out on the vaccines in Nigeria, which found the vaccines safe and free of foreign substances. Sadly, the then minister of health, Professor Eyitayo Lambo could not reconcile the divergent positions of both groups thus jeopardizing the eradication of the polio epidemic in northern Nigeria.

Dr. David Heymann, a UN official, said that the vaccines sent to Nigeria were the same as vaccines used in the U.S., Europe, and elsewhere, and that they have no effect on fertility. The vaccines are not produced in the U.S. Many are produced in Indonesia, which has the largest Muslim population in the world he said.

Add this to the cases of America’s sterilization over 60,000 women, mostly African-Americans and Hispanics like Elaine Riddick in the 1920s, and several other clandestine CIA operations in several countries around the world, the position of the skeptics won’t be long lost. So, quite assuredly, it is very convenient for people to believe in the conspiracy theories against the backdrop of American antipathy. With such strong voices as Dr Datti, Dr Kaita, Ibn Uthman and a host of other scholars with considerable influence who are considered as gatekeepers and “our eyes” in the affairs of the world more or less seen as a chess game, the people definitely do listen to the trusted scholars than they would the Federal Government or the UN secretary General.

In her book The Politics of Polio in Northern Nigeria Professor Elisha P. Renne reports an interview she conducted in 2006: ‘According to one muslim scholar, Hadith 11, leave that which makes you doubt for that which does not make you doubt,” means that the malamai have a duty “to protect their subjects” by advising them to refuse vaccination.’

However, the questions that agitated my mind when I read those articles back in 2003 and 2004, and later saw Dr Kaita in one of his “awareness” lectures in ABU were: for how long will Muslims continue to live in this world of me against the west? If governor Shekarau believed that the vaccines were laced anti-fertility substances as the likes of Dr Datti and Dr Kaita made him believe, why did he and those state governors suspicious of America not ask for vaccines to be produced for them by Indonesia, Turkey, Malaysia or Iran? How did Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Egypt, Qatar and other muslim countries eradicate polio? It has been about a decade now and my agitations haven’t abated. Sadly, innocent kids are being needlessly crippled while the controversy rages and the conspiracy theories thicken.

Mahmud Jega in his Daily Trust article This Story Does Not Hold Water beautifully captures the paradox of conspiracy  in these indelible words “The Whiteman has thousands of research centres; how come they didn’t remember to drop the contraceptive agent in Quinine, Panadol, APC, Aspirin, Fansidar, Paracetamol and Ampiclox tablets?”

While the Nigeria Police may never unravel the murder of the Kano 9 despite its arrest of three journalists from Wazobia Fm whom it seems to be trying to link with an over-the-air incitement of the anti-polio campaign. Undoubtedly, the murder of these health workers has dealt a serious blow to the kick out polio campaign and with the devastation Boko Haram has left in its wake in the last couple of years in the region, the lights might soon go out on us if decisive action is not taken and fast enough.

Aliyu  Bala Aliyu

University of Lagos

blog: www.illuminationzz.wordpress.com

twitter:@AliyuBalaAliyu

OPINION: The Danger of False Hope – by Ogunjimi James Taiwo @hullerj

“None are more hopelessly enslaved than those who falsely believe they are free.” Johann Wolfgang von Goethe

“We must free ourselves of the hope that the sea will ever rest. We must learn to sail in high winds.”Aristotle Onassis

I was in a cab this morning and heard a song being played on radio. The song’s main message was that Nigerians should not blame or question their leaders, and that things will eventually get better. I laughed! Get better? Who are we fooling? False hope will get us nowhere; it’s time to face the facts.

My thoughts are that the kind of music that people listen to today has played a major role in effectively subjugating them and crippling their sense of duty. Religious houses announce year in year out: “20xx, My year of abundance”, yet there’s want in the land. “20xx, My year of freedom”, yet the people remain enslaved.  That’s why I like the way the late Tai Solarin dished out salient truths. It’s not a curse, with the way Nigeria is going, things won’t get better. Looting is on the increase, authority stealing has become ‘normal’ news, and the ruling class is determined to run this nation down. Tell me then, how is everything supposed to get better eventually?

N2billion naira was initially budgeted for the Vice President’s residence, but they later added an extra N9billion naira. How can things get better that way? N4billion naira to the First lady’s Mission house even though the law doesn’t recognize her! And we still think things will get better? $67 billion foreign reserve was squandered and the government can’t account for it! Yet we still hope things will get better?

Perhaps what has given some Nigerians hope is the formation of All Progressive Congress (APC), the party Nigerians ignorantly believe will wrest power from Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and liberate them. I laugh! To try to differentiate between APC and PDP, CAN, CPC, etc, is like trying to show the difference between goat-stealers and cow-stealers. The same people that have plundered the wealth of this nation, practised godfatherism and finally lost relevance in their old parties are trying to cling to relevance by switching boats, and naïve Nigerians believe they are there to liberate them. The earlier we shook off these illusions, the better for us. Things won’t get better until we are determined to make them better.

My only hope is that Nigerians of this generation will wake up in time to avoid making the same mistakes that our fathers and mothers made; the mistake of harbouring false hope. My only hope is that we’ll wake up in time to avoid the pitfalls they fell into; the pitfall of ‘suffering and smiling’. If we continue to harbour hopes that things will get better without us doing anything, we’ll hope for long and things will continue as they are. Finally, I echo the prayer of Mark Twain, “Lord save us all from a hope tree that has lost the faculty of putting out blossoms.”

A new Nigeria is possible; we must never give up on that dream!

God bless Nigerians!

Ogunjimi James Taiwo

Twittter: @hullerj